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2010 - Public Relations Society of America

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frames present new considerations without the intent <strong>of</strong> challenging the common frame (Dardis<br />

et al., 2008).<br />

Successful frames are described as having salience, resonance, and persistence. Salience<br />

refers to the frequency <strong>of</strong> use <strong>of</strong> the frame, resonance corresponds to the number <strong>of</strong> individual<br />

arguments represented, and persistence is the endurance or amplification <strong>of</strong> the frame throughout<br />

media outlets (Entman, 1993; Baumgartner, De Boef, Boydstun, 2008).<br />

Frames define the problem and suggest a remedy. Individuals then construct their own<br />

counter-frames even when elites impose their influence over media outlets. Effects are <strong>of</strong>ten<br />

confounded by frame parity, which occurs when a counter-frame with a complete alternative<br />

narrative receives equal play in the media (Entman, 2004). Framing effects are dependent upon<br />

the reach <strong>of</strong> the medium delivering the frame (Fan et al., 2002).<br />

Journalists incorporate frames into accounts for efficiency <strong>of</strong> comprehension (Luther &<br />

Miller, 2005). Eventually dominant frames push weaker frames aside, indirectly promoting<br />

content bias (Entman, 2007). Frame strength is a result <strong>of</strong> how frequently a frame is used within<br />

the media and the level <strong>of</strong> source credibility (Cappella & Jamieson, 1997; Chong, 1996; Chong,<br />

2000; Domke, Shah, & Wackman, 1998; Druckman, 2001A; Edy & Meirick, 2007; Iyengar,<br />

1991). Amplified frames, frames that survive the test <strong>of</strong> time, become part <strong>of</strong> the public<br />

vernacular once shared by political elites and journalists (Shah, Watts, Domke, & Fan, 2002).<br />

Using four major U.S. newspapers, the New York Times, USA Today, the Wall Street<br />

Journal, and the Washington Post, this study seek to find:<br />

RQ1: How does the framing <strong>of</strong> nuclear energy differ in the news coverage <strong>of</strong> nuclear<br />

energy from 1991 to 2008 in use <strong>of</strong> story elements and dominant frame packages?<br />

RQ2: What is the dominant frame package over time?<br />

Methods<br />

Content Analysis<br />

Quantitative content analysis provides a formal system for examination <strong>of</strong> content<br />

through the use <strong>of</strong> systematic, replicable, and reductionistic procedures (Riffe, Lacy & Fico,<br />

2005). Content analysis not only allows for inferences to be made about relationships between<br />

important variables within this study, but also for the identification <strong>of</strong> primary dimensions <strong>of</strong> the<br />

nuclear energy debate.<br />

Sampling<br />

USA Today, the Wall Street Journal, and the New York Times were selected for this study<br />

based upon their daily circulation.<br />

Using the search engine ProQuest, a search for news articles containing content on either<br />

nuclear energy or nuclear power was conducted separately for each newspaper beginning with<br />

1991 through 2008. The search resulted in a total <strong>of</strong> 4095 news articles with news articles<br />

peaking in 1991, and then again in 2006. When examining the trend <strong>of</strong> nuclear energy news<br />

articles among the four newspapers, the New York Times leads with the most news articles with<br />

the exception <strong>of</strong> 1996, 1997 and 2005 (Figure 1).<br />

45

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