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831 Fixed-term <strong>Parliament</strong>s Bill 1 DECEMBER 2010 Fixed-term <strong>Parliament</strong>s Bill 832<br />

[Mr Harper]<br />

general election was unclear, we could end up having a<br />

succession of general elections. Amendment 5 would<br />

force such elections to be held. In countries that have<br />

fixed-term <strong>Parliament</strong>s it is very common for t<strong>here</strong> to<br />

be a period of Government formation after a vote of no<br />

confidence before an election is triggered. That is what<br />

happens in Germany, Greece, Italy, Spain and Sweden,<br />

so we are proposing an approach that has much precedent,<br />

which we think is sensible. We cannot ask my hon.<br />

Friend the Member for Stone to withdraw his amendment,<br />

because he is not <strong>here</strong> and thus unable to do so. However,<br />

we urge Members who are <strong>here</strong> not to insist on it being<br />

pressed to a Division.<br />

Mr Jenkin: I have been in touch with my hon. Friend<br />

the Member for Stone (Mr Cash), who makes things<br />

complicated because he does not text people. He is in<br />

Budapest representing the European Scrutiny Committee,<br />

but he has suggested that it would be in the interests of<br />

the scrutiny of this Bill to press the amendment to a<br />

Division, and one or two of us will attempt to do so.<br />

Mr Harper: As I said, my hon. Friend the Member<br />

for Stone is away on parliamentary business and, as he<br />

has perhaps not reached 21st century methods of<br />

communication, my words are unlikely to reach him in<br />

a timely way. So I can only urge him not to press his<br />

amendment to a vote, but I suspect that the decision on<br />

that will be for others, not for him.<br />

Chris Bryant: As it happens, I agree with the Minister<br />

on this amendment. However, the one area that it will<br />

be worth considering on Report is whether it would be<br />

sensible to have a motion of confidence on the forming<br />

of a new Government after a general election, which<br />

should be treated in a slightly different way. Such an<br />

approach would address the 1924 situation that he<br />

suggests.<br />

Mr Harper: The hon. Gentleman makes a good point,<br />

which has been raised by others. I believe I am right in<br />

saying that the hon. Member for Nottingham North<br />

(Mr Allen), the Chairman of the Select Committee on<br />

Political and Constitutional Reform, has said he is keen<br />

on the idea of installing Prime Ministers with an explicit<br />

vote in the House—he was speaking for himself t<strong>here</strong>,<br />

not for the Committee. That would be a further change<br />

to our system and, as I said in answer to the hon.<br />

Member for Leicester South (Sir Peter Soulsby), we<br />

have made the necessary changes in the law to take away<br />

the Prime Minister’s right to call an early general election,<br />

but we have not gone further. I shall think about what<br />

the hon. Member for Rhondda said and see whether we<br />

think it has merit.<br />

The hon. Gentleman’s amendment 22 seeks to replace<br />

the 14 days that we set out in the Bill for that Government<br />

formation period with a period of 10 working days. He<br />

is supportive of a Government formation period, because<br />

he would not be attempting to keep one through this<br />

amendment were he not. I think he was wanting to<br />

understand why we chose the period that we did, using<br />

calendar days rather than working days. The reason<br />

why we did so was because the calendar day period is<br />

fixed and certain, w<strong>here</strong>as working days are not, as they<br />

are dependent on things such as bank holidays.<br />

Two legitimate concerns are involved <strong>here</strong>, and they<br />

were touched on last week. T<strong>here</strong> is a concern that the<br />

number of business days in the 14-day period would be<br />

curtailed or that the date of the no confidence vote<br />

could mean that the date for the Government formation<br />

vote fell on a non-working day. Our view—I am interested<br />

to hear the hon. Gentleman’s—is that discussions on<br />

Government formation would not stop on weekends<br />

and bank holidays; I suspect that they would continue,<br />

given that having a Government is probably the most<br />

important thing for the country.<br />

T<strong>here</strong> are two ways around a scenario w<strong>here</strong> the vital<br />

14th day when the vote of confidence is due falls on a<br />

day when the House would conventionally not be sitting.<br />

The first is to arrange that the no confidence motion be<br />

taken on a day that means that the House will be sitting<br />

14 days later. The alternative is for the House simply to<br />

sit on what would traditionally have been a non-sitting<br />

day. T<strong>here</strong> is nothing to prevent the House from sitting,<br />

if it chooses to do so, on a bank holiday, a Saturday or a<br />

Sunday. Non-working days are not days when the House<br />

cannot sit, even though it does not do so. T<strong>here</strong> are<br />

precedents for the House sitting on such days when<br />

emergencies have happened. I believe I am right in<br />

saying that the House was recalled to sit on a Saturday<br />

when the Falkland Islands were invaded by the Argentines.<br />

Holding a vote on whether a new Government did or<br />

did not have the confidence of the House would be<br />

sufficiently important that it would be in order for the<br />

House to sit that day, even if it was not a conventional<br />

day.<br />

Chris Bryant: The Minister is right in relation to the<br />

Falkland Islands, and I believe that the House has also<br />

sat on a Sunday on the demise of the monarch. That is<br />

precisely why we did not specify “sitting days” in this<br />

amendment; we used the term “working days” because<br />

that is the language used throughout the rest of the Bill.<br />

We sought to provide a degree of flexibility; otherwise,<br />

over Easter, when t<strong>here</strong> are bank holidays on the Friday<br />

and the following Monday, t<strong>here</strong> might be a sustained<br />

period when the House would find it inconceivable to<br />

sit but the Government might, none the less, want to be<br />

able to do their business.<br />

Mr Harper: For the purposes of this particular set of<br />

motions, the only business that we would be talking<br />

about the House undertaking would be holding a vote<br />

on whether or not a new Government who had been<br />

formed had the confidence of the House. Given the<br />

things that the Government are responsible for, it would<br />

be important to have a clear Government in place for<br />

the financial markets and at difficult times. We know<br />

from experience and we can see it from what happens in<br />

other countries. T<strong>here</strong>fore, the Government formation<br />

negotiations would want to be concluded and it would<br />

benefit the country, the Government and the House for<br />

the House to vote on that without inordinate delay. If<br />

t<strong>here</strong> were a number of bank holidays or other holidays<br />

in the way, that could be dealt with. [Interruption.] The<br />

hon. Gentleman asks about Good Friday. As I have<br />

said, the alternative is that we could arrange things by<br />

moving the no confidence vote so that it was 14 days<br />

before a sitting day.<br />

Conventionally, no confidence motions are given time<br />

in the House very soon after they are tabled, but as long<br />

as the Government were prepared to table such a motion

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