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Chomsky on Anarchism.pdf - Zine Library

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INTRODUCTION<br />

out being c<strong>on</strong>cerned about the human c<strong>on</strong>sequences," when simply opposing<br />

the state might mean placing even greater power in the hands of reacti<strong>on</strong>ary<br />

forces, private (usually corporate) powers that would reinforce inequality and<br />

hardship. He goes <strong>on</strong>, in <strong>on</strong>e interview, to suggest that "protecting the state<br />

sector today is a step towards abolishing the state." He also adds that, in the<br />

process of pursuing social change though the mechanisms of the state, people<br />

will inevitably run up against the inherent limits of such reformist tactics and,<br />

eventually, understand that the system itself must be changed.<br />

Such arguments, of course, do challenge accepted anarchist theory. For<br />

people like Emma Goldman all states were CO be d<strong>on</strong>e way with. The "democratic<br />

state," she suggested, <strong>on</strong>ce it was challenged, would become as oppressive<br />

as the most totalitarian state. For <str<strong>on</strong>g>Chomsky</str<strong>on</strong>g>. the state can maintain "a public<br />

arena" where there is still some room in which people can operate and bring<br />

about change. It's a positi<strong>on</strong> that will spark debate and, in the eyes of some,<br />

questi<strong>on</strong> his whole c<strong>on</strong>cepti<strong>on</strong> of anarchism.<br />

More could be said. For instance, <str<strong>on</strong>g>Chomsky</str<strong>on</strong>g> has a flexible view of voting.<br />

He suggests that, like some other anarchists, he does vote <strong>on</strong> local matters. In<br />

terms of nati<strong>on</strong>al electi<strong>on</strong>s, he suggests that if Massachusetts were a swing state<br />

he would vote. If not, "there are a variety of possible choices, depending <strong>on</strong><br />

<strong>on</strong>e's evaluati<strong>on</strong> of the significance." Such flexibility of approach to these matters,<br />

which can be interpreted as mere comm<strong>on</strong> sense, could also raise (he<br />

questi<strong>on</strong> of what anarchist p ractice actually is, and how it differs from that of,<br />

say, social democrats. Arguments such as these will not go away. Tensi<strong>on</strong>s will<br />

c<strong>on</strong>tinue. Attitudes will solidify, shift and change. The c<strong>on</strong>sistency between<br />

theory and practice will c<strong>on</strong>tinue to be worked our. <str<strong>on</strong>g>Chomsky</str<strong>on</strong>g> has much to<br />

c<strong>on</strong>tribute to that process and there is much for us to admire in both his optimism<br />

and his clear sense of the difficult struggles ahead:<br />

The record of anarchist ideas, and even more, of the inspiring<br />

struggles of people who have sought to liberate themselves from<br />

oppressi<strong>on</strong> and dominati<strong>on</strong> must be rreasured and preserved,<br />

not as a means of freezing thought and c<strong>on</strong>cepti<strong>on</strong> in some new<br />

mold but as a basis for understanding of the social reality and<br />

committed work to change it. There is no reas<strong>on</strong> to suppose that<br />

history is at an end, that the currem structures of authority and<br />

dominati<strong>on</strong> are graven in StOne. It would also be a great error to<br />

underestimate the power of social forces that will fight to maintain<br />

power and privilege.<br />

Barry Pateman<br />

March 2005

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