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831 Fixed-term <strong>Parliament</strong>s Bill 1 DECEMBER 2010 Fixed-term <strong>Parliament</strong>s Bill 832<br />
[Mr Harper]<br />
general election was unclear, we could end up having a<br />
succession of general elections. Amendment 5 would<br />
force such elections to be held. In countries that have<br />
fixed-term <strong>Parliament</strong>s it is very common for t<strong>here</strong> to<br />
be a period of Government formation after a vote of no<br />
confidence before an election is triggered. That is what<br />
happens in Germany, Greece, Italy, Spain and Sweden,<br />
so we are proposing an approach that has much precedent,<br />
which we think is sensible. We cannot ask my hon.<br />
Friend the Member for Stone to withdraw his amendment,<br />
because he is not <strong>here</strong> and thus unable to do so. However,<br />
we urge Members who are <strong>here</strong> not to insist on it being<br />
pressed to a Division.<br />
Mr Jenkin: I have been in touch with my hon. Friend<br />
the Member for Stone (Mr Cash), who makes things<br />
complicated because he does not text people. He is in<br />
Budapest representing the European Scrutiny Committee,<br />
but he has suggested that it would be in the interests of<br />
the scrutiny of this Bill to press the amendment to a<br />
Division, and one or two of us will attempt to do so.<br />
Mr Harper: As I said, my hon. Friend the Member<br />
for Stone is away on parliamentary business and, as he<br />
has perhaps not reached 21st century methods of<br />
communication, my words are unlikely to reach him in<br />
a timely way. So I can only urge him not to press his<br />
amendment to a vote, but I suspect that the decision on<br />
that will be for others, not for him.<br />
Chris Bryant: As it happens, I agree with the Minister<br />
on this amendment. However, the one area that it will<br />
be worth considering on Report is whether it would be<br />
sensible to have a motion of confidence on the forming<br />
of a new Government after a general election, which<br />
should be treated in a slightly different way. Such an<br />
approach would address the 1924 situation that he<br />
suggests.<br />
Mr Harper: The hon. Gentleman makes a good point,<br />
which has been raised by others. I believe I am right in<br />
saying that the hon. Member for Nottingham North<br />
(Mr Allen), the Chairman of the Select Committee on<br />
Political and Constitutional Reform, has said he is keen<br />
on the idea of installing Prime Ministers with an explicit<br />
vote in the House—he was speaking for himself t<strong>here</strong>,<br />
not for the Committee. That would be a further change<br />
to our system and, as I said in answer to the hon.<br />
Member for Leicester South (Sir Peter Soulsby), we<br />
have made the necessary changes in the law to take away<br />
the Prime Minister’s right to call an early general election,<br />
but we have not gone further. I shall think about what<br />
the hon. Member for Rhondda said and see whether we<br />
think it has merit.<br />
The hon. Gentleman’s amendment 22 seeks to replace<br />
the 14 days that we set out in the Bill for that Government<br />
formation period with a period of 10 working days. He<br />
is supportive of a Government formation period, because<br />
he would not be attempting to keep one through this<br />
amendment were he not. I think he was wanting to<br />
understand why we chose the period that we did, using<br />
calendar days rather than working days. The reason<br />
why we did so was because the calendar day period is<br />
fixed and certain, w<strong>here</strong>as working days are not, as they<br />
are dependent on things such as bank holidays.<br />
Two legitimate concerns are involved <strong>here</strong>, and they<br />
were touched on last week. T<strong>here</strong> is a concern that the<br />
number of business days in the 14-day period would be<br />
curtailed or that the date of the no confidence vote<br />
could mean that the date for the Government formation<br />
vote fell on a non-working day. Our view—I am interested<br />
to hear the hon. Gentleman’s—is that discussions on<br />
Government formation would not stop on weekends<br />
and bank holidays; I suspect that they would continue,<br />
given that having a Government is probably the most<br />
important thing for the country.<br />
T<strong>here</strong> are two ways around a scenario w<strong>here</strong> the vital<br />
14th day when the vote of confidence is due falls on a<br />
day when the House would conventionally not be sitting.<br />
The first is to arrange that the no confidence motion be<br />
taken on a day that means that the House will be sitting<br />
14 days later. The alternative is for the House simply to<br />
sit on what would traditionally have been a non-sitting<br />
day. T<strong>here</strong> is nothing to prevent the House from sitting,<br />
if it chooses to do so, on a bank holiday, a Saturday or a<br />
Sunday. Non-working days are not days when the House<br />
cannot sit, even though it does not do so. T<strong>here</strong> are<br />
precedents for the House sitting on such days when<br />
emergencies have happened. I believe I am right in<br />
saying that the House was recalled to sit on a Saturday<br />
when the Falkland Islands were invaded by the Argentines.<br />
Holding a vote on whether a new Government did or<br />
did not have the confidence of the House would be<br />
sufficiently important that it would be in order for the<br />
House to sit that day, even if it was not a conventional<br />
day.<br />
Chris Bryant: The Minister is right in relation to the<br />
Falkland Islands, and I believe that the House has also<br />
sat on a Sunday on the demise of the monarch. That is<br />
precisely why we did not specify “sitting days” in this<br />
amendment; we used the term “working days” because<br />
that is the language used throughout the rest of the Bill.<br />
We sought to provide a degree of flexibility; otherwise,<br />
over Easter, when t<strong>here</strong> are bank holidays on the Friday<br />
and the following Monday, t<strong>here</strong> might be a sustained<br />
period when the House would find it inconceivable to<br />
sit but the Government might, none the less, want to be<br />
able to do their business.<br />
Mr Harper: For the purposes of this particular set of<br />
motions, the only business that we would be talking<br />
about the House undertaking would be holding a vote<br />
on whether or not a new Government who had been<br />
formed had the confidence of the House. Given the<br />
things that the Government are responsible for, it would<br />
be important to have a clear Government in place for<br />
the financial markets and at difficult times. We know<br />
from experience and we can see it from what happens in<br />
other countries. T<strong>here</strong>fore, the Government formation<br />
negotiations would want to be concluded and it would<br />
benefit the country, the Government and the House for<br />
the House to vote on that without inordinate delay. If<br />
t<strong>here</strong> were a number of bank holidays or other holidays<br />
in the way, that could be dealt with. [Interruption.] The<br />
hon. Gentleman asks about Good Friday. As I have<br />
said, the alternative is that we could arrange things by<br />
moving the no confidence vote so that it was 14 days<br />
before a sitting day.<br />
Conventionally, no confidence motions are given time<br />
in the House very soon after they are tabled, but as long<br />
as the Government were prepared to table such a motion