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Policing UK 2013 - Police Federation

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THE ROLE OF POLICE<br />

“People are understandably nervous<br />

about proposals that would turn a<br />

nation of citizens into suspects.”<br />

over the pond, surely it’s that populist<br />

visibility can undermine community<br />

credibility to disastrous effect?<br />

<strong>Policing</strong> priorities become skewed by<br />

political point-scoring and operational<br />

independence will be sorely tested by<br />

commissioners responsible for everything<br />

from budget-setting to hiring and firing<br />

Chief Constables. At the extreme end it is<br />

difficult to see how legitimacy can be built<br />

and minority-ethnic interests protected if<br />

a far-right commissioner is elected.<br />

The reported desperate attempts of<br />

the Home Office to entice ‘celebrity’<br />

candidates to stand reveals the policy has<br />

yet to capture public imagination.<br />

And as for the principle justification,<br />

ironically, the ethnic and geographic<br />

diversity of <strong>Police</strong> Authority membership<br />

(drawn also from both sexes) allows for<br />

more representative public involvement<br />

than this new brave alternative.<br />

Where police accountability is<br />

concerned, the official response to the<br />

tragic deaths of Ian Tomlinson and<br />

Mark Duggan suggest the government<br />

would have been better advised to focus<br />

on reforming the IPCC to give it the<br />

independence, competence and bite<br />

necessary to be a trusted police watchdog.<br />

As Peel foresaw, political interference<br />

in policing rarely ends well. The<br />

over-centralising instincts of the last<br />

government left officers striving to meet<br />

targets that, combined with a raft of<br />

new police powers and criminal justice<br />

short-cuts, meant rights were abused and<br />

professional discretion undermined.<br />

In addressing these failings there has<br />

been some progress. Following Liberty’s<br />

victory in the Court of Human Rights,<br />

discredited stop and search without<br />

suspicion – under the old section 44 of the<br />

Terrorism Act 2000 – has been replaced<br />

with a more sensible and truly exceptional<br />

power.<br />

The DNA database is going to be pared<br />

back to remove the DNA of innocent<br />

men, women and children that is currently<br />

held. Bloated pre-charge detention periods<br />

that put us embarrassingly out of step with<br />

the rest of the free world have, thankfully,<br />

been reduced.<br />

But blanket stop and search powers still<br />

remain under section 60 of the Criminal<br />

Justice and Public Order Act 1994 and<br />

give rise to dangerous tensions between<br />

frontline officers and minority ethnic<br />

communities on the sharp end of their<br />

discriminatory impact.<br />

Data retention<br />

In any liberal society, the appropriate<br />

limits of police power provokes perennial<br />

debate. To the coalition’s credit there has<br />

been less posturing on law and order – but<br />

the ever-expanding shopping list for new<br />

criminal justice powers now appears to be<br />

being drawn up elsewhere. It is Whitehall’s<br />

worst kept secret that the security agencies<br />

have been campaigning for the blanket<br />

retention of all our communications data<br />

for future use and mining. People are<br />

understandably nervous about proposals<br />

that would turn a nation of citizens into<br />

suspects and a public backlash has put<br />

the brakes on the scheme. Whatever the<br />

supposed merits of the plan, those familiar<br />

with previous experiments involving<br />

blanket surveillance and disproportionate<br />

policing powers will know how they<br />

served to stoke resentment and mistrust<br />

– grievances that are inevitably directed<br />

at the police, rather than the less visible<br />

agencies. This alone should make the<br />

service wary of becoming the public<br />

face of a reform, which would so<br />

fundamentally alter the relationship<br />

between the citizen and the state.<br />

<strong>Police</strong> accountability<br />

Finally, British policing has long been<br />

rooted in public – rather than profit driven<br />

– service. <strong>Policing</strong> – and the maintenance<br />

of the rule of law – is surely one of the<br />

core constitutional functions that any state<br />

must provide. Yet the government now<br />

supports outsourcing everything from<br />

police investigations and detentions to<br />

non-judicial disposal, patrols and crime<br />

scene management to private contractors.<br />

Alarm bells should ring for anyone<br />

committed to police accountability to<br />

the public they serve. Long before G4S’s<br />

omnishambolic Olympic performance,<br />

comparable privatisation of other core<br />

public services such as immigration and<br />

deportation told a cautionary tale.<br />

POLICING <strong>UK</strong> | 83

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