REGINE Regularisations in Europe Final Report - European ...

REGINE Regularisations in Europe Final Report - European ... REGINE Regularisations in Europe Final Report - European ...

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Box 4: Regularisation policy in the USA Most of the legal immigration into the USA, typically totalling 600—900,000 each year, consists of family reunification, with a smaller share for employment reasons, and very small numbers for humanitarian reasons. Unauthorised immigration flows are thought to be of a similar magnitude – i.e. in excess of 500,000 a year – and estimated irregular migrants stocks since the last major regularisation of 1986 have shown a massively increasing trend. In 1990, the estimated stock of irregular migrants was around 2 million; by 2000 it was 8 million; and by 2006 it had climbed to circa 12 million. Of these, the majority (57%) are from Mexico, followed by El Salvador (4%), Guatemala, the Philippines, Honduras, India, Korea and Brazil. In contrast, over the last two decades the legal immigrant stock has been falling continuously, since the number of persons being naturalised (plus deaths and emigrations) is greater than the number being admitted. The last major regularisation in the USA was in 1986 – the Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA). It granted permanent residence status to four categories of unauthorised migrants – those who could prove that they had been continuously resident since 1982 (a general amnesty); seasonal workers who could demonstrate that they had worked more than 90 days in the last year, or more than 30 days for each of the three previous years, in the perishable agricultural crops sector (Special Agricultural Workers – SAW); and two much smaller groups for humanitarian reasons, consisting of Haitian and Cuban immigrants and any illegal immigrant who could show continuous residency since 1972. The programme was notable in that, for the first time in US history, it criminalised the hiring of illegal migrants and imposed a system of sanctions to target employers. However, this provision held employers liable only if they “knowingly” hired an unauthorised immigrant – thus initiating a lucrative new business of document fraud and use of middlemen and subcontractors. IRCA also called for better border enforcement, but this saw little action until a decade later. 1.7 million applied for the general amnesty and 1.3 million under SAW; of these, 1.6 million and 1.1 million respectively were legalised, that is, with acceptance rates of 94% and 85%. Those rejected were able to appeal the decision, and even as late as 2004 there were two pending class-action suits affecting 100,000 people denied legal status on the technicalities of ‘continuous residence’. The programme left large categories of people outside of its remit: these included those who had arrived between 1982 and 1987; agricultural workers who fell short of the minimum working days requirement; and various other irregular situations. In total, an estimated three million unauthorised migrants were unable to participate in the regularisation – roughly the same number as those who did apply. Thus, the programme was ineffectual in terms of its actual coverage and thereby failed to solve even temporarily the problem of irregular migrant stocks. The US government collected data on the impact of IRCA through two ‘Legalized Population Surveys’ in 1989 and 1992, asking a random sample of around 6,000 applicants a range of questions relating to the labour market and human capital. These data are particularly important, since it is rare to have such reliable information on irregular populations. Several secure conclusions on the impact of IRCA have been derived: (1) regularisation increased the earning power of those legalised, usually through occupational mobility; (2) the link between earnings and the human capital of migrants strengthened post-legalisation, implying better resource allocation; and (3) legalised migrants invested more heavily in their own human capital, probably because of increased returns of such investment, allied with greater security and easier access to education and training programmes. However, there is no reliable information on the impact of IRCA on the informal employment sectors, or on unemployment and labour force participation rates. Since the status accorded those legalised was a permanent one, there could be no lapse back into illegality. This does not mean, though, in the weakly-regulated US labour market, that all of those regularised worked in the formal economy. Since IRCA, other than some small-scale humanitarian programmes, the only programme of note is the Late Amnesty of 2000 whereby some 400,000 irregular migrants were granted amnesty under the IRCA general provisions of illegal and continuous residence prior to 1982. There are no known studies of the impact of this smaller programme. Subsequently, the regularisation proposed by President G. W. Bush (the Fair and Secure Immigration Reform, 2004) set out a new vision of offering three-year temporary work permits, renewable once, to irregular migrants in the USA as well as to potential migrants outside of the country. This programme would thus have established mass guestworker migration, without the possibility of permanent residence or citizenship, as the official immigration policy of the USA. Another proposed bill of 2004, the Immigration Reform Act, continued along more traditional lines of US policy. This bill offered permanent residency to those who could meet all of six requirements: (1) presence in the USA for more than 5 years; (2) employment for at least 4 years; (3) passing security and criminality checks; (4) no outstanding tax debts; (5) demonstrated knowledge of English and understanding of American civic citizenship; (6) payment of a fine of $1,000. Neither of these bills was passed, nor any of nine other detailed proposals made since 2003 and dealing directly or indirectly with regularisation of irregular migrants. Thus, since 2000 the USA has had no policy for the management of irregular migration – culminating in its current stock of over 12 million unauthorised migrants, probably more than the combined stock of all other developed countries of the world. SOURCE: REGINE country profile for the USA 38

3.2 Regularisation as a policy response to stocks of irregular migrants In examining regularisation policy across the EU (27), one of the first questions that springs to mind is whether or not there is any correlation with a Member State’s propensity to regularise and the extent of its irregularly resident third country national population. Using all available datasources, with particular emphasis on quantitative data, Table 5 (overleaf) provides estimations of the extent of irregular migrant stocks (as a proportion of total population). Even when allowing for the difficulty of making such evaluations, it does seem that certain Member States are more affected by illegal stocks than others. From Table 5, we can say that two countries have had extremely high illegal migrant stocks – Greece and Cyprus. Another eight countries (Spain, Italy, Portugal, Belgium, Hungary, the UK, Germany, the Czech Rep.) have high stocks; six countries are evaluated as having medium-level stocks (the Netherlands, Luxembourg, Estonia, France, Austria and Sweden). 103 Is there any obvious relation between irregular migrant stocks and regularisation practices? Of the two countries with very high stocks, one (Cyprus) has never held a regularisation programme. Of the eight countries with high stocks, all but one have undertaken programmes since 1996 (although Germany denies that its policy is a regularisation), all but two had programmes prior to 1996, and all but two also have regularisation mechanisms. We might also posit a counterfactual: are there any countries with low (or medium) irregular migrant stocks that have undertaken regularisations? Of the 12 countries evaluated as having low stocks, five have undertaken programmes since 1996 but only one had a programme prior to 1996; all five also have regularisation mechanisms. Thus, there seems to be a rough but highly imperfect correlation of regularisation policies with the extent of irregular migrant stocks. Clearly, other intervening variables play important roles in shaping policy responses. In Table 5, we have tried to categorise Member States’ policies into various clusters of policy approaches. These are explicated below, along with some suggestions as to what might be the intervening variables that mediate the linkage between the policy problem (illegal migrant stocks) and the differing policy responses. 3.2.1 Policy clusters of regularisation behaviour across the EU (27) The southern European countries (Greece, Italy, Spain, Portugal) These countries are distinguished by their reliance on regularisation as an alternative to immigration policy: the great majority of legal TCN workers have acquired their legal status through regularisation programmes, 104 as opposed to being recruited from abroad (as their immigration laws require). As 103 However, one should add, that most estimates refer to the period before 2004, i.e. before the two waves of EU enlargement. As a consequence of EU enlargement and the de facto regularisation of a large number of citizens of new EU Member States who were irregularly staying in a EU(15) Member State, the number of illegally staying third country nationals has since decreased significantly (Michael Jandl, personal communication). 104 This is absolutely clear for the period 1980—2000 (see e.g. Reyneri, E. (2001): ‘Migrants' Involvement in Irregular Employment in the Mediterranean Countries of the European Union’, International Migration Paper 41, Geneva: International Labour Organization, p. 4; Simon, G. (1987): ‘Migration in Southern Europe: An 39

Box 4: Regularisation policy <strong>in</strong> the USA<br />

Most of the legal immigration <strong>in</strong>to the USA, typically totall<strong>in</strong>g 600—900,000 each year, consists of family<br />

reunification, with a smaller share for employment reasons, and very small numbers for humanitarian reasons.<br />

Unauthorised immigration flows are thought to be of a similar magnitude – i.e. <strong>in</strong> excess of 500,000 a year – and<br />

estimated irregular migrants stocks s<strong>in</strong>ce the last major regularisation of 1986 have shown a massively <strong>in</strong>creas<strong>in</strong>g<br />

trend. In 1990, the estimated stock of irregular migrants was around 2 million; by 2000 it was 8 million; and by 2006<br />

it had climbed to circa 12 million. Of these, the majority (57%) are from Mexico, followed by El Salvador (4%),<br />

Guatemala, the Philipp<strong>in</strong>es, Honduras, India, Korea and Brazil. In contrast, over the last two decades the legal<br />

immigrant stock has been fall<strong>in</strong>g cont<strong>in</strong>uously, s<strong>in</strong>ce the number of persons be<strong>in</strong>g naturalised (plus deaths and<br />

emigrations) is greater than the number be<strong>in</strong>g admitted.<br />

The last major regularisation <strong>in</strong> the USA was <strong>in</strong> 1986 – the Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA). It granted<br />

permanent residence status to four categories of unauthorised migrants – those who could prove that they had been<br />

cont<strong>in</strong>uously resident s<strong>in</strong>ce 1982 (a general amnesty); seasonal workers who could demonstrate that they had worked<br />

more than 90 days <strong>in</strong> the last year, or more than 30 days for each of the three previous years, <strong>in</strong> the perishable<br />

agricultural crops sector (Special Agricultural Workers – SAW); and two much smaller groups for humanitarian<br />

reasons, consist<strong>in</strong>g of Haitian and Cuban immigrants and any illegal immigrant who could show cont<strong>in</strong>uous residency<br />

s<strong>in</strong>ce 1972. The programme was notable <strong>in</strong> that, for the first time <strong>in</strong> US history, it crim<strong>in</strong>alised the hir<strong>in</strong>g of illegal<br />

migrants and imposed a system of sanctions to target employers. However, this provision held employers liable only if<br />

they “know<strong>in</strong>gly” hired an unauthorised immigrant – thus <strong>in</strong>itiat<strong>in</strong>g a lucrative new bus<strong>in</strong>ess of document fraud and<br />

use of middlemen and subcontractors. IRCA also called for better border enforcement, but this saw little action until a<br />

decade later.<br />

1.7 million applied for the general amnesty and 1.3 million under SAW; of these, 1.6 million and 1.1 million<br />

respectively were legalised, that is, with acceptance rates of 94% and 85%. Those rejected were able to appeal the<br />

decision, and even as late as 2004 there were two pend<strong>in</strong>g class-action suits affect<strong>in</strong>g 100,000 people denied legal<br />

status on the technicalities of ‘cont<strong>in</strong>uous residence’. The programme left large categories of people outside of its<br />

remit: these <strong>in</strong>cluded those who had arrived between 1982 and 1987; agricultural workers who fell short of the<br />

m<strong>in</strong>imum work<strong>in</strong>g days requirement; and various other irregular situations. In total, an estimated three million<br />

unauthorised migrants were unable to participate <strong>in</strong> the regularisation – roughly the same number as those who did<br />

apply. Thus, the programme was <strong>in</strong>effectual <strong>in</strong> terms of its actual coverage and thereby failed to solve even<br />

temporarily the problem of irregular migrant stocks.<br />

The US government collected data on the impact of IRCA through two ‘Legalized Population Surveys’ <strong>in</strong> 1989 and<br />

1992, ask<strong>in</strong>g a random sample of around 6,000 applicants a range of questions relat<strong>in</strong>g to the labour market and<br />

human capital. These data are particularly important, s<strong>in</strong>ce it is rare to have such reliable <strong>in</strong>formation on irregular<br />

populations. Several secure conclusions on the impact of IRCA have been derived: (1) regularisation <strong>in</strong>creased the<br />

earn<strong>in</strong>g power of those legalised, usually through occupational mobility; (2) the l<strong>in</strong>k between earn<strong>in</strong>gs and the human<br />

capital of migrants strengthened post-legalisation, imply<strong>in</strong>g better resource allocation; and (3) legalised migrants<br />

<strong>in</strong>vested more heavily <strong>in</strong> their own human capital, probably because of <strong>in</strong>creased returns of such <strong>in</strong>vestment, allied<br />

with greater security and easier access to education and tra<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g programmes. However, there is no reliable<br />

<strong>in</strong>formation on the impact of IRCA on the <strong>in</strong>formal employment sectors, or on unemployment and labour force<br />

participation rates. S<strong>in</strong>ce the status accorded those legalised was a permanent one, there could be no lapse back <strong>in</strong>to<br />

illegality. This does not mean, though, <strong>in</strong> the weakly-regulated US labour market, that all of those regularised worked<br />

<strong>in</strong> the formal economy.<br />

S<strong>in</strong>ce IRCA, other than some small-scale humanitarian programmes, the only programme of note is the Late Amnesty<br />

of 2000 whereby some 400,000 irregular migrants were granted amnesty under the IRCA general provisions of illegal<br />

and cont<strong>in</strong>uous residence prior to 1982. There are no known studies of the impact of this smaller programme.<br />

Subsequently, the regularisation proposed by President G. W. Bush (the Fair and Secure Immigration Reform, 2004)<br />

set out a new vision of offer<strong>in</strong>g three-year temporary work permits, renewable once, to irregular migrants <strong>in</strong> the USA<br />

as well as to potential migrants outside of the country. This programme would thus have established mass<br />

guestworker migration, without the possibility of permanent residence or citizenship, as the official immigration<br />

policy of the USA. Another proposed bill of 2004, the Immigration Reform Act, cont<strong>in</strong>ued along more traditional<br />

l<strong>in</strong>es of US policy. This bill offered permanent residency to those who could meet all of six requirements: (1) presence<br />

<strong>in</strong> the USA for more than 5 years; (2) employment for at least 4 years; (3) pass<strong>in</strong>g security and crim<strong>in</strong>ality checks; (4)<br />

no outstand<strong>in</strong>g tax debts; (5) demonstrated knowledge of English and understand<strong>in</strong>g of American civic citizenship;<br />

(6) payment of a f<strong>in</strong>e of $1,000. Neither of these bills was passed, nor any of n<strong>in</strong>e other detailed proposals made s<strong>in</strong>ce<br />

2003 and deal<strong>in</strong>g directly or <strong>in</strong>directly with regularisation of irregular migrants. Thus, s<strong>in</strong>ce 2000 the USA has had no<br />

policy for the management of irregular migration – culm<strong>in</strong>at<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> its current stock of over 12 million unauthorised<br />

migrants, probably more than the comb<strong>in</strong>ed stock of all other developed countries of the world.<br />

SOURCE: <strong>REGINE</strong> country profile for the USA<br />

38

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