REGINE Regularisations in Europe Final Report - European ...

REGINE Regularisations in Europe Final Report - European ... REGINE Regularisations in Europe Final Report - European ...

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In terms of the impact of regularisation on fiscal revenues and state expenditures Abella highlights that the overall balance of regularisation is difficult to establish. Although it can be reasonably expected that regularisation does contribute to higher state revenues (tax revenues and social security contributions), evidence from the US quoted by Abella indicates that two thirds of undocumented workers had already paid social security contributions prior to regularisation to avoid detection. 69 Indeed, a study on the impact of regularisation programmes commissioned by DG Employment quotes evidence from a survey among Mexican migrants showing that 66% of all unauthorised migrants were paying taxes, while 87% among those legalised under IRCA’s provisions for agricultural workers and 97% of those regularised under the law’s general provisions had already paid taxes prior to regularisation. 70 This also suggests that the possible fiscal gains from regularisation measures depend not insignificantly on the legislative framework in the country in question and in particular on the extent to which illegal residence is associated with irregular work. As the data cited by Papademetriou show, a majority of illegal migrants in the US seem to work in the formal economy. In Southern Europe, by contrast, illegality is closely associated with irregular employment, although irregular employment is at the same time a much broader phenomenon. In many other European countries, by contrast, the proportion of legal immigrants and EU citizens (in particular from new Member States) who are engaged in irregular work seems to be relatively large and more important than illegally staying third country nationals. Abella further argues that the gains through increased social security and tax payments may be – to some extent – offset by additional expenditures following from an increased use of public services, including welfare entitlements, education, health services etc. 71 Finally, Abella emphasises the need to distinguish between different types of irregularity and to design regularisation programmes accordingly. Quoting Böhning’s review of early ILO studies of regularisation programmes, 72 he distinguishes three types of irregularity: (1) institutional irregularity, “where aliens become irregular because there is [a] lack of explicit policies in the country they enter, or the laws are ambiguous, or because of administrative inefficiency”; (2) statutory irregularity, which “arises where non-nationals violate restrictions imposed on them that contravene customary international law”; and (3) proper irregularity “where non-nationals violate national laws and regulations that are compatible with basic human rights”. Each of the different types of regularisation requires a different design because different target populations are being addressed. In our terminology (see introduction), measures targeting institutional irregularity would generally be subsumed under what we call ‘normalisation’, whereas we would not regard relaxation of restrictions (statutory irregularity) as constituting regularisation. Finally, it is ‘proper irregularity’ which is the actual target of regularisations in the narrow sense. impact of citizenship and there is relatively little research on the impact of different legal statuses (or the lack thereof) on earnings, occupational status and occupational mobility. 69 Abella, M.I.: op. cit, p.207f 70 Papademetriou et al.: op. cit. p.18. Papademetriou explains the higher tax paying rate among regularised migrants by their longer residence in the US and possible positive self-selection. 71 Abella M.I.: op. cit. p.208 72 Böhning, W.R.(1983): ‘Regularizing the Irregular’, International Migration, 21, 2. 18

2. 3 The Odysseus study on regularisation practices in eight European countries Eight years after its publication, the Odysseus study 73 still remains the main point of departure and reference work for most recent studies on regularisation, despite several limitations. Its continuing relevance warrants a more detailed discussion. The study is still the most comprehensive legal study of regularisation practices up to this date and few of the studies that have appeared since provide a similarly detailed analysis of relevant legislation and administrative procedures. The study covers the legal bases of regularisation practices, eligibility criteria and other conditions for regularisations, the nature and form of administrative procedures and the costs of regularisation procedures for applicants. Apap et al. define regularisation as “the granting, on the part of the State, of a residence permit to a person of foreign nationality residing illegally within its territory.” 74 They exclude from their definition persons who have in principle a right to residence (however temporary), such as asylum seekers or non-nationals waiting for a renewal of their permit but temporarily without a status; and they exclude non-nationals against whom removal procedures have been initiated but whose removal has been temporarily suspended (‘toleration’). Thus, in general, the definition developed by the Odysseus study is very close to our definition, although it is less specific as regards the definition of ‘illegal migrants’. In particular, the study does not reflect on different dimensions of illegality and the consequences that a breach of the conditions of residence (e.g. by engagement in illegal or undeclared work) has on the residence status of immigrants. In contrast to this study, the Odysseus study does not consider processes of what we call ‘normalisation’, i.e. the transformation of a restricted or transitional temporary residence status, which cannot be converted into a regular residence status, into a regular residence permit (the latter, in principle, convertible into a long-term status). The study’s main contribution lies in the comparative analysis of regularisation practices, and in particular in the elaboration of a typology of regularisation programmes and mechanisms which has remained the most influential ‘typology’ up to this date. However, rather than providing a systematic typology that might be a basis for a systematic classification of regularisation practices, the ‘typology’ developed by the Odysseus study defines five major axes along which regularisations can be analysed. The ‘typology’ thus essentially defines variables for a (potential) matrix classifying regularisations along these criteria. The following dimensions are distinguished: (1) Permanent vs. one-off regularisations: This distinction is roughly equivalent to our distinction between regularisation mechanisms and regularisation programmes. (2) Individual vs. collective regularisations: Apap et al. mainly differentiate individual vs. collective regularisations by the degree of administrative discretion in awarding a legal status to an illegally staying alien. In other words, regularisation measures based on a tight and detailed eligibility criteria which clearly define the target population would be classified as collective regularisation; Apap et al. contrast criteria-based regularisations to cases where authorities have considerable 73 De Bruycker, P. (2000): op. cit. and Apap, J. et al. (2000) op. cit. 74 Apap, J. et al. (2000): op. cit., p.263. 19

2. 3 The Odysseus study on regularisation practices <strong>in</strong> eight <strong>Europe</strong>an<br />

countries<br />

Eight years after its publication, the Odysseus study 73 still rema<strong>in</strong>s the ma<strong>in</strong> po<strong>in</strong>t of departure and<br />

reference work for most recent studies on regularisation, despite several limitations. Its cont<strong>in</strong>u<strong>in</strong>g<br />

relevance warrants a more detailed discussion. The study is still the most comprehensive legal study<br />

of regularisation practices up to this date and few of the studies that have appeared s<strong>in</strong>ce provide a<br />

similarly detailed analysis of relevant legislation and adm<strong>in</strong>istrative procedures. The study covers the<br />

legal bases of regularisation practices, eligibility criteria and other conditions for regularisations, the<br />

nature and form of adm<strong>in</strong>istrative procedures and the costs of regularisation procedures for applicants.<br />

Apap et al. def<strong>in</strong>e regularisation as “the grant<strong>in</strong>g, on the part of the State, of a residence permit to a<br />

person of foreign nationality resid<strong>in</strong>g illegally with<strong>in</strong> its territory.” 74 They exclude from their<br />

def<strong>in</strong>ition persons who have <strong>in</strong> pr<strong>in</strong>ciple a right to residence (however temporary), such as asylum<br />

seekers or non-nationals wait<strong>in</strong>g for a renewal of their permit but temporarily without a status; and<br />

they exclude non-nationals aga<strong>in</strong>st whom removal procedures have been <strong>in</strong>itiated but whose removal<br />

has been temporarily suspended (‘toleration’). Thus, <strong>in</strong> general, the def<strong>in</strong>ition developed by the<br />

Odysseus study is very close to our def<strong>in</strong>ition, although it is less specific as regards the def<strong>in</strong>ition of<br />

‘illegal migrants’. In particular, the study does not reflect on different dimensions of illegality and the<br />

consequences that a breach of the conditions of residence (e.g. by engagement <strong>in</strong> illegal or undeclared<br />

work) has on the residence status of immigrants. In contrast to this study, the Odysseus study does not<br />

consider processes of what we call ‘normalisation’, i.e. the transformation of a restricted or<br />

transitional temporary residence status, which cannot be converted <strong>in</strong>to a regular residence status, <strong>in</strong>to<br />

a regular residence permit (the latter, <strong>in</strong> pr<strong>in</strong>ciple, convertible <strong>in</strong>to a long-term status).<br />

The study’s ma<strong>in</strong> contribution lies <strong>in</strong> the comparative analysis of regularisation practices, and <strong>in</strong><br />

particular <strong>in</strong> the elaboration of a typology of regularisation programmes and mechanisms which has<br />

rema<strong>in</strong>ed the most <strong>in</strong>fluential ‘typology’ up to this date. However, rather than provid<strong>in</strong>g a systematic<br />

typology that might be a basis for a systematic classification of regularisation practices, the ‘typology’<br />

developed by the Odysseus study def<strong>in</strong>es five major axes along which regularisations can be analysed.<br />

The ‘typology’ thus essentially def<strong>in</strong>es variables for a (potential) matrix classify<strong>in</strong>g regularisations<br />

along these criteria. The follow<strong>in</strong>g dimensions are dist<strong>in</strong>guished:<br />

(1) Permanent vs. one-off regularisations: This dist<strong>in</strong>ction is roughly equivalent to our<br />

dist<strong>in</strong>ction between regularisation mechanisms and regularisation programmes.<br />

(2) Individual vs. collective regularisations: Apap et al. ma<strong>in</strong>ly differentiate <strong>in</strong>dividual vs.<br />

collective regularisations by the degree of adm<strong>in</strong>istrative discretion <strong>in</strong> award<strong>in</strong>g a legal status to an<br />

illegally stay<strong>in</strong>g alien. In other words, regularisation measures based on a tight and detailed eligibility<br />

criteria which clearly def<strong>in</strong>e the target population would be classified as collective regularisation;<br />

Apap et al. contrast criteria-based regularisations to cases where authorities have considerable<br />

73 De Bruycker, P. (2000): op. cit. and Apap, J. et al. (2000) op. cit.<br />

74 Apap, J. et al. (2000): op. cit., p.263.<br />

19

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