Policing UK 2013 - Police Federation
Policing UK 2013 - Police Federation
Policing UK 2013 - Police Federation
Create successful ePaper yourself
Turn your PDF publications into a flip-book with our unique Google optimized e-Paper software.
THE ROLE OF POLICE<br />
“People are understandably nervous<br />
about proposals that would turn a<br />
nation of citizens into suspects.”<br />
over the pond, surely it’s that populist<br />
visibility can undermine community<br />
credibility to disastrous effect?<br />
<strong>Policing</strong> priorities become skewed by<br />
political point-scoring and operational<br />
independence will be sorely tested by<br />
commissioners responsible for everything<br />
from budget-setting to hiring and firing<br />
Chief Constables. At the extreme end it is<br />
difficult to see how legitimacy can be built<br />
and minority-ethnic interests protected if<br />
a far-right commissioner is elected.<br />
The reported desperate attempts of<br />
the Home Office to entice ‘celebrity’<br />
candidates to stand reveals the policy has<br />
yet to capture public imagination.<br />
And as for the principle justification,<br />
ironically, the ethnic and geographic<br />
diversity of <strong>Police</strong> Authority membership<br />
(drawn also from both sexes) allows for<br />
more representative public involvement<br />
than this new brave alternative.<br />
Where police accountability is<br />
concerned, the official response to the<br />
tragic deaths of Ian Tomlinson and<br />
Mark Duggan suggest the government<br />
would have been better advised to focus<br />
on reforming the IPCC to give it the<br />
independence, competence and bite<br />
necessary to be a trusted police watchdog.<br />
As Peel foresaw, political interference<br />
in policing rarely ends well. The<br />
over-centralising instincts of the last<br />
government left officers striving to meet<br />
targets that, combined with a raft of<br />
new police powers and criminal justice<br />
short-cuts, meant rights were abused and<br />
professional discretion undermined.<br />
In addressing these failings there has<br />
been some progress. Following Liberty’s<br />
victory in the Court of Human Rights,<br />
discredited stop and search without<br />
suspicion – under the old section 44 of the<br />
Terrorism Act 2000 – has been replaced<br />
with a more sensible and truly exceptional<br />
power.<br />
The DNA database is going to be pared<br />
back to remove the DNA of innocent<br />
men, women and children that is currently<br />
held. Bloated pre-charge detention periods<br />
that put us embarrassingly out of step with<br />
the rest of the free world have, thankfully,<br />
been reduced.<br />
But blanket stop and search powers still<br />
remain under section 60 of the Criminal<br />
Justice and Public Order Act 1994 and<br />
give rise to dangerous tensions between<br />
frontline officers and minority ethnic<br />
communities on the sharp end of their<br />
discriminatory impact.<br />
Data retention<br />
In any liberal society, the appropriate<br />
limits of police power provokes perennial<br />
debate. To the coalition’s credit there has<br />
been less posturing on law and order – but<br />
the ever-expanding shopping list for new<br />
criminal justice powers now appears to be<br />
being drawn up elsewhere. It is Whitehall’s<br />
worst kept secret that the security agencies<br />
have been campaigning for the blanket<br />
retention of all our communications data<br />
for future use and mining. People are<br />
understandably nervous about proposals<br />
that would turn a nation of citizens into<br />
suspects and a public backlash has put<br />
the brakes on the scheme. Whatever the<br />
supposed merits of the plan, those familiar<br />
with previous experiments involving<br />
blanket surveillance and disproportionate<br />
policing powers will know how they<br />
served to stoke resentment and mistrust<br />
– grievances that are inevitably directed<br />
at the police, rather than the less visible<br />
agencies. This alone should make the<br />
service wary of becoming the public<br />
face of a reform, which would so<br />
fundamentally alter the relationship<br />
between the citizen and the state.<br />
<strong>Police</strong> accountability<br />
Finally, British policing has long been<br />
rooted in public – rather than profit driven<br />
– service. <strong>Policing</strong> – and the maintenance<br />
of the rule of law – is surely one of the<br />
core constitutional functions that any state<br />
must provide. Yet the government now<br />
supports outsourcing everything from<br />
police investigations and detentions to<br />
non-judicial disposal, patrols and crime<br />
scene management to private contractors.<br />
Alarm bells should ring for anyone<br />
committed to police accountability to<br />
the public they serve. Long before G4S’s<br />
omnishambolic Olympic performance,<br />
comparable privatisation of other core<br />
public services such as immigration and<br />
deportation told a cautionary tale.<br />
POLICING <strong>UK</strong> | 83