REGINE Regularisations in Europe Final Report - European ...

REGINE Regularisations in Europe Final Report - European ... REGINE Regularisations in Europe Final Report - European ...

pedz.uni.mannheim.de
from pedz.uni.mannheim.de More from this publisher
18.05.2014 Views

deal with current and possibly future flows of migrants, not the control mechanisms that prevent them from entering.” 91 In addition, the report recommends co-operation with countries of origin on facilitating the orderly return of failed migrants and developing development-return schemes that would make return a more viable and attractive option for failed migrants themselves. The Council of Europe report, however, also recognises that overly strict immigration policies may be a cause of illegality and recommends to expand the scope for legal immigration, including labour immigration for lower skilled categories of immigrants. Furthermore, the report stresses human rights considerations, notably in terms of the respect for private and family life. The report thus notes that ‘spontaneous’ family reunification seems to be an important source of irregular migration, but family considerations are a rare criterion in most large-scale regularisation programmes. Finally, the report also sees a need for a common position on regularisation of both the Council of Europe and the European Union that would incorporate its recommendation. Aspasia Papadopoulou’s review of regularisation practices written for the Global Commission on Migration 92 essentially covers much of the same ground as the Odysseus study and in particular, as Levinson’s review and the Council of Europe report. However, she places more emphasis on the relationship between regularisation policies and asylum and stresses that regularisation has in the past often been granted as a form of complementary protection. As the Council of Europe, she emphasises the general need to undertake regularisations in agreement with existing human right norms under international law, including the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the UN 1990 Convention on the Rights of Migrant Workers and Members of their Families, the European Convention on Human Rights, the European Social Charter, the ILO Migration for Employment Convention 1949 (C97), and the Convention on the Rights of the Child. In contrast to the Council of Europe report, Papadopoulou does not endorse ‘earned regularisation’ schemes. The main problem, she argues, is that regularisation would then be treated as an award, rather than as a right, and would undermine equal-opportunity and equal-rights-based understandings of integration. In addition, an earned regularisation scheme would favour more highly skilled, resourceful and well-connected migrants and thus would have a clear bias against more vulnerable and less resourceful groups. 2.5 Conclusion This survey of the literature suggests that there are two broad strands of research on regularisation practices. One major strand of research, including most studies written on regularisation practices in the European Union which – in one way or another – build on the seminal Odysseus study, has a broad, comparative impetus and focuses on the policies as such. The main focus of this strand of research is on identifying types, criteria and objectives of regularisation measures and on providing indications for which objectives, in which form and under what circumstances regularisation may be an appropriate policy tool. This strand of research thus focuses on the overall design of regularisation 91 Ibid. p.13. See also Migration Policy Institute/ Weil, P.: op. cit. for systematic assessment on policies on irregular migration. 92 Papadopoulou, A. (2005): op. cit. 28

measures; it does address questions of implementation to some extent, but is less interested in the overall impact of regularisation. By contrast, a second strand of research, which includes the OECD studies on regularisation (as well as work done by Papademetriou, amongst others) is less interested in conceptual issues, the criteria and conditions used in regularising illegal migrants or the specific objectives of regularisation measures, but instead places the focus on the wider (fiscal and economic) impacts of regularisation measures. In addition, a secondary focus is on possible conclusions that can be derived from the assessment of past regularisation exercises for the design of new regularisation programmes or mechanisms. Generally, this strand of research focuses on large-scale employment-based regularisation programmes and does not cover regularisation measures in their entire breadth. Nor is this strand of research interested in regularisation as a policy tool to address the presence of illegal migrants per se. Rather, the main interest is in establishing to what extent, and under what conditions, regularisation can be an appropriate policy tool to address illegal migrant employment and the informal economy at large. In the European context, the focus of this strand of research thus essentially is on those countries which have conducted large-scale employment based regularisation programmes – notably, the southern European countries (in particular Spain and Italy) and to a lesser extent, France. Because of this specific focus on the nexus of illegal migration and the informal economy, the conclusions drawn from this type of research cannot really be transferred to other European countries without comparable patterns of irregular migrant work. The available evidence suggests that in these countries – broadly speaking, the western and northern European countries– illegal migration is to some extent dissociated from illegal migrant work and that the largest share of persons engaged in irregular work consists of legal immigrants, EU citizens (in particular, citizens from new EU Member States) and nationals. 93 Similarly, because the target populations of regularisation programmes and mechanisms in these countries – where regularisations are largely carried out for humanitarian or family reasons or where programmes target specific categories of third country nationals (rejected asylum seekers, tolerated persons) – are starkly different from countries with regularisation programmes targeting illegal migrant workers, the overall economic and fiscal impact of regularisation measures is likely to be different as well. The two strands of research, however, also suggest that it is indeed useful to distinguish between two distinct objectives of regularisation measures: namely (1) regularisation as a tool in addressing irregular employment and the informal economy, i.e. as a labour market policy, and (2) regularisation as a rectification of illegal or semi-legal residence and as an alternative to removal In the first instance, regularisation is a means to achieve wider objectives and essentially is an attempt to re-regulate the informal economy. In the second instance, regularisation is a goal in itself and is used to address policy and implementation failures (e.g. in the asylum system) and to respond to specific situations and needs (e.g. humanitarian concerns, etc.). 93 In Austria, 56.8% of the persons found illegally employed in 2007 were citizens of new EU Member States. See Table II.7 in Kraler, A., Reichel, D., Hollomey, H. (2008): Clandestino Country Report: Austria. Unpublished Draft Report for the project Clandestino - Undocumented Migration: Counting the Uncountable. Data and Trends Across Europe. 29

deal with current and possibly future flows of migrants, not the control mechanisms that prevent them<br />

from enter<strong>in</strong>g.” 91<br />

In addition, the report recommends co-operation with countries of orig<strong>in</strong> on facilitat<strong>in</strong>g the orderly<br />

return of failed migrants and develop<strong>in</strong>g development-return schemes that would make return a more<br />

viable and attractive option for failed migrants themselves. The Council of <strong>Europe</strong> report, however,<br />

also recognises that overly strict immigration policies may be a cause of illegality and recommends to<br />

expand the scope for legal immigration, <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g labour immigration for lower skilled categories of<br />

immigrants. Furthermore, the report stresses human rights considerations, notably <strong>in</strong> terms of the<br />

respect for private and family life. The report thus notes that ‘spontaneous’ family reunification seems<br />

to be an important source of irregular migration, but family considerations are a rare criterion <strong>in</strong> most<br />

large-scale regularisation programmes. F<strong>in</strong>ally, the report also sees a need for a common position on<br />

regularisation of both the Council of <strong>Europe</strong> and the <strong>Europe</strong>an Union that would <strong>in</strong>corporate its<br />

recommendation.<br />

Aspasia Papadopoulou’s review of regularisation practices written for the Global Commission on<br />

Migration 92 essentially covers much of the same ground as the Odysseus study and <strong>in</strong> particular, as<br />

Lev<strong>in</strong>son’s review and the Council of <strong>Europe</strong> report. However, she places more emphasis on the<br />

relationship between regularisation policies and asylum and stresses that regularisation has <strong>in</strong> the past<br />

often been granted as a form of complementary protection. As the Council of <strong>Europe</strong>, she emphasises<br />

the general need to undertake regularisations <strong>in</strong> agreement with exist<strong>in</strong>g human right norms under<br />

<strong>in</strong>ternational law, <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the UN 1990 Convention on<br />

the Rights of Migrant Workers and Members of their Families, the <strong>Europe</strong>an Convention on Human<br />

Rights, the <strong>Europe</strong>an Social Charter, the ILO Migration for Employment Convention 1949 (C97), and<br />

the Convention on the Rights of the Child.<br />

In contrast to the Council of <strong>Europe</strong> report, Papadopoulou does not endorse ‘earned regularisation’<br />

schemes. The ma<strong>in</strong> problem, she argues, is that regularisation would then be treated as an award,<br />

rather than as a right, and would underm<strong>in</strong>e equal-opportunity and equal-rights-based understand<strong>in</strong>gs<br />

of <strong>in</strong>tegration. In addition, an earned regularisation scheme would favour more highly skilled,<br />

resourceful and well-connected migrants and thus would have a clear bias aga<strong>in</strong>st more vulnerable<br />

and less resourceful groups.<br />

2.5 Conclusion<br />

This survey of the literature suggests that there are two broad strands of research on regularisation<br />

practices. One major strand of research, <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g most studies written on regularisation practices <strong>in</strong><br />

the <strong>Europe</strong>an Union which – <strong>in</strong> one way or another – build on the sem<strong>in</strong>al Odysseus study, has a<br />

broad, comparative impetus and focuses on the policies as such. The ma<strong>in</strong> focus of this strand of<br />

research is on identify<strong>in</strong>g types, criteria and objectives of regularisation measures and on provid<strong>in</strong>g<br />

<strong>in</strong>dications for which objectives, <strong>in</strong> which form and under what circumstances regularisation may be<br />

an appropriate policy tool. This strand of research thus focuses on the overall design of regularisation<br />

91 Ibid. p.13. See also Migration Policy Institute/ Weil, P.: op. cit. for systematic assessment on policies on<br />

irregular migration.<br />

92 Papadopoulou, A. (2005): op. cit.<br />

28

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!