President Dwight D. Eisenhower Farewell Speech Documents

President Dwight D. Eisenhower 

Farewell Speech Documents 

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President Dwight D. Eisenhower 

Farewell Speech Documents 

The documents include memos, letters, drafts, and Eisenhower's postpresidential 

papers, dating from May 1959 to 1967, regarding President 

Eisenhower’s famous farewell speech given on January 17, 1961. 

The speech will always be most famous for President Eisenhower's use of 

the term, "military-industrial complex." 

On January 17, 1961, President Eisenhower gave his final address as 

president, televised to the nation from the White House’s Oval Office. In 

his farewell speech, Eisenhower raised the issue of the Cold War and role 

of the U.S. armed forces. He described the Cold War saying: "We face a 

hostile ideology global in scope, atheistic in character, ruthless in 

purpose and insidious in method..." 

He went on to concentrate on what he believed was unjustified government 

spending proposals and continued with a warning that "we must guard 

against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or 

unsought, by the military-industrial complex." Though he said that "we 

recognize the imperative need for this development," he cautioned that 

"the potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced power exists and will 

persist... Only an alert and knowledgeable citizenry can compel the 

proper meshing of the huge industrial and military machinery of defense 

with our peaceful methods and goals, so that security and liberty may 

prosper together." 

The papers in this collection document the development and the writing of 

the farewell address. Planning for the speech began in May 1959, nineteen 

months before it was given. Documents include the teleprompter feed 

Eisenhower read from while giving the speech and an audio copy of the 

speech. Some of these documents were lost for 50 years. They were 

discovered in the Moos family cabin in Minnesota. Malcolm Moos was a 

special assistant to President Eisenhower and his chief speechwriter.

TABLE OF CONTENTS 

Memo for the record regarding last speech, May 20, 1959 

Outline of subjects for presidential talks, May 22, 1959 

Memo for the President and Dr. Milton Eisenhower from Malcolm Moos 

regarding presidential speeches, May 24, 1959 

Letter from the President to Dr. Milton Eisenhower regarding farewell 

address, May 25, 1959 

Memo regarding George Washington’s farewell address, April 5, 1960 

October 31, 1960 Memo for the file regarding the State of the Union 1961 

Memo to Malcolm Moos regarding address topics, no date 

Typescript speech draft labeled “Commencement,” no date 

Speech draft, December 21, 1960 

January 7, 1961 Draft of the speech with handwritten editing by Milton 

Eisenhower 

January 17, 1961 Press release containing the text of the address 

Reading copy of the speech 

Audio recording of the Farewell Address 

March 17, 1961 Memo from Bryce Harlow for Dwight D. Eisenhower and 

Richard Nixon regarding Congressional reaction to the address 

January 17, 1966 Letter from Stanley Karson (Chairman, Special Committee 

on Military-Industrial Complex, American Veterans Committee) to Dwight D. 


January 19, 1966 Congressional Record – Senate, Significance of President 

Eisenhower’s Speech on the Military-Industrial Complex 

February 7, 1966 Reply from Dwight D. Eisenhower to Stanley Karson 

(Chairman, Special Committee on Military-Industrial Complex, American 

Veterans Committee) 

June 13, 1967 Letter from Professor Theodore R. Kennedy to Dwight D. 


June 21, 1967 Reply from Dwight D. Eisenhower to Professor Theodore R. 

Kenney 

December 28, 1985 Letter from Ralph Williams to Martin Teasley regarding 

origin of term “military-industrial complex”

Memo for the record regarding last speech, May 20, 1959 

Source: Dwight D. Eisenhower Presidential Library and Museum, Arthur 

Larson and Malcolm Moos Records, Box 16, Farewell Address

May 20, 1959 

MEMO FOR RECORD: 

The President mentioned in an aside this morning, when I 

brought up the topic of selective major addresses for the remainder 

of his term, that he had one speech he would like very .ffiuch to 

make. 

He hoped, he said, that the Congress might invite him to 

address them before he left office, at which time he would like 

to make a 10 minute farewell address to the Congress and the 

American people. 

I think this is a brilliant idea if it can be carried off with 

a minimu.ffi of fanfare and emotionalism, and we should be dropping 

ideas into a bin, to get ready for this. 

MM

Outline of subjects for presidential talks, May 22, 1959 


Larson and Malcolm Moos Records, Box 17, Presidential Speech Planning

· -~ 

.1 

May 22, 1959 

SUBJECTS FOR PRESIDENTIAL TALKS 

1. The Science of Govermnent. 

A speech devoted to the im.portance of administration 

and administrative reforms in an increasingly complex 

society. 

President could uncork proposals of Advisory Committee 

on Govermnent Organization. 

Title: "The Structure of Freedom" 

Disarm.atnent 

It's difficult to set a tim.e for this topic. 

Might be given at Harvard next Septem.ber, or in a 

foreign country if President goes to Asia or Europe. 

Education - 

The Need for Understanding 

President has said he wants to m.ake one m.ajor speech 

on education at an American University OT College. 

4. Defense 

A full scale address on the nationts defense and the 

need for long range defense planning. 

5. State of the Union Message 

January 1960 

o

.- 

- 2 - 

6. Politics - The Republican Party 

A talk pulling together the President's beliefs about 

his party and the course of the party. 

It might be given on February 27, 1960 - the lOOth 

Anniversary of Lincoln's Coop-er Union Institute 

speech. This is a respectable distance ahead of 

the July Nominating Conventions and the President 

could lead off with Lincoln and then toss out som.e 

snappy judgm.ents about the contemporary challenge 

to the Republican Party. 

7. Foreign Policy 

Foreign trade - foreign aid and the problems of 

challenge and response in a world of tension. 

8. Farewell Address 

A speech the President would like to give before 

Congress. 

Here he would stress the need for acco:m:modation of 

a wide range of belief in the political spectrum, 

particularly with the greater likelihood of having 

an executive of one party and a Congres s of 

another. 

o

Memo for the President and Dr. Milton Eisenhower 

from Malcolm Moos regarding presidential speeches, 

May 24, 1959 



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Letter from the President to Dr. Milton Eisenhower regarding 

farewell address, May 25, 1959 



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Memo regarding George Washington’s farewell address, April 

5, 1960 



THE WHITE HOUSE 

WASHINGTON 

April 5, 1960 

MEMORANDUM TO: 

Mac Moos 

As the tirn.e for the President's retirern.ent draws near, I 

recorn.rn.end to your re-reading the "Farewell Address" of 

George Washington. It is a beautifully wise and rn.odest piece 

by a faithful public servant who loved his country. 

I was struck by its relevance to our day: the call for Constitutional 

obedience; the warnings about sectionalisrn.; the dangers 

of "overgrown rn.ilitary establishrn.ents" but the necessity of 

rn.aintaining "a respectable defensive posture"; the realistic 

attitude toward "that love of power and proneness to abuse it 

which predorn.inate in the hurn.an heart"; the unhappy tendency 

of rn.ankind "to seek security and repose in the absolute power 

of an individual"; the necessity for an enlightened public opinion; 

the"A,g enerous habit of one generation to spend beyond its rn.eans 

and to throw "upon posterity the burden which we ourselves ought 

to bear"; the broad diplorn.atic advice. And rn.uch rn.ore. 

This Address could furnish SOme fine arn.rn.unition over the year - 

and perhaps serve as a guide for a final statern.ent in January 1961 ? 

Frederifox

October 31, 1960 Memorandum for the file regarding the State of the 

Union 1961 

Source: Dwight D. Eisenhower Presidential Library and Museum, Ralph E. 

Williams Papers, Box 1, Chronological

31 Octoba 1960 

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Memo to Malcolm Moos regarding address topics, no date 




WASHINGTON 

Mac - 

This is my start. 

Plan to go fran 

here to the Scientific Revolution and the 

twin dangers of government dominating 

scientific r esearch through purse power , and 

of the generalists becoming captives of t he 

technical specialists. 

Last point: t he 

new concept of equality amon g nati ons, which 

only came into existence in the ~isenhower 

half- century--its i mplications for world order 

and our support of nati ons holding these 

ideals.

Typescript speech draft labeled “Commencement,” no date 



My first t hought is that of deep appreciation for the help and 

cooperation which the Gongress has given me 

Executive brmch. 

and my associat es in the 

The past eight years have been without precedent in 

.. 

the histor y of our government . 

At no time during that period did the 

party in control of the Execu ti ve branch have wha t 0:' U ld be call ed a 

last 

clear wor king majority in t he ~ ong ress . r or t he ~ six year s the 

~ dmi ni stration f aced Congresses dominated by t he opposition i n both 

houses . 

~ '~'l ," 

~~. ___ iB't!!!l'.:"~:~~,;¥~~, ,c-~n. I '~" 

,Each made its s hare of mistakes, and ea ch suffered its share of 

Q~"~~.~ , f,;,.~ 

Rm:tmXi:rmmlmx~rnXin1fmlmI:t~mbmn 

f ail ures and rej)uf f s . 

But 

-I l,'le did not fallout int o bitter, unreconci lable factions which in other 

Despi te our diff erences 

nat ions have paraly ~ ed the democratic p rocess~e worked t ogether, 

and the business of 

is in large measure 

the nation wen t forwa rd, and 

wis dom ) 

a credit to th71 forbearance, 

t he fact t hat it did 

and sense of duty 

displ ayed by the gentlemen of the Ccng r ess. 

For all this I am deeply 

gratef ul. 

By January 20, my service in t he Gover nment of the 0nited St ates will 

have come t o a l i ttle l ess t han half a cent ury. 

To any mortal, t hi s is 

a gr eat per iod of time, and vast change s have been wrought upon t he 

l andscape of history.--changes both internal and external which go to 

fJ .j f 

t he very roots ofAsociety.mmmmmim 

concerns 

One of the deepest ~ of the framers of our consti tution 

~'t/)jj 

~~ 

to make sure t ha t no milit ar y group ~mXruxmdmtmx arose to challenge 

t he civil alithor i ty, and that no segment of industry be allowed t o 

develop which was permanently and excl usively concerned with building the 

weapons of war .

For a hundred and sixty years, our military posture was characterized 

very (iii If J*' 1,/ 

by ~ small r egular establishment, ~ bolstered i n time of emergency 

. , • . .~~1lIlI!l . r' .- j " ; A.$, I ~ , ,", 

by l arge eontwgents 'of militi-a and reserves , andAqulckly' reduC'ed mxlt:lXma:m 

vAt t1 -. T' "{ . - 

'\ . mlfimPlf!lamm ~the return of peace. There was· no ~ armaments 

-- .~ . ~~~&.ft";l il,;sh~$~ 

Army which I joined in 1911 numbered 84, 000 - -one tenth its 

pres ent strength. 

has 

For many r easons, t his rom all changed. A great and continui ng threat 

~ 

t o our sec1lI'ity 

J 

I\made it impossible for us to demo0ilize after the Korean War in the way we ~. 

~ million Arne ." icans continue to be nirecly and fully engaged in defense I 

had previously done .I\Wmx~pIlU'l.tlpcIn seven and a hlf years of nominal 

f~:mx: mxrtrXnrXRlims lR:m:rril:.tl)l 

peace we have spent i~ a sum substantially greater than the cost of 

~ or defense be~ ore t~es 

World War II, and oill' ~mm~ budget annually exceeds t he net incom1of 

ational security 

all u.s. corporations.~ And the direct r esult of t his 

defense 

continued hi gh level of expenditures ~ has been to create a permanent 

armaments i ndustry, of vast proportions, where none had existed before. 

The conjuncti on of a large and permanent military establ i shment 

and a large and permanent arms industry is somet hj.ng totally new in 

need 

Ameri can experience. Ho thinking citizen wo ul d deny the IllBmmmmIillDpr for 

today's 

such a commitment in mam ~ perilous world; yet none can fail to read 

tremendous 

its grave implications. For this is power- ' conomic and political power 

Sl:'k\·j/:. " 

- -with a ~9&\ and tangible interest in both national policy and national 

.. 

-...., 

( ~ 

-"," 

' ~ 

strat egy. 

Billi ons of dollars in purchasing power, and the livlihood of 

millions of people, are directly involved. 

Its infl uence is felt in ever y 

city, in every state house; and by every r r:sponsible official in the 

Federal g overnm~nt. 

We can take comfort in the knowledge that none of 

our basic safeguards has given way . 

But let us take not :ing for granted. 

ifubrrumb.fuih We shall need all the organizing genius we possess to mesh the huge

\ \ 

\ 

\\ 

' 

machinery of our defenses with our peaceoriented economy so that liberty 

It requir es 

and security are both well served.; ,Cons tan t vigilance, and a jealous 

precaution against any move, which would weaken the xmtmmmi~ control 

of civil authority over the military establishment. We must be especially 

careful to avoid ~ measures which would enab1e any segment of t his vast 

military-industrial complex to mmm sharpen t he focus of its own power at the 

expense of the sound balance which now prevails. 

The potential for disastrous 

abuse of power in t his area is great. Let us watch it carefully. 

/ 

{ - ",

Speech draft, December 21, 1960 



Fifty years ago the Congress of the United States first brought 

ment to West Point. 

.me into the service of the United States Government with an appointtZ;.v·f 

Thus began an association diM a young Cadet and 

the Congress that wound up a half century later in a warm relationship 

between a President and the Congress. 

They have been full years. 

The past eight years have been without precedent in the history 

of our govermnent. At no time during that period did the party in control 

of the Executive Branch have what could be called a clear working 

majority in the Congress. For the last six years the Administration 

faced Congresses dominated by the opposition in both houses. But we 

did not fallout into bitter, unreconcilable factions which in other nations 

have paralyzed the democratic process. Despite our differences we 

worked together, and the business of the nation went forward, and the 

fact that it did so is in large measure a credit to the wisdom, forebearance, 

and sense of duty displayed by the Congress. 

For the generous support tendered to me over all these years 

~8:1 a:l'fd pee:e'e, I wish to express my abiding gratitude. And now in

- 2 - 

this, :my last :message to the Congress, I wish to address :mysel£ particularly 

to so:me of the proble:ms with which all Americans are gravely 

'l V / 

J' 

concerned and so:me of the changes - - both internal and external - - which 

go to the very roots of our society. 

One of the deepest concerns of the fra:mers of our Constitution 

was to :make sure that no :military group arose to challenge the civil authority, 

and that no seg:ment of industry be allowed to develop which was 

per:manently and exclusively concerned with building the weapons of war. 

For a hundred and sixty years, our :military posture was characterized 

by a very s:mall regular establish:ment, quickly bolstered in 

ti:me of e:mergency by large contingents of :militia and reserves, and just 

as quickly reduced upon the return of peace. There was no ar:ma:ments 

industry. The :makers of plowshares could, when required, :make swords 

as well. 

The Ar:my which I joined in 1911 nu:mbered 84, 000 -- one-tenth 

of its present strength'. 

For :many reasons, this has all changed. A great and continuing 

threat to our security :made it i:rnpossible for us to de:mobilize 

"

- 3 - 

after the Korean War in the way we had previously done. 3-1/2 million 

Americans continue to be directly and fully engaged in defense activities. 

In seven and a half years of nominal peace we have spent for defense a 

sum substantially greater than the cost of World War II, and our na- 

v 

I 

tional security budget annually exceeds the net income before taxes of 

(j ~ / all United States corporations. And the direct result of this continued 

high level of defense expenditures has been to create a permanent armaments 

industry, of vast proportions, where none had existed before. 

The conjunction of a large and permanent military establishment 

and a large and permanent arms industry is something totally 

new in American experience. No thinking citizen would deny the need 

for such a commitment in today's perilous world; yet none can fail to 

read its grave implications. For this is power -- tremendous economic 

and political power -- with a specific and tangible interest in both national 

policy and national strategy. Billions of dollars in purchasing 

power and the livelihood of millions of people are directly involved. Its 

influence IS felt in every city, In every state house, and by every responsible 

official in the Federal government. We can take comfort in the

- 4 - 

knowledge that none of our basic safeguards has given way. But let 

us take nothing for granted. We shall need all the organizing genius 

we possess to mesh the huge machinery of our defenses with our peaceoriented 

economy so that liberty and security are both well served. It 

requires constant vigilance, and a jealous precaution against any move 

which would weaken the control of civil authority over the military establishment. 

We must be especially careful to avoid measures which 

I 

, 

I 

\./ 

~ 

( 

/'" 

would enable any segment of this vast military-industrial complex to 

sharpen the focus of its own power at the expense of the sound balance 

which now prevails. The potential for disastrous abuse of power in this 

area is great. Let us watch it carefully.

- 5 - 

Closely akin to the sweeping change in our concept of 

military readiness -- and indeed, responsible for much of it -- has 

been the technological transformation of our society during the past 

five decades. The term "revolution" has been aptly used to describe 

the fundamental advances in science A 

technology and engineering which 

are remaking the material basis of our civilization even while we look on. 

Two facts characterize this ~:3'iBB~M revolution. The first 

is that the process of research has become highly formalized, complex, 

a? econd. because this is so. a steadily increasing share of 

research is conducted for, by, and under the direction of the Federal 

government. 

he solitary inventor 

tinkering in his shop has been overtaken by a team of scientists in a 

laboratory. The major impetus to research now comes not from private 

individuals in pursuit of knowledge for its own sake, but from public 

l 

J. 

agencies in pursuit of specific, predetermined results. For every blackboard 

there are a thousand drawing boards. 

'} 

~' 

1 This, then, is another change, another challenge to master. 

As of now, government funds underwrite 

of all re:;>earch in the 

---- 

I

- 6 - 

United States. our scientists and our engineers are 

------- -------- 

engaged in work on government contracts . 

Many a college and university 

is in some manner beholden to the Federal government for funds 

needed to support its own research program. The prospect of domination 

of the nation r s research effort by the federal government is a real 

and ever-present one, and deadly serious. For research is the pathfinder 

of progress. Where it leads, all else must follow. 

Yet we must also be alert to the opposite danger that public 

policy may itself become the captive of technological opinions and 

pressures. The age old problem of defining the proper roles of the 

generalist and the specialist in society have become enormously difficult 

in an era when the mechanisms of our civilization have become 

so complex that even the family automobile now defies all but the 

t4' 

simplest of horne remedies. But define them we must.1I It is the 

business of statesmanship to mold, to balance, and to integrate the 

forces within the body politic towar.d the proper goals of a free society.

- 7 - 

~ ~ 

D L LkwjiS yet another change -- perhaps the most 

momentous of all -- giving shape to the patterns of tomorrow. Over 

1:7 I , l:" 

0' 

j 

f· .. • 

the past fifty years, a billion people have won their independence, 

and the number of sovereign nations in the world has doubled. But 

the most important thing about this great emancipation movement is 

that for the first time in the history of the world, the concept of equality 

among nations has come to be recognized as an operating principle 

of international politics. The acceptance of this principle is as yet 

partial and imperfect, but it is there, even among the cynical totalitarians. 

The representatives of 

countries sit in the General 

---- 

Assembly of the United Nations -- and each, by unanimous agreement -- 

stands equal to all the others. Even the Soviet Union pays its respects 

to the expressed will of the majority of the members of the General 

Assembly. The old patterns of naked power politics have been modified 

so that right has at least and at all times a voice against might before the 

bar of world opinion. 

This is an impressive gain over the conditions of fifty years 

ago where small nations had only sufferance rights granted them by the

- 8 - 

great ones. 

To this new concept of equality we of the United States subscribe 

our ardent support. We are pledged to expand and strengthen it, 

so that it may become the sturdy foundation of an increasingly effective 

body of international law. 

This 1S the surest and best approach to the 

(j 7 

0aal of world peace; for without justice there can be no peace, and without 

equality there can be no justice. 

Members of the Congress, my prayer for the future is that the 

world in which we live can be turned from a co:m .:rnunity of fear into a confident 

confederation of mutual trust and respect. The conference table 

may be marked by a sense of frustration and disappointment with the past, 

yet scarred though it may be, we must not for sake it for the certain 

terrors of nuclear war. 

The tools of the open society are still available 

to us. We dare not fail to use them. Believing as I do in the fullness of 

the American character , I have every confidence we shall. 

And so I say to you at this time - - not goodbye - - but onward and 

forward into the bright light of peace with justice. So striving, we shall 

build a world where not one nation under God, but all nations under God 

can live in peace and freedom amidst a society in which the scourge of 

war, poverty, and disease have been banished from the earth.

January 7, 1961 Draft of the speech with handwritten editing by 

Milton Eisenhower 

Source: Dwight D. Eisenhower Presidential Library and Museum, Dwight D. 

Eisenhower’s Papers as President, Speech Series, Box 38, Final TV Talk

0) 

My fellow Arn.ericans: 

Two days frorn. now, after a half century in the service of our countVY, 

I shall lay down the responsibilities of office as, in traditional and solern.n cerern.ony, . 

the authority of the Presidency is vested in rn.y successor. 

Now with a full heart, I corn.e to a tirn.e of leave-taking and farewell, 

--- 

and the sharing of a f -..at final t h9ught 

w ith you, rn.y countryrn.en. 

I , like every other citizen, wish the new President, and al ho will 

labor with hirn., Godspeed. 

I pray that the corn.ing years will be bles sed with peace and prosperity 

for all • 

.J 

C'RP' 

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~~~ . 

In this final period, the Congress and the AdIninistration ha-ve, on most 

vital issues, cooperated well. The business of the nation has gone forward. Clearly 

the national welfare, rather than partisanship, fills the hearts of most of our public 

/ 

1 servants. So my official relationahip with the Congress/ now ends in a feeling, on my part 

of gratitude that we have been able to do so much together. 

Certainly we need dedicated minds and hearts today, for every (where the 

welfare of free men continues to face deadly dangers. 

The gretestr: of these is global

i s S C Op" ~StiC 

in character, 

ruthless in purpose, and insidious in method. 

Unhappily this danger promise s to be of indefinite duration. To meet it succe ssfully 

there IS 

&4!iD il i •• fSGzzi:&ti of crisi~ 

steadily, surely and without 

complaint the burdens 

of a prolonge'j.t::;:;:1 ~rUggle to preserve 

our freedoms. 

II 

We now stand ten years past the midpoint of a century that has witnessed 

f ou f a;hi. . 

v 

l or wars among great nahons. Three of these involved our own country. 

Fortunately, Arne rica has emerged, despite these holocausts, as the strongest, 

the most productive nation in the world. Gratifying as this is, it places upon us 

/ 

i n this time of peril heavy burdens to the far ends of the earth. It also * · Ut, 

/ 

~ helps to cre~proble=s which we can avoid only at the risk of da=aging 

ourselves, and our leadership and prestige in the world. 

Leader ship and pre stige depend, not 1iWIJoW;fWlo4t~ 

upon our astonishing 

material progress or our massive military ptrengt~unmatched as these are - 

v1Ay 

butf:n how we use moral and material power in the interests of world peace and 

human progress. 

--------_.

\ 

!.I 

-f- 

.v7 

Throughout our continuing adventure in free government, America's 

basic purposes have been to keep the peace; to foster p rogress in human 

achievement, and to enhance liber, ~ dignit. X ' at).d integrity among 

nations. To strive for less would be unworthy of a free and Christian people. 

Any failure traceable to our lack of effort, comprehension, or readiness to 

sacrifice would inflict upon us a grievous hurt both at home and abroad. 

Day by day, year by year, the ideological conflict now engulfing the 

world persistently threatens progress toward our noble goals. It commands 

our whole attention, absorbs our very beings. But never must we fail to 

meet every crisis with steadfastness, courage, and understanding, so that 

we may remaln, despite every provocation, on ~~ _ _ =me,( course toward 

permanent peace.

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,1 

( s our military establislun t. Our arms must be mig t , ready for instant 

~-za ' lM> ~ ~~ / t- ~ ~~ ,..,.....~~ . 

long iipce Fit@,",cd. 

Our permanent military organization today bears little 

relation to that known by any of my predecessors in peacetime, or indeed

y the fighting men of World War II or Korea. 

Until the latest of our world conflicts, the United States had no armaments 

industry. American makers of plowshares could, with time and as required, 

make swords as well. 

Now we can no longer risk emergency improvisation of national defense. 

So we have created a permanent armaments industry of vast proporitions. 

..... e have three and a half million 

~~ 

n ~nuously engaged in defense 

" . 

activities. We annually spend on military security more" than the net income 

....... ........... ................... J ..... ............... .......- ..... ~ ....... 

I ~ 

of all United States corporations • 

............. ..-- _!I 

, / ,j/0£onjunction of an immense military establishment and a large 

arms industry is new in the American experience. The total influence -- 

economic, political, even spiritual -- is felt in every city, every State 

house, every office of the Federal government. We recognize the imperative 

need for this development. Yet we must not fail to comprehend its grave 

implications, for not only are our toil, resources, and livelihood involved; 

so is the very structure of .our society. 

We must never let power, implicit in this combination, endanger our 

,{ 

liberties or democratic processes. We should take nothing for granted. Only 

an owledgeable .. '1111 itse citizenry can compel the proper meshing 

of the hUg~ndustrial and military machinery of defense with our peaceful 

m.ethods and goals, 

so that both security and liberty may prosper.

~- 

In the councils of government, we must )SJ~; i:)IIsliII' ... r:-ry guard against the 

acquisition of unwarranted influence by the military-industrial complex. The 

potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced power exists and will persist. We 

can ignore it only at our peril. 

Closely akin to , and largely responsible for the sweeping changes 

in our industrial-military posture, has been the technological revolution in our 

society during recent decades • 

-- .....-' I In this revolution, research has become central; it has also become 

formalized, complex, and costly. A steadily increasing share is conducted for, by, 

or at the direction of the Federal government. 

Today, the solitary inventor, tinkering in his shop, has been overshadowed 

by great task forces of scientists in laboratorie s and testing fields. 

The free university has been, historically, the fountainhead of free 

ideas and scientific discovery. But now, partly because of the huge costs involved, 

research springs not so much from individuals engaged in random pursuit of knowledge , 

as from public agencies in grim pursuit of specific, predetermined results. 

For 

every old blackboard there are now hundreds of new electronic computers.

The prospect of domination of the nation's scholars by Federal 

employment, project allocations, and contracts is eve r pre sent - - and 

is gravely to be regarded. 

Yet, in holding scientific research and discovery in respect, as we 

should, we must also be alert to the equal and opposite danger that public policy 

could itself become the captive of a scientific -technological elite. 

It is the task of statesmanship to mold, to balance, and to integrate 

these and other forces, new and old, within the principles of our democratic 

system - - ever aiming toward the supreme goals of our free society. 

- 

Communists, 

"'/ It ~.- J, .... l,r Iff-; 

~~rriqthl ~~im~ M~~~~Q~~~~~~~~~~.~~~~~~~~a~m~~~n~a~t~i~o:n~s~~J 

.. 

in 

so that right has, at least, a voice 

States have subscribed o u r ardent s upport: ' This 1"'8 one ~ ~ i-ng~edlent in

Ek--;f!J±f>t!t.. ~ ~ ....u- eLI! ... -a. .... : 

h . ' .f:J----- 

••;G.' 

Cl\ ,fr ~ . I f d I 

s we peer lnto soclety suture, we -- you an , and our gove rnment ~ 

~ 

must avoid the impulse to live only for today plundering, for our own. ease ~ 

convenienc e , ""' __ ~t'fi"'resources of tomorrow. We c annot mortgage the 

~ 

material assets of our grandchildren without risking the los s also of their political 

and spiritual heritage. 

We want democracy to survi ve for all generations to 

corne, not to become the insolvent phantom of tomorrow. 

---kl' _ , 

~ 

~ 

--~--

Protected by our moral, economic, and military strength we can 

\ 

) 

advance to the world's conference table with confidence. 

That table, s car red 

though it may be by many frustrations and disappointments, must not be abandoned 

a.o~ ~~ -~! P4'rYliA~ 

for the certain , 6L~r~: r. Believing as I do in the sturdiness and 

~ ~ tL ~~ ~M~~~ F~~~c:..V 

understanding of the American people, i! have eve; y confi dence we ~~ 't 

sustain free world 

. 

~ 

d fast to e:rr democratic ideals. 

- 

-VIII 

So - - as I say goodnight to you on the eve of my departure from official 

opportunities you have given me for public service in war 

and peace. I trust that in it you 1!!S! find some things worthy; as for the rest of it 

possibly you c~.x.ethods for irn.provern.ent. 7l'1 bid you, rn.y fellow citizens, to 

be strong in your faith. 

Be ever unswerving in your devotion to principle, confident but 

humble with power, true to noble purposes, diligent in pursuit of peace with justice.

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ble ssings 

I most firmly believe that all of us who treasure freedom and know its 

~ ~ . ~~ t..::-:J 

can fund a world where all nations, under God, can live in peace, with 

A 

true jus6 ice, and with the scourges of war, poverty, and disease no longer known 

by the peoples of the earth .

January 17, 1961 Press release containing the 

text of the address 



FOR RELEASE ON DELIVERY. JANUARY 17. 1961 

James C. Hagerty, Press Secretary to the President 

- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - _.- - - - - - - - - - - - - -- 


TEXT OF THE ADDRESS BY PRESIDENT 

EISENHOWER, BROADCAST AND TELEVISED 

FROM HIS OFFICE IN THE WHITE HOUSEs 

TUESDAY EVENING II JANUARY I1f 1961» 

-:g:30 TO 9~OO Pc M o ~ ESTo 

My fellow Americans ~ 

Three days from now p aiteT half a century in the service of our 

country, 1 shall lay down the responsibilities of office as, in traditional 

and solemn ceremony~ the authority of the Presidency is vested in my 

successor., 

This evenillg I come to you with a message of leaye."takin g and 

farewell. and to share a few final thoughts with you" my countrymen. 

Like every other citizen, I wish the new President~ and all who 

will labor with him, Godspeede I pray that the coming years will be blessed 

with peace and prosperity for allo 

* * * * * * * * * 

Our people expect their President and the Congress to find 

essential agreement on issues of great moment, the wise resolu.tion of which 

will better shape the future of the Nation. 

My own relations with the Congress" which began on a remote 

and tenuous basis when ll long agop a member of the Senate appointed me to 

West Point, have s ince ranged to the intimate during the war and immediate 

post .. war period, and, finally, to the mutually interdependent during these 

past eight yearso 

In this final relationships the Congress and the AdmiciBtration 

have, on most vital i ssues, cooperated well., to serve the national good 

rather tha.n mere partisanship p and so have a.ssured that the business of 

the Nation should go forwardo So, my official relationship with the 

Congress ends in a feeling! on my part ~ of gratitude that we have been able 

to do so much together 0 

II 

We now stand ten years past the midpoi.nt of a century that has 

witnessed four major wars among great nationso Three of these involved 

our own country" Despite these holocausts Arne rica is today the strongest. 

the most influential and most productive nation in the world. U&derstanclably 

proud of this pre .. eminence~ we yet realize that America's leadership and 

prestige depend, not merely upon our unmatched material p.rogress t riches 

and military strength, but on how we use our power in the interests of world 

peace and human bettermento 

more

III 

Throughout Americat s adventure in free government, our 

basic purposes have been to keep the peace; to foster progress in human 

achievement, and to enhance liberty, dignity and integrity among people 

and among nations., To strive for less would be unworthy of a free and 

religious peopleo Any failure traceable to arrogance, or our lack of 

comprehension vr readiness to sacrifice would inflict upon us grievous 

hurt both at home and abroad., 

Pz:ogress toward these noble goals 16 persistently threatened by 

the conflict now engulfing the world.. It commands our whole attention, 

absorbs our very beings.. We face a hostile ideology -- global in s c ope~ 

atheistic in character, rutrJ.ess in purpose, and insidious in method" 

Unhappily the danger it poses promises to be of indefinite duration., 

To meet it successfully, there is called for, not so much the emotional 

and transitory sac:dfices of crisise but rather those which enable us to 

carry forward steadi1y ~ surely, and without complaint th.e burdens of a 

prolonged and complex struggle -- with liberty the stake" Only thus shall 

we remain, despite every provocation, on our charted course toward 

permanent peace and human betterment. 

Crises there will continue to be.. In meet5.ng them D whether foreign 

or domestic~ great or small., there is a recurring temptation to feel that 

some spectacular and costly action could become the miraculous solution to 

all current difficulties.. A huge increase in newer elements of our defense; 

development of unrealistic programs to cure every ill in agriculture; 

a dramatic expansion in basic and applied research ..,.. these and many other 

possibilities; each possibly promising in itself~ may be suggested as the 

only way to the road we wish to travel., 

But each proposal must be weighed in the light of a broader 

consideration: The n.eed to maintain balance in and among national programs 

balance between the private an.d the public economy~ balance between cost 

and hoped for advantage .. ~ balance between the clearly necessary and the 

comfortably desirable; balance between our essential requirements as a nation 

and the duties imposed by the nation upon the individual; balance between 

actions of the moment and the national welfare of the futureo Good judgment 

seeks balance and progress; lack of it eventually finds imbalance and 

frus tra tion. 

The record of many decades stands as proof that our people and 

their government have, in the main, understood these truths and have 

responded to them well, in the face of strE

-3- 

Until the latest of our world conflicts, the United States had 

no armaments industry. American makers of plowshares could, with 

time and as required, make swords as well. But now we can no longer 

risk emergency improvisation of national defense; we have been 

compelled to create a permanent armaments industry of vast proportions, 

Added to this, three and a half million men and women are directly 

engaged in the defense establishment, We annually spend on military 

security more than the net income of all United States corporations o 

This conjunction of an immense military establishment and 

a large arn1S industry is new in the Ame rican experience. The total 

i:t1.l~uence ..... economic, political, even spiritual -- is felt in ev ery city ~ 

every St.ate house, every office of the Federal government& We recognize 

the imperative need for this development. Yet we must not fail to 

comprehend its grave implications. Our toil, resources a.nd livelihood 

are all involved; so is the very structure of our society. 

In the councils of government, we must guard against the 

acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by 

Ll).e military-industrial complex. The potential for the disastrous rise 

of mis?laced power exists and will persist. 

We must never let the wefght of this combination enda:o.ger our 

liberties or democratic processes o We should take nothing fo r granted. 

Only an alert and knowledgeable citizenry can compel the proper meshing 

of the huge industrial and military rna.chin-ery of defense with our peaceful 

methods and goals, so that security and liberty may prosper together. 

Akin to, and largely responsible for the sweeping changes in our 

industrial ... military posture. has been the technological revolution during 

recent decades Q 

In this revolution, research has become central; it also becomes 

more formalized; complex t and costly. A steadily increasing share is 

conducted for, by, or at the direction of, the Federal government. 

Today, the solitary inventor, tinkering in his shop, has been 

overshadowed by task forces of scientists in laboratories and testing 

fields" In the same fashion ~ the free university~ historically the 

fountainhead of free ideas and scientific discovery, has experienced a 

revolution in the conduct of research. Partly because of the huge costs 

involved, a government contract becomes virtually a substitute for 

intellectual curiosity. For every old blackboard there are now hundreds 

of new electronic computer S o 

The prospect of domination of the nationts scholars by Feder al 

er.nployment ~ project allocations., and the power of money is ever present - 

and is gravely to be regarded. 

Yet, in holding scientific research and discovery in respect~ 

as we should, we must also be alert to the equal and opposite danger that 

public policy could itself become the captive of a scientific ... technological 

eliteg 

It is the task of statesmanship to mold~ to balance, and to integ¥ate 

these and other forces, new and old, within the principles of our democratic 

system -- ever aiming toward the supreme goals of our free societyo 

more

v. 

Another factor in maintaining balance involves the element of 

time. As we peer into society's future» we .... you and I, and ou!' gove!'nment 

-- must avoid the impulse to live only for today, plundering. for our 

own ease and convenience, the precious resources of tomorrow. We 

cannot mortgage the material assets of our grandchildren without risking 

the loss also of their political and spiritual heritage. We want democracy 

to survive for all generations to come, not to become the insolvent phantom 

of tomorrow. 

VI. 

Down the long lane of the history yet to be written America knows 

that this world of ours, ever growing smaller, must avoid becoming a 

conununity of dreadful fear and hate, and be, instead, a proud Gow!ed@Z1a~(tJn 

of mutual trust and respect. 

Such a confederation must be one of equals .. The weakest must 

come to the conference table with the same confidence as do we, protected 

as we are by our moral, economic, and military strengtho That table, 

though scarred by many past frustrations, cannot be abandoned for the 

certain agony of the battlefield. 

-' \ 

Disarmament, with mutual honor and confidence, is a continuing 

imperative. Together we must learn how to compose differences, not 

with arms, but with intellect and decent purpose. Because this need is 

so sharp and apparent I confess that I lay down my official responsibilities 

in this field with a definite sense of disappointment. As one who has 

witnessed the horror and the lingering sadness of war -- as one who knows 

that another war could utterly destroy this civilization which has been so 

slowly and painfully built over thousands of years -- 1 wish I could say 

tonight that a lasting peace is in sight. 

Happily. 1 can say that war has been avoided. Steady progress 

toward our ultimate goal has been made. But, so much remains to be done. 

As a private citizen, I shall never cease to do what little I can to help the 

world advance along that road. 

VII. 

So -- in this my last good night to you as your President -- 1 

thank you for the many opportunities you have given me for public service 

in war and peace. 1 trust that in that service you find some things 

worthy; as for the rest of it, I know you will find ways to improve 

performance in the future. 

You and I -- my fellow citizens -- need to be strong in our faith 

that all nations, under God, will reach the goal of peace with justice. 

May we be ever unswerving in devotion to principle, confident but humble 

with power, diligent in pursuit of the Nationts great gea!s. 

To all the peoples of the world, I once more give expression to 

America's prayerful and continuing aspiration: 

We pray that peoples of all faiths, all races, all nations, may 

have their great human needs satisfied; that those now denied opportunity 

shall come to enjoy it to the full; that all who yearn for freedom may 

experience its spiritual blessings; that those who have freedom will 

understand, also, its heavy responsibilities; that all who are insensitive to 

the needs of others will learn charity; that the scourges of poverty, disease 

and ignorance will be made to disappear from the earth, and that, in the 

goodness of time. all peoples will come to live together in a peace 

qU#J.-'l'a.ru:.eed by the binding force Qf. mutual respect and love.

Reading copy of the speech 



~......-"') - 

? MY rELLOW AMERICANS 

FIRST, I ", l!i91: express my gra tit ude 

to the radio and television networks 

for the opportunities 

they have given me, over the years, 

to bring ~;: i il~ essages to our 

pa~. h~ ' ~ 

~ spec i al thanks go to them 

for the ~A~~ y of addressing 

you this evening.

THREE DAYS from now, 

( 

after half a century in the service 

of our country, I shall lay down 

the responsibilities of office 

- 

as, 

i n traditional and solemn ceremony, 

the authority of the Presidency 

.. ...- .. ... -.-.-----..--- ... ........ --~--.... ..... -- 

is vested in my successor. 

THIS EVENING I come to you 

~~1lIi' 

wi th a message of leave-tak i ng 

- --.___ ~;r_~ ..""""___ I!I(!f;".~~

L 

..... _7 

LIKE EVERY OTHER CITIZEN, ,~ 

~~ fe~""A '~,,¥_~#,~ __ ~(~~~ 

I wish the n~w President, 

_~_ 

labor with 

.... . ,. ..... , '; ' 11~ 

him, Godspeed. 

'" 

re 

.... ~"I, 

L e.!:!.Y. ... ~~!~..'!!,"!:2!!!. ,~.x!:.r s 

and all who will 

.........-.;~ I1'~ ..... h!l;\ ~~ 

~ ~ .t...\? e .e1 ,~ .!!.~L!!l ~ ... !'",~.!U .... ~n,;t .. ,.£l!~.J~ y 

for all • 

., liaXLY' now 

... * ... ... ... 

a ~~ ... .!2.~"'-" I~~JI,~!:,~ . .l~.lJ,~..'t . .!~..,,~!. l:!;l.L~J,., ... ~~g,~,~~,~ e n t 

on issues of great moment, 

- 

the w i ~!. res 0 Ll!.iL2.!L .. .!?~L~!J:U .. '? h will b ~ ~ .. t.~ r 

shape the future of the Nation. 

4Af)"'" ~V ' JMIi.':t:o.. ~~/Mt.~ ~'UW.'¥.I!';,t. m. ""

~'( ,jJWJi•. B .. ~Al,lg!S 

with the Congress, which began 

.;.... r c~'~ISt!-

4 

IN THIS FINAL RELATIONSHIP, ~ 

- 

the Congress and the Administration have~,~ 

on most vital issues, cooperated well 

_ .--_»IoO""t..... om.r,..~r"~~~(~~ . ..~W'~ 

to serve the national good 

. , roC.lfhtrl.~It't~~~.\I~J!ni,i;.:m.l~·'fH~~'IJ~,.t: 

~ath~r than mere partisanship, 

,M ~~ ............. ~ ......... ~~ 

and so have assured that the business 

~;ff4~~~""':~~~~ :~ ~':":"~ 1~~ 

of. the Na t i on should go forward. 

-So, my official relationship 

with the Congress ends i n a feeling, 

...... ••,*,~ , . . ' r " • • 

of gral j,Sffi~de 

on ~ part, 

_-_ ..... .....-... 

that we have been able to do so much 

together. 

* * * * * 

WE NQ!_~ANO ten years past the 

~~~~~~"·IlW"'~'~ Iio.I!4~".It} ),o 

midpoint of a century that has witnessed 

~A~"""'~&i.~~ l'

Three of these involved 

5 

most productive nation in the world. 

.... "'.'" ...... M':ft 1 !~~'Jl~~~~ !IL""t~~t .... ~ 

Understandably proud of this 

- N_~~II4~ '~~·(':,p ' ~,..,'Iv.".4\"· 

pre-eminence, we yet real i ze 

""," ... "ib'It!IiI'Iif\1 " f '.~ 

that America's leadership 

~~~{f0I'*.~:tt:JI.~~ 

not merely 

... - 

. ~P~.!! • ..? >~r.",~~~,~~:J.~!'!!l...e~51J e s s , 

r L91!es and m i u..t.y.};~ ng th, 

but on how we yse 

our power ... ~ 

,j"!l.,",~~,j~~t:.~JA-.QJ,,.,,!:st.~!~,£. e 

and human betterment. 

" ~"'~~~~U-~f':1Y.t''''~''~ '!'' 

* * * * **

'- 

in free government, our basic purposes 

5 CW~~ ..-. 

~~~~~~'"1r:YrtI!Jf,.. ._ ... 

have been to keep the peace; 

to foster progress in human 

"-.... "tH"*+ ... ~s~~~.~~' 

achievement, and to enhance liberty , 

r.w.~ "';t#e$ 5.u;.4'iJ~J/fIII~, '1IC'IIII'1 

d i !L~!~y 

and i n t ;~.L,tx..~.~ pIe 

and among nations. 

~. IiI".JiPD" . KW~~ 

To strive for less would be unworthy 

.. l~,.i~ pIe. 

~"""p\;g.1i1tp "(I;"..~V~~ ....... ' ,....... ~_"WI *4~~illAO.,t & 

u.,,!-t!:.t; and .,se.~ 

~ - A n~~ ur e t ':~.!",~l!.,l.~ . ~-2~ c e , 

2!. , ~2 ~42:!~!"~~,,,'!P..!:!~!!!!! .. ? n 

or read i ness to sacrifice 

wo u 1 d i ~ .! ~1 .. ~,,~ .!!f!.!r:....,.~i.~~'!.!~ t 

bot h at home and abroad.

PROGRESS TOWARD 

7 

THESE noble goals 

i s persistently threatened 

~"(4Itlt'.~~~~,~~ a't 

by the conflict now engulfing the 

. ..... ai) r '~~r~~~~,.,~.f.H~...to~·of(.~X~l'UC;.~~,I. 

world. ~ 

- 

I t commands our whole attention, 

! ft .\aQ(W~~-nn~~QG. 

absorbs our very beings . 

" • • erl n !! ' pt rt.*"~"':;o.,.r,~ .. "",~ .. · )U~ 

We face a hostile ideology -- 

1OIi,= t 

n • "= 

"" '1%'Q ' .lSQ f t " -"'~QPIif t l oA:Sl'!M~. 

global in scope, atheist i c in 

• • _ ....;.,~ ·m~ _s a, HtQl¥~Pfi¥i~ ): 

character, ruthless in purpose, 

~ .-r 

· lrt ·.¥~'·'i!liJiM'lfNiW. 

a nd insidious in method. 

s m r ... ~ .iti·~"' ·"JU1IJ 

UIl.~ ,~PP i.: ,y I the d~!'! lUl r 

i t poses 

,p.."r ....

'i 

To meet it successfuly, there is 

.... _. 

? .' -ill 

_ 

called for, not so much the emotional 

"_ _,____~ o~_' . •_...........)(00 ~. ---.or- . _ _ '" f-'f~.rlLI!~~1 

and trans·i tory sacr if ices of cr i sis, 

. q.t ,....,~........ ~~~.~_~;.:J(:I~~..koW' ...,;;.t. 

but rather those which enable us 

to carry forward steadily, surely, 

~'*'1f*M"'"~~'~' e ' 9 

¥7'.ll:orm, 

and without complaint the burdens 

~oj)~M1M~~~»~"'~'#1J1 

of a prolonged and complex struggle - 

• & ....,.=.,_1'lil'" '. b. ...... ~W - t ! ·.............. ..,t.:. 

with liberty the stake/ II 

. ~ ~ . 

• m 

. " .A,....,...,.Nt1II'~~wr.~l~~:4 ' 

ONLY THUS SHALL we remain, 

.- " .. -~ ........ 

despite every provocation, 

on our charted course 

... t( 7_~"':~~~~ 

t ,'?!J!;,!:.2~m~u~!u~~ c e 

and human betterment. 

8

9 

CRISES there will continue to be • 

• 

In meeting them, wh .. ~.ther . f

10 

BUT EACH PROPOSAL must be weighed 

- 

in the light of a broader consideration : 

....- 

_ '_""'~I tie(lV'Y\'I!_tl-'flW~.~~ 

tF oft.4$ ..... 

.77 fi' 

..0, . rl 'f 7 J 

The 

- 

need to maintain balance i n 

7 

a~~~ g na t i.o.nt) pr~ams -- , 

... , .... _.. -- 

balance between the 

rivate and the 

public economy; balance between cost 

fU~ ..·O fi·MS¥JiB:JI; : .~ ' • _ . :wr~ 

and hoped for advantage; 

- .. II m il'! JiI ·J ..... itV..,.~ .... ,~.wwJ 

balance between the clearly necessary 

I I "i"';wt.Jtm.~~~-~...a~'''U1W*.~.~~~ 

and the comfortably des i rab~e; 

""'WI:.~~~~Q.,.1e 

balance between our essential 

requir.ements a.s a nation and the dutiesr--"'t 

' . ZWI •.•• """" ,m l'IJA IiI'I(;i '#".a!~'Uw~ '--0,., 

i '!'i~!~~-~ ... ..! ~.:.. ... ~.!L'?:. ,.,t:e~~ !,~!l . 

individual; balance between actions 

1!I'i~,*,~' _" _~~",,,,,, ,_,,._ .... _ ,,, . ..,,. 

of the moment and the 

• • • • IML'MII 

national welfare of the future.

- _ _ • • ;3 7 

.~d•. ju .~ent seeksb ..... ~~: ~ .'2.:!, 

and progress; lack of it 

-.. ,= ,me: • 7 UP N ·· f- 

eventually finds imbalance 

7 _7 ¥' m 7. 

&, 

THE RECORD of many d~ZI:: "~ 

and frustration. 

' ....... '!Ib b... 

stands as proof that our people 

and their government have, in the main, 

.. ..-5 a U I iJ US PIi' ·.J.it:D'~""""". a ...... ;m.UU1W!~·. Hh 

understood these truths and have 

responded to them well, 

I ~ ... "'€' #!!4, ~ : . ~ .... , .$ D '~ 

of stress and threat. 

- 

But threats, new in kind 

, - 

-- 

in the face 

- 

- 

11 

I mention two only. 

3} r!" 'E __ .. ~ 

* * * * *

A VITAL ELEMENT 

is our military establishment. 

in keeping the peace 

Our arms must be mighty, ready 

+' ··'''·_ 41 :.... 

4¥* _l e a eu ... '" ""'._ 

for instant action, so that 

_ . _ , _own: x u sa f.... : * . " u :li:aoat _ . 1001 

~ po ten t i a1 a_g"g,!:!.J s or m!y' .. b ,~~. ~ .~~,,~ .. ted 

to risk his own destruction • 

.surf a' 6 ~,. 

OUR MILITARY ORGANIZATION today 

--- 

bears little ne1ation to that known 

by any of my predecessors in peacetime, 

2I i~t!.l!ed 

.£.! WO!} 

by the fi~htin 

~ 

.. t!...! ,~, r _ I:~:!: 

men 

, , 

UNTIL THE LATEST of our world conflicts, 

the United States had no armaments 

industry. 

_ 4 C ... 

12

as well. 

:iii 'rfCjjjt '7 ... 

13 

AMERICAN MAKERS of plowshares could, 

\, .. ,*"-:."..... ,2 

.. '*!! 

and as r~quired, 

,.SZ'tIW»I......-.;* t!.~,~ 

make swords 

"'liitiO'N& ~~ -,e .. 

But ~~:...!~ .. ..?~ ~W~7e :;...!..L.~ k 

e~e r gene ~ 

i m pr 0aY. i;!l .. l.i on 

of national defense; 

., ....... '0'IJ1t( .St' l ' . 87 ",,'JiIfJ.'." a 

a permanent armaments industry 

... " • Met, WSCtiii\loi4WiiP-ti?Bi'hll'i8 i'ZE'NJOIatzt, rSZ'MJll."","" 

of vast proportions • 

• pm ' nn' tS MiiJw tit. ~5(a. 

~gcU!.9.....t~ . J.hJ s, thrweJ. .$.lJj_~>1 f 

million men and women are directly 

.. .' nus -&_'q-'#e..... $1\I~.~ .. JPilP'Llfr=wwIiMU! __ 9'6 ......'it r~~ 

engaged in the defense establishment. 

WE 

ANNUALLY spend on military 

- es .. 

security more than the net income 

= .... IU 'n bl: ,re 408" - . .. ..... ~_FW ..... 

of all United States Corporations • 

..

THIS CONJUNCTION of an immense 

mi 1 i tar:Y, ..;,!~~.. bl i shment 

and a large arms industry is new 

." ."'?l@,·>far J'~ ~ I, 

in the American experience. 

f J0W5 __ ....-:* •• IllA e c"'t~.'JIlIj;;'1S~~1 ••• 

The total 

, . 'vms 

5:_ influence r1 -- economic, 

- 

political, even spiritual -- 

" .r ",....... .. ~ 

14 

ever 

office of the Federal government. 

- '. ~ 

We recognize the imperative need 

..... .. = -u·....... 

for this development. 

Yet we must not fail to comprehend 

lid-~Ni.""~ )J'St."'}loti.WI'Ji(~I""WIiIM'~ · 3 JIIR!JII!;.bi~ 

its grave implications. 

Our toil, resources and livelihood 

..- . ~ ......... ,.-Wi4l11' ' E.' ",.................. 

are all involved· so 

- 

is the very 

. rw-" ·b.iiiNz'~C $ 'i01II:;t , 

-, 

structure of our society. 

, _ . ff' '1Fr' - •

IN THE COUNCILS of government, 

we must u~rd a ainst the acquisition 

~ "" , 

of unwarranted influence, 

or unsought, 

• _ NIMIt!II'«Jt' 

by the military-industrial complex. 

q ' ttlrr9": Jf W ' 'F'1IMv.7':51'e5R'tF5Weam'J ... ~r'F'.'M,w.''''''.ffl5il 

The potential for the disastrous 

15 

exists and will persist. 

.. • '1 1l! _ """'-'ail U tWO X1 r N." __... oII!l'IIt'?\III~ 

WE MUST NEVER let the weight 

- 't i t Itt ClW .• "'QfoM.IIEt"":;nel"'- - ; . . -~ 

of 

-=-=m,. 

this combination endanger 

~'I$nmt .""" . _' - . 

our libert ies or democratic processes . 

- A " 7' t ... ~ "'1611111 esll- ' !_iGfM""jWif£tee&,,~ ~~~~'" 

We 

should take nothing for granted. 

' oI"er..- . -"II t Ullmer" a_ 

' 

, .

, $ 7 

Only an alert and knowledgeable 

""t¢N'tA1E.lQftiX€ CiCQ ".eo. e ... t!i!M'i ...... 

c i~ i z~, ~r;Y can cO.'!1pel th,e .... ,pr:..~p~ 

of the hu?: .• L,I),,~.,t.r 

16 

.. ;, .!'.~h i ng 

i al and m i .,:J ~ary 

machinery of defense with our 

... 5 se'tNtJ ............. ,If"IV¥7"'~. '* =* 

peaceful methods and goals, 

so tha t secur i t~. a.n..d m '~ i b,;r ty 

may prosper together. 

"" 7= . -WI' 77M' ...... ea ...... 

AKIN TO, and largely responsible for 

the sweeping changes i n our industrial- 

• 

military posture, has been 

au rr UiIi"$yil&, _1 . 

the technological revolution 

~"",(,. ___ ;~"'7W'll1¢ 1J8'il~ 

dur i ng recent decades. 

Q " , .. !MIt $ '.. .......... t'1iiP 

IN THIS REVOLUTION, research 

.. i ' • • 

has become cen tral; it also becomes 

§I i 7 5) (IJ$;_?'RlWi~ nf""_ , IOo::;;r.wcr tns:tWlWlJt*e ... 

more formalized, complex, and costly. 

e:- y[t'~ ' .. , .. ~ ,"," ~iIIP"t

A steadily increasing share 

is conducted for, by, or at the direction 

..., 1tC'" ........ 

the Federal government. 

TODAY, 

tinkering in his shop, 

the sol l.. ~!-.t:X. ... J!t..:'entor, 

has been overshadowed by t~2f ces 

, ,-, 

of scientists in laboratories 

and testing fields. 

·~..H~.' .""U.I;9..-.r_~ 

In the same fashion, the free 

- .. 

17 

involved, a; 

a"p .~ .. ~..!l~~!ct 

~ becomes, virtually, a substitute 

~~~ .. 

~~ ~

18 

there are now hundreds of new electronic 

e,")O,.(I» --....... ~~~"'" '..."4·~~,....A)~UO!.'-l. ,....... 

~~JU'",.x 

computers 

- 

• 

.... '....,. 

THE 

PROSPECT of domination 

of the nation's scholars by Federal 

",M 1'4' 

"~'rItt',oIICMiW"'~""'''''':I''~~'iif~f(....*.u...ft!~~'''/o~ 

employment, project allocations, 

~~~- ...N'~~~~ 

and the power of money i s ever present -- 

~(f;M~~d4~JIII..~~~

~ 19 

.1iI\< .... 

to mold, to balance, and to integrate 

.. Whi:1iII ~ ,: .. ri'''IQ$~ 

these and other forces, 

P" - •••• SI ...... ~~~~,.~~ 

new and old, within the principles 

.... • .. _ c n ° . &;;I .. ... ~~ ~,..'*"'PiItWK".I.'''tI'''i,''''I!''''.'''.:~f 

of our democratic system -- 

"')~"""..'J "'X>ift'ooiG.~"Wn"'l;.p'''~J-r~, I .~'\>6''t . 

ever aiming toward 

_,- lI C ..... " I" ue 

the supreme goals of our free society. 

'C'M'~- 

'"\ 

'. .. .. ... , 

* * * ** 

ANOTHER FACTOR 

.. ... 

in maintaining 

balance involves 

- 

the element of time. 

~,.... 

.... ~-~-~--~~~".~ 

As we peer into society's future, 

we -- you and I, and our government -- 

...... n- ~ . • f_." ' rnll'-"~ ~~""""'~", 111~'( 

must avoid the impulse to live 

_ . .. , •• ,' = ... ""' ..... = Ig- ' 31 ... __ ~.,"* 

only for today, plundering, 

L- = • I. - -••• • ' ,-.---- . -~- '-...."_..-- 

t2.t .. ~ ~.t..~..!.~_~ n dc 0 n v e n.i .~.'l~,p , 

the precious resources of tomorrow. 

- : ·~~~~~~~~I

We 

20 

cannot mortgage the material assets 

~~M"~ 

~~*~,M( #o~~·1'~~k";:1~~~;«. 

of our grandchildren without risking 

~~~1I~ ..... _ • ••• ' ~ 

the loss also of their political 

.. __ •• d':HI.t "",,-,_., ... ~ ~~~ 

and spiritual heritage. 

~~W~""'~ 

We want democracy to survive 

~ ~ ~1'I'~~~·,~tt

21 

of equals. 

rw. S ";& 

The weakest must come to the ~ 

• rtP g, [~ . ei'"l91i1'j"'" ,.........~ti~UiJa:J'il'~; 

conference table with the same confidence 

~JaA: ~iC+ 

"" f ~"b'J:tpjlaT.~ 

!~_~~, p r ol;,;~joK~~"",,: ,~~ ~l'~ ur 

moral, ecqnpmic, and military strength. 

~~. .....~~ ~ 

T~e, though scarred 

by many past frustrations, 

cannot be abandoned for the certain agony 

~. s l ,"'~~~~ ~'~ :'. 

of the battlefield. 

DISARMAMENT, with mutual honor 

,..~""-"""'"~~!ffN,. .. t~:,..~r~JJlw.. ... ~~",..-a~and 

confidence, is a continuing 

.... l6'f. hi.!Q{,.:~~~ -jlJ-~~~l6iAflP'~~~ 

imperative. 

~-

~ 22 

Together we must learn how to compose 

/ ,*-~d':r6~t41'~-"; 

d i fferences, not with arms, 

- .1"~"'UiO*l'i""~ 

but with i ntellect and decent purpose. 

Because this need is so sharp 

., II .1ii@1~~~V~""~~ 

and apparent I confess that I lay down 

..... ___ ~ ........ ~ ~~~~~'$tP',v.9!"~.!f'(I11r .. flU>Jt · ... ~~'rI1 

my official responsibilities 

..---..~~'W"~PIfIt«.~~~ 

in this field with a definite sense 

~~~~ -....,.,~~~~~I'W~Y.ttM~'i!!fI!.~n»;I:!",~~ 

of disappointment. 

-......wt~'t~ 

As one who has witnessed the 

and the lingering sadness of war - 

as one who knows that another war 

~~~"X.'IIIi.·~'~"JO\I\~~\.~t!~~.u-;,yn.,,1f:~~~ 

could utterly destroy this civilizat i on 

·-.... .....· j~~~~~ !oor~~~...'lk.W~~Q1I"I~. 

~ ~>.lJ"'~-""~a~~ ,,cgJ~!'~~~""sJ.~?x~,?~~!.~.J.r~~ 11 Y 

built over thousands of years -- 

_..-..- .~~~tiI~I~I$!fi.&!o;oo.oo~'»iI~ 

I wish 

• I P 1l#&%. 

I could say tonight 

that a lasting peace 

• 

IS in sight.

HAPPILY, 

- 

I can say 

has been avoided • 

...!;f~"dl~)'" 

steady progress 

has been made. 

~"""'~ fff'~i(f,~""~ 

that war 

1' • • 

toward our dJl ~i te 

But, 

== .... 

so 

... 

much remains to be done! 

_9 ............. ~ ....... ~~~ ..... ~'It~ 

As a private citizen, I shall never 

_..-......,;""""-'''''''''... 

- '''' - ~~;.;.~ GU~~. 

cease to do what little I can to help the 

- .tUe.e'*=Cbu(.c~XhJill~~tl rl't€"'."T't~'.,;Q~·.~"Ql;~l 

"-, 

w~!:~~J'~~~~~ .. t,~~~d . 

* * * * 

so -- in 

• 4 

9: s , .. 'y_~.~! .. !:.':.~!..!.!: n t -- I t h ~~-X..~ 

23 

goal 

for the many opportunities you have given me 

- __..._;,____ ~_~""~~.1""''''n __ 

for public service in war and peace. 

t' . 

;;.'''·

-- ',-- 24 

trust that in that 

.... r , n 

_ 

. 

servIce 

YOU AND I -- my fellow citizens -- 

--, 

- .. ~~ ; b a ill!L ......... fW .... ""~,. 

n~_~,.,~~~_.!.~.~ ~~p~ ., ! ,~"' _~~!'~~_!, a i t ,h ~ ~ 

_.~r,-~ '."lJI!,.... r 

that all nations, under God, will reach 

• . , iI~ .... ~~..w.a~!.#~a:~lIt~~~~ 

the goal of peace with justice. 

M.::.:;a-.;.y...,...;w;;"e~.;:b;.,;e;;....;;, e. ,;,v,Qe;.;r_ ..... u ~g~~--L~..,!!~~.t 

confident but humble 

t ~"" .eJ;.J.~ pIe , 

----- 

ion 

wJ~.e~;er, d i!-. j,,9.e ,~ ... ~ ... ~~..!!!!.r.J~ it 

of the Nation's great goals.

25 

tL£.JJ-~~PLES , ,ELI.!iL!!2!LO , ~, 

once more give expression 

asp irat i on: 

I" ' 8'1I1" . ' &.. 

We pray that peoples of all faiths, 

_8> _ *"*"w 

a :;'M~~ es, a U .... ~.!2.,ns, ma ~~!.:~e 

t.he,,~.': .~,!.:!~,L!1l}.~U~~JJ.!l i ed; 

t ha t tho s e IJ 0rt'! .. ~ f:.!!.l~_£Ju!..~J:..t!JJ.l,,,i 

t y 

s~ .. ~~ .J.~!!~~.s....,to~f ull; 

that all who yearn for freedom 

. ,.. 0' • "· · 'Mj-_ m4IVi.rl" ,., .... ~ , ..... 

"!~.Y....!.~~..l,,~....!f...!L.L~!"'"""~ I ~"J n 9 s ; 

that those who hay~ freedom will understand 

. I' 'r '., . ' s,- . .. t tE· ..... wi1 f1 i~ ..""l '$. .....e60-.~......... ~ .... J ... .. 

aJ;.;.~. i ~ ..._~;..!!>'_~ '~, Pg'lU~l.! it i es; 

that 

-. 

all who are insensitive to the needs 

of others will learn charity; 

~'.!'~ ~ * 1' ~_ i;~~

26 

that the Sc~~~~!~~~~ !y, 

disease and ignorance will be made I 

_ 1U ..."3....'011.... ...._---..,_ ~~ , ~ 

to disappear from the earth, 

__, ~~_' Irw;;.n"""\5-"~)1,~~._J.p,~.,,~}o · 

and that, in the goodness of time, 

...... "m 5 0 ...... I~ M ¥tII!I~ 

a_II peopw~~"".~.~~~t9Ji~her 

in a peace guaranteed by the binding 

... _... _." ".; .. ~ .. ~ ....... Nl«Wr ... e·~..\.~ 

force of mutual respect and love. 

ill . • ,.-. SU4 • JeA':U IS~~)¥A ~~"'~ ...-..".!1't


Source: Dwight D. Eisenhower Presidential Library and Museum


On January 17, 1961, President Eisenhower gave his final address as 

president, televised to the nation from the White House’s Oval Office. 

PLAY TO HEAR SPEECH

March 17, 1961 Memo from Bryce Harlow for Dwight D. Eisenhower 

and Richard Nixon regarding Congressional reaction to the address 


Eisenhower’s Post-Presidential Papers, Special Names Series, Box 6, 

Harlow Bryce 1961

Determined by Library Staff to 

be en Administrative Marking 

March 17, 1961 

MEMORANDUM FOR: 

iJ DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER 

RICHARD M. NIXON 

I attach 

of which 

and have 

severa l ~tems ' 0 f ~nterest ' comp~le ' d by Steve 'I Hess, some 

might be exploitable by certain of the boys on the Hill 

been passed along to them with that thought in mind. 

There is an interesting development, Mr. President, involving your 

"Farewell Address." At least two vigorous young Republicans in the 

House (Bob Michel of Illinois and Brad Morse of Massachusetts) have 

int erested themselves in your warning to America against excessive 

p ower being accumulated by the military-industrial complex and are 

girding their loins to raise a rumpus through the Congressional 

investigation route. Nation magazine, of all things, has suddenly 

interested itself in the same thing and has run a column on the 

subj ect written by Jerry Greene, one of the most conservative correspondents 

in Washington. Congressional Quarterly, widely read, 

will run a whole spread on this in its next issue . The point is, 

this part of the Address turns out to be curiously yeasty, and 

one can expect some fall-out from it in the Congressional-political 

area over coming months. All of the interested parties (except 

Nation, of course! ) have been in touch with me about this: I have 

quietly, without attribution, sought to add fuel to this still small 

flame. 

The Congressional Leaders have at last hired Bob Humphreys as their 

full-time staff man, much to my relief and gratification. He should 

do a splendid job, provided they will give him running room, and I 

would anticipate that within the next month the public imprint of 

Ev and Charlie will be noticeably more powerful and positive. There 

is a growing undercurrent of discontent, especially among the new 

House Republicans (a very large class approximating 40), but including 

Tom Curtis who is a veritable bulldog, over the leadership 

(and party) image now being projected by the Leaders, and this 

could evolve into a serious problem for Charlie, Johnny Byrnes and 

Les, but my hope is that Bob Humphreys' imaginative help will ease 

this strain before it reaches serious proportions.

- 2 - 

You recognize in this, of course, the old problem in the House 

that of keeping new members feeling useful and as part of the 

team. What is needed is assignment to the new freshman class, 

and to our very attractive young leaders, such as Byrnes, Ford, 

Laird, Rhodes and Frelinghuysen, speaking and other public chores 

so they will not only feel more a part of things but also will 

brighten the party image . Charlie is acutely aware of this need, 

having seen it intimately in his struggle with Joe Martin, and 

I am hopeful that he will move in reasonable time to meet it. 

The National Chairmanship problem remains substantially as it 

was, as far as , I can determine, with no clear decision as to 

Thrus Morton's successor or as to when Thrus will step aside. 

Halleck is stoutly for Ray Bliss but would be willing to have 

an attractive front man with Bliss in second place, if this turns 

out to be preferred. Bill Miller of New York begins to be talked 

about for the post but ought to be subject to the same disability 

as Thrus -- re-election problems in 1962. Barry Goldwater still 

stands for Bliss , I am informed, as does Ev Dirksen, but more 

important than any of this is the continuing confusion and lack 

of tight forward planning. The National Committee career staff 

is considerably discombobulated by all of this, Thrus being 

rarely at the Committee, Hal Short serving really as Acting 

Chairman, and no one quite sure where authority truly lies and 

what the continuing policies and programs are to be. In sum, 

the problem is no less difficult than it was last January, as 

all of us feared would be the case. A tough party fight over 

this spot seems definitely in prospect. 

As a side note~ Arthur Summerfield is chairman of the June 1 

dinner here being put on at the Armory by the Senate and House 

Republican Campaign Committees. I need hardly report that he is 

throwing himself heart and soul into this effort; it is safe to 

predict, knowing him, that he will turn it into a real extravaganza. 

The Democratic Party will put on a big party here only 

three days before. Art swears that he is going to outdo the 

competition. I have no doubt at all that he will. 

There was extraordinary tribute inherent in the passage of the 

5-star bill. One complaining voice only was raised among the 

537 members ·in both Houses -- that of Dale Alford, who opposed 

the bill because he represents Little Rock, Arkansas, and contended 

that the South ought, by opposing this bill, to register 

disapproval of the use of force in the Little Rock school fracas. 

No one paid him the slightest heed. 

;f-L~~~~~~-r,-4

- 3 - 

Incidentally, Alford is potentially an opponent of Wilbur Mills 

as a result of Arkansas redistricting, but Mills tells me (1 ) that 

Alford has promised not to oppose him, preferring to run for 

governor, and of perhaps equal interest Mills says (2) that 

Faubus now states categorically. that he will not run against 

Ful bright . Rumors are extant that Mills will receive a judgeship 

from the new Administration in order to remove him from the Way s 

and Me ans Committee b e fore the medical care fight next year. 

The talk is that Mills would be inclined to accept because h is 

wife's health is poor and because he got enough of the day-today 

political struggle during the Rules Committee fight early 

this year, in which he had to pick between standing with Sam 

Rayburn and standing with his constituency (he chose Rayburn ) . 

All conservative-minded people would, of course, be aghast if 

Mills should leave the Committee; his departure would be a blow 

t o Congressional responsibility worse than the packing of the 

Rules Committee. Mills' successor would be leftist Cecil King 

o f California. 

Kennedy's legislative program faces real trouble in the House. 

Conservatives have an excellent chance to control the minimum 

wage bill when it hits the House Floor next week; the school bill 

is in deep trouble, as of course you know, over the Catholic and 

race issues as well as teacher salaries; farm legislation is in 

traditional travail ; the measure to reduce tourist buying abroad 

from $500 to $100 has been called back, even after tentative Way s 

and Means Committe e approval, for second thinking by the State 

Department ; the backdoor financing part of the distressed areas 

bill will almo st surely b e defeated in the House; defense reorganization 

is stymied for at least a year ; medical care for the 

aged is likewise deferred to next year and still faces a tough 

time ; highway financing has run up against the same huge lobby 

from truckers that defeated a like attempt some five years ago; 

mutual security faces its traditional Armageddon, with the 

minority far more intrans i geant than heretofore; the peace corps 

increasingly comes up agai nst somber second thoughts and will 

likely be entwined in a who le web of restrictive amendments before 

it escapes the Congress; improv ing economic prospects are depressurizing 

most key domestic measures of whatever kind , and 

more and more the minority in both Houses begins to veer about 

to slash at -the Democratic jugular. There will surely be a loud 

outc r y over the budget amendments due in a week or ten days , b e 

cause a substantial deficit will be f o recast; civ il rights 

l egislative pledges are still to be redeemed; a Pentagon roil

- 4 - 

begins to develop as the Army , Navy and Marines develop deep 

resentments over Air Force influence in the new defense scheme ; 

things abroad look progressively bleaker; Soapy Williams looks 

more and more like a really profitable minority target; White 

House moves to control the regulatory commissions, to close the 

mouths of Administration people, to take care of cronies and 

relatives and rejected candidates (see enclosur~, and White 

House inability to persuade Congress t o cooperate, lay the 

f o undat ion for severe criticism in the months ahead. At the 

moment the popularity of the new President appears to be high 

because of the ease with which the public confuses motion with 

progress -- but it is deeply meaningful that here, in mid-March, 

the only substantive bill that has yet been passed by Congress 

turns out to be the unanimously accepted 5-star bill for Dwight D. 

Eisenhower -- a bill f o r which the groundwork had been laid before 

the new Administration took office. I foresee growing 

troubles for this new crowd that will warm the cockles o f ~ 

Republican hearts all across the country , and I gladly report 

that everywhere on the Hill politicians still report a Republican 

morale and an eagerness to work wonderful to behold. If only the 

Party can cleanse itself o f (1) negativism, (2) the big business 

stigma, (3) the hard-hearted image, and can come up with a 

genuine national issue (such as t oeing in the union monopoly 

might conceiv ably be), I anticipate startling Democratic reverses 

in 1962 and later. Tom Curtis even reports that there 

is a genuine possibility of electing a Republican mayor in 

St . Louis ; Sam Rayburn most uncomfortably confided that no person 

aliv e can foretell the Texas special election; Jim Mitchell's 

prospects seem good in New Jersey, prov ided the primary challenge 

can be surmounted; Mumma's replacement (John Kunkel ) in Pennsylvania 

seems certain of v ictory -- and so, given a little i magination 

and energy the Democratic bloom ought soon to fade. 

Nate Twining, of course retired, is on the precipice of letting 

out a v iolent complaint about new trends in national defense. 

He fully appreciates the possibility of severe reaction against 

him by the new Administration leaders but feels duty bound to 

prot e st. He could trigger off an unending series of attacks on 

Ke nnedy and McNamara in the defense area; as indicated, the 

Pentagon soil grows increasingly fertile for this kind of thing. 

By next week, Hess having g otten fully under way, we hope to have 

a few suggested notes that you might usefully send to v arious

- 5 - 

Members of the Senate and House and perhaps to some of the press. 

It is time that the boys here know that the two of you are watchful 

of their antics, it seems to me. 

Sincerely, 

~ 

Bryce N. Harlow 

Enclosures

January 17, 1966 Letter from Stanley Karson (Chairman, Special 

Committee on Military-Industrial Complex, American Veterans 

Committee) to Dwight D. Eisenhower 


Eisenhower’s Post-Presidential Papers, 1966 Principal File, Box 36, K

AMERICAN VETERANS COMMITTEE 

" CITIZENS FIRST, VETERANS SECOND" 

NATIONAL OFFICE 

• 

1830 JEFFERSON PLACE, N. W., WASHINGTON, D. C. 20036 

• FEderal 8-1455 

HONORARY MEMBERS 

Dr. Ralph J. Bunche 

The Most Rev. Bernard J. Sheil 

The Han. Harr y S. Trumon 

OFFICERS 

John S. Stillman 

Chairman 

Ben Neufeld 

Vice Chairman 

June A. Willenz 

Administrative Director 

Dr. Eugene D. Byrd 

Secretary 

Mortin Frost 

Treasurer 

Mabel Hairston 

Comptroller 

Phineas Indritz 

National (oullsel 

Frank E. G. Wei! 

Veterans Service Counsel 

VAVS Representative 

J oseph Mazur 

Special Counsel 

John D. Fauntleroy 

Veterans Service Officer 

Chester C. Shore 

Legislative Chairman 

Martin L. Keen 

Membership Chairman 

NA TlONAL BO ARD 

Stanley Alletl 

Bernard Bellush 

Bernard Berlly 

Charles G. Bolte 

Ray Bramucci 

E. Woyles Browne, Jr. 

Samuel Byer 

Curtis Compoigne, Jr. 

Edward T. Collier 

Poul Cooke 

Murray M. Coron 

Frank E. Dennis 

John D. Fauntleroy 

J. Arnold Fe ldman 

Henri Fluchere 

Howard T. Frazier 

Charles E. Gennert 

Murray Gross 

Gilbert A. Harrison 

Robert S. Hunt 

Harry Hyde Jr. 

Martin L. Keen 

Mickey levine 

Bill Mauldin 

William R. Ming Jr. 

lothar E. Nachman 

Chat PatersOl''t 

Boyd Quackenbush 

Chester C. Shore 

Robert W. Smick 

Michael Straight 

NATION A L ADVISORY COUNCIL, 

Judge Hubert L. Will 

Chairman 

Han. William L. Batt, Jr. 

Congo Jonathon Bingham 

Kenneth M. Birkhead 

Congo John A. Blotnick 

Congo Richard Bolling 

Dove Breger 

Congo Charles C. Diggs, Jr. 

Sen. Paul Douglas 

Clark M. Eichelberger 

Irving M. Engel 

Hon. Abe Fortas 

Congo Donald Fraser 

Hon. O rville Freeman 

Rabbi Ro land Gittelsohn 

Dr. Mason W. Gross 

Sen. Jacob Jovi's 

Robert R. Nathan 

Congo Barratt O ' Hara 

Congo James O'Haro 

Hon. Endicott Peabody 

Sen. Claiborne Pel! 

Congo Henry Reuss 

Hon. James Roosevelt 

Congo Wi ll iam Fitts Ryan 

Congo James H. Scheuer 

Paul Sifton 

Hon. Neil Staebler 

Gen. Telford Taylor 

Congo Fronk Thompson, Jr. 

Gus Ty ler 

Thornton N. Wilder 

Hon. Franklin H. Williams 

Han. G. Mennen Williams 

Sen. Harrison A. Williams 

Hon. Adam Yarmolinsky 

Congo Sidney R. Yates 

Sen. Stephen M. Young 

General Dwight D. Eisenhower 

Box 787 

Indio, California 

Dear General Eisenhower: 

January 17, 1966 

Five years ago today you addressed the American 

people on radio and television for the last time as 

President. In t his memorable speech, you devoted a 

significant portion to an eloquent discussion of the 

existence and ramifications of what you called the 

mi l itary-industrial complex. 

The American Veterans Committee wishes to congratulate 

you again on bringing this vital subject to 

the attention of the American people . Your life of 

service to the nation , as both a military and a civilian 

,/leader, gives you a unique background and authori ty in 

r this field. 

This veterans' organization, founded during 

World War II, is contemplating a long-range study of 

some of the implications of the military-industrial 

complex. We would be very grateful indeed to you 

for your views on this subject today, as all of us 

are concerned with ma intaining this nation as an effective 

force in the world-wide struggle between f reedom 

and tyranny - Communist and otherwise. 

Wi t h every best wish. 

v 

Stanley 

Chairman, Special Committee on 

Military-Industrial Complex 

To achieve a more democratic and prosperous America and a more stable World 

~ 3 '

January 19, 1966 Congressional Record – Senate, Significance of 

President Eisenhower’s Speech on the Military-Industrial Complex 


Eisenhower’s Post-Presidential Papers, 1966 Principal File, Box 36, K

574 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE January )9, 1966 

was previously with the U.s. Department 

of Justice, has been appointed as 

director of the Legislative Reference 

Service by the Librarian of Congress and 

I look forward to many years of association 

with him. 

I want to express my personal appreciation 

as well as that of the Senate to Dr. 

Elsbree for his devoted service to the 

Congress during a Period in which this 

body, because of its heavy legislative responsibilities, 

has placed great burdens 

on the Legislative Reference Service. I 

hope that his retirement will be a happy 

and fruitful one. 

sources and livelihood are all involved; so is 

the very structure of our society. 

"In the councils of government, we must 

guard against the acquisition of unwarranted 

infiuence, whether sought . or unsought, 

by the military-Industrial complex. 

The potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced 

power exlsts and will persist. 

"We must never let the weight of this 

combination endanger our liberties or democratic 

processes. We should take nothing 

for granted . Only an alert and .knowledgeable 

citizenry can compel the proper mesh 

Ing of the huge Industrial and m1l!tary machinery 

of defense with our peaceful methods 

and goals, so that security and liberty may 

prosper together. . " 

"Akin to, and largely responsible for the 

sweeping changes In our industrial-military 

SIGNIFICANCE OF PRESIDENT EI- posture, has been the technological revolus:ENFfOViER'S- 

SPEECH ' ON THE tion during recent decades. 

MILITARY -INDUS'TRIAL C011:PLEX 

~ ...,,~__._.._. ' .... ' '.' ___ 

"In this revolution, research, has become 

central; it also becomes 'more formalized, 

Mr. DOUGLAS. Mr. President, 5 years complex, and costly. A steadily increasing 

ago Monday, President Eisenhower made share is conducted for, by or at the direction 

his famous speech on the military-indus- of, the Federal GovEi'rnment. 

trial complex. Many have forgotten that "Today, the solitary inventor, tinkering in 

his shop, has been overshadowed by task 

speech. But the AInerican veterans forces of scientists in laboratories and testing 

Committee has reminded us of the speech fields. In the same fashion, the free univerand 

of its significance. 

sity,- historically the fountainhead of free 

I ask unanimous consent that their ideas and scientific discovery, has experlstatement 

on this anniversay, which in- enced a revolution In the conduct of research. 

cludes General Eisenhower's words, be Partly because of the huge costs Involved, 

printed at this point in the RECORD as a Government contract becomes vlrtuaUy a 

. ' substitute for intellectual curiosity. For 

a . remmder. to all of ~ ?f that speech. every old blackboard there are now hundreds 

There bemg no obJectlOn, the state- ' of new electronic computers. 

ment was ordered to be. printed in the "The prospect of domination of the Na- 

RECORD, as follows: 

tion's scholars by Federal employment,- ptoj- 

STATEMENT ON FIFTH ANNrVERSARY OF PRESI- eot allocations, and the power of money Is 

DENT EISENHOWER'S FAREWELL ADDRESS BY ever present---and is gravely to be regarded. 

SPECIAL COMMITTEE ON THE MILITARY- "Yet, in holding scientific research and 

INDUSTRIAL COMPLElt 

VETERANS COMMITTEE 

OF THE AMERICAN 

. 

discovery In respect, as we should, we must 

also be alert to the equal and opposite dan 

all u.s. corporatIons. ' 

"This conjunction of an i=ense m11itary 

establishment and a large arms industry is 

new In the American experience. The total 

infiuence--economic, political, even spirit 

Ual-is felt In every city, every State house, 

every otfice of the Federal Government. We 

recognize the imperative need for this development. 

Yet we must not fall to comprehend 

its grave implications. OUr toil, re- 

Five years ago, last Monday--on January ger that public policy could itself become 

17, 1001-President Dwight D. Eisenhower in the captive of a scientific-technological elite. 

his farewell radio and television address to "It is the task of statesmanship to mold, 

the American people spoke out on a matter 

he considered of significant long-range conto 

balance, and to Integrate these and other 

forces, new and old, within the principles 

sequence to this Nation. He coined the of our democratic system--ever aiming tophrase, 

"the military-industrial complex." ward the supreme goals of our free society." 

General Eisenhower's entire life gave him 

a unique background to discuss this vital 

The American Veterans Co=ittee whole- 

heartedly endorses General Eisenhower's resubject. 

Certainly,.no one else in our recent 

history knows better, both from a military 

marks and intends to use its energy and re 

sources to study the m11itary-industrtal 

and a civilian vantage po1nt, all the relation- complex in its many ramifications for the 

ships involved in this area of national life. Nation. 

Today, as 5 years ago, it would be well for 

the Nation to recall his words. 

REPUBLICAN STATE OF THE UNION 

"A vital element in keeping the peace is 

our Military Establishment. Our arms must MESSAGE IS A GAIN FOR ALL 

be mighty, ready for instant action, so that AMERICA 

no potential aggressor may be tempted to 

Mr. HRUSKA. Mr. ' President, earlier 

risk his own destruction. 

"Our military organization today bears little 

-relation to that known by any of my Mr. DIRKSEN, and his colleague in the 

this week the capable minority leader, 

predecessors in peacetime, or indeed by the House, Mr. FORD, went ' before network 

fighting men of World War II or Korea. television cameras in the Old Supreme 

"Until the latest of our world conflicts, the Court Chamber to present the Republican 

appraisal of the state of the Union 

United States had no armaments industry. 

American makers of plowshares could, with 

message. 

time and as required, make swords as well. 

But now we can no longer risk emergency It is not an exaggeration to say that 

improvisation of national defense; we have the occasion was historic. For the first 

been compelled to create a permanent armaments 

industry of vast proportions, Added were formally presenting their own 

time, the leaders of the opposition party 

to this, three and a half million men and views of the state of the Union and offering 

their own proposals for progress. 

women are directly engaged in the Defense 

Establishment. We annually spend on m11itary 

security more than the net Income of The appearance was important in another 

sense. It reasserted the vitality 

of the two-party system. Thoughtful 

Members of both great political parties 

have shown increasing concern over 

the imbalance between the parties which 

now exists in the Congress today. Our 

system of government was deSigned to 

function best with only a narrow division 

in the strength of the parties. 

This point is stressed in an ass'essment 

of the Dirksen-Ford appearance' by the 

able columnist, Roscoe Drummond. He 

points to several gains for the Natlonmore 

resourcefulness by the Republican 

Party in its public ' advocacy, a ' wider 

I).ational audience fo!'· Republican views, 

and the fact that "Mr. DIRKSEN and Mr. 

FORD spoke constructively without any 

outdated partisan- opposition for ' the 

sake of opposition." 

Mr. President, ' the tests. of - Senator 

DIRKSEN'S and Representative FORD'S remarks 

were printed in the - CONGRES 

SIONAL REC.ORD y~terday and appear' on 

pages 512 to 514 of the House proceedings. 

I commend their reading to all 

AInericans,regardless of party. 

I ask unanimous consent, Mr. President, 

to have inserted in the RECORD Mr. 

Drummond's article which appeared in 

the Washington Post this morning. 

There being no objection: the article 

was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, 

as follows: 

THE GOP SPEAKS OUT 

. (By Roscoe Drummond) 

The voice of the Republican Party in Congress 

is being lifted to better effect than at 

any time since it lost the White House 6 

years ago. 

The . very concept of a Republican state 

of the Union address--delivered on prime 

television time by Senator EvERETT DIRKSEN 

and Representative GERALD FORD---£hows the 

GOP is becoming more resourceful in its public 

. advocacy. That is a gain In itself. 

Still anemic in its 1-to-2 minority status, 

the GOP voice may not be.more wIdely heeded 

In ,Congress, but it is being more widely 

heard In the country. That's another gain. 

Mr. DIRKSEN and Mr. FORD spoke constructively 

and responsibly without any outdated 

partisan opposition for the sake of opposition. 

That's a third galli. 

It seems to me that, In sum, that well 

served the interests. of the country and of 

their own' party by doing three things above 

all else: 

__ 

1. They put the brand ' of "modemte Republicanism" 

on the whole range of pany 

policy and thus prepared the way to make a 

political recovery in the elections this fall. 

2. They identified the GOP unreservedly 

with the cause of racial justice and stricter 

enforcement of all civil rights laws. 

3. They gave the President unwavering 

support--better support than he is getting 

from some highly placed Democrats--for the 

unyielding goals in Vietnam--securmg the 

independence of South Vietnam by negotiation 

if possible and by military action if 

necessary. 

As the Senate minority leader, Senator 

DIRKSEN clearly spoke for more than the 

minority in every crucial poSitIon he took 

on Vietnam. He spoke for the country and 

what he sald cannot fail to be a · source of 

strength to President Johnson, both in his 

conduct of the peace initiative and in his 

conduct of the. war. 

Mr. DIRKSEN gave to the Democratic administration 

reassuring evidence that it will 

continue to have Republican backing on 

these two vital prongs of U.S. policy. This 

was the heart of his assurance: 

"Let the peace efforts continue. Who can 

object to any honorable effort to secure peace 

where young blood is involved. . 

"Let the military effort continue. It demonstrates 

our determination to keep. our 

word . . Let it be intenstfJ.ed, 'if necessary, as 

sound military judgment dictates." 

On the whole front of the Vietnam peace 

effort and the Vietnam war effort, it is evidence 

that Senator DIRKSEN is going to be an 

invaluable ally of the President--as long as

February 7, 1966 Reply from Dwight D. Eisenhower to Stanley Karson 

(Chairman, Special Committee on Military-Industrial Complex, 

American Veterans Committee) 


Eisenhower’s Post-Presidential Papers, Special Names Series, Box 7, 

Harlow Bryce 1966

.~ 

Box F F F . Indio, CaUfornia 

F ebroal'Y 7, 1966 

Dear M r . Ie reo!) 

Thank you for yourcompUmentary remark. on t e TV addres8 I 

mad$ just al ! left th Pre.idency. I am glad to kno that your 

organizatiOD i. devoting time a~,d~energy to studying the rarmifb:ationa 

of bat 1 thea called 'th ffmUitary- indu.triat complx. U 

The b1flueneef tremen(ioul munitions exp nditure. i8 fellin ev ry 

pha.eof 'our nati-onalUfe .... miUion, today ow their pro.perity, 

indeed their liveUh to this kind of production. Communities, 

and tnanufa-cturer., compete tor ow muoition. facilities or contract •• 

to obtain. sueb faVt)rabl .. tattons polt-tieal lDfiuenee t. sought and 

often gi"V'en. aaife ~8tly all of \J;B shculd be alert t.o tbe po •• ibUity 

that munition. p"l'oduetiOll: could come so important that 'W'hole 

commWl'iti.s wi" 100 . upon it a. .. .y of. Ufe. we may forget tila't 

these expenditures ar mer -ly for the pQl'poae of 4.eiending our8 lYe. 

and what e now ha'Ve. 

Our st ruggle against rid Communiam involve. mlH,*ry. eonom ic 

and epirit1l&1 facto-re.. -aell -is equaUy )important aft, it ,ia u to ua 

to See that e maintain th ec.esaal'yetrength i 'acb and t propel' 

balanc a mong th - three. 

Sincerely. 

M r . Stanley G . a r Son •. Chairman 

Special Committee on. ilitary .. lnduatrial Complex 

Ameri.can Veterans Com mitt e 

1830 J efferson P lace. N. • 

a shiftgton, D. C. 

20036

June 13, 1967 Letter from Professor Theodore R. Kennedy to Dwight 

D. Eisenhower 


Eisenhower’s Post-Presidential Papers, 1966 Principal File, 

Box 5, BE (Business Economics)

MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY BAST LANSING 48823 

UNIVERSlTY COIl.BGB • DBPARTMENT OF AMBlUCAN mOUGHT AND LANGUAGB 

June 13, 1967 

General Dwight D. Eisenhower 

Gettysburg, PennsYlvania 

Dear Sir: 

Fifteen year s ago I prepared a doctoral thesis on the foreign policy speeches 

of Senator Arthur A. Vandenberg. A recent re- rea.cW1g of that woIk prompts 

thts letter t o you. 

In 1932 Senator Vandenber g served on the War Policies Commission, and the 

Secretary of that Commission was one D. D. Eisenhower (with the rank of major, 

I believe). The odds against there having been two D. D. Eisenhowers in 

Washington at that time nmst be staggering. 

If, as I surmise, you were indeed the Secretary of the Commission, I should 

like to as< you two questions. The first is whether you recall Vandenber g ' s 

role on the Commission as being in any way noteworthy. perhaps intensif'ying 

his isolationist sentiment of the ~O f S? 

The second question may be impertimmt, but it is worth as

June 21, 1967 Reply from Dwight D. Eisenhower to Professor 

Theodore R. Kenney 

Source: Dwight D. Eisenhower Presidential Library and Museum,Dwight D. 

Eisenhower’s Post-Presidential Papers, 1966 Principal File, Box 5, BE 

(Business Economics)

J ZI, 1967 

D • Mr. Ke dy: 

., 

LaI..., .... 

I

December 28, 1985 Letter from Ralph Williams to Martin Teasley 

regarding origin of term “military-industrial complex” 

Source: Dwight D. Eisenhower Presidential Library and Museum, Ralph E. 

Williams Papers, Box 1, Letters 1985-1988

.- ,- 

RALPH E. WILLIAMS 

6531 JAY MILLER DRIve 

F "u.s CHURCH, VIRG~"IA 22041 

l'1r. Hartin H. Teasley 

Assistant Jirector 

~wight D. Eisenhower Library 

Abilene, Kansas 67ulO 

Dear Mr . Teasley: 

December 28, 1985 

Your nice letter a nd enclosed materials about the ~ise nho we r 

Library were waiting for me when I got b ack from NilliamsbQrg yesterday, 

and the answer to your main question is yes indeed, I would b e 

delighted to meet \-l ith y::>ur representative at whatever date we can 

agree u pon. I don't plan to set foot outs ide the Bel V,lay for at least 

~wo months, so most any time during that period would be suitable to 

me . If time is im~ ort an t, my phone n umber is (703) 256-3305. 

I have alway s been ast onislied a t the attention t hat has been given 

t o the 'Imili tary-inclustrial c()mplex" portion of President Eisenh()wer' s 

last speech, and agree Hith Pete .A.urand that its t rue significance has 

been distorted beyond recognition. I am sure t hat had it been uttered 

by anyone exc ept a President Ivh () had also been the _4rmy's five-star 

Chief ()f Staff it Hould l ::mg since have been forgotten. But as things 

"ere, it became red meat for the media, H no have gleefully gnaHed on 

it for tvlenty five years. 

!~s to y clUr query abc'Ut the orl.gm and source ()f the idea 2nd phrase 

I'm sending al:::ng a Xerox C()py of a mem-oranaum which may be of s ')me help . 

It is the onl y cefinitive paper I could find in my files relating to the 

s::rca2..1ed fareHell a ec.ress , and y()U arecertainly uelcome to the original 

(-;,hich is itself a file copy) if you feel it merits a place in the 

EisenhoHer collection. As Y ()U Hill i mmed i ately n()te, at that earl y date 

He were still thinking i n terms 0f a state of the Union message , v:hich 

made l ess and less sense as the s ands ()f the Administrati()n r an out. s() 

at some Do i nt in its evolution it turned into a fareVlell message . 

Hac's protocol in getting t he speech const ruction pr()cess started 

was t() hav e an initial brai!'1sbrming session with steve Hess and me, at 

which time each ()f us "auld toss in his ideas about what topics sh()uld 

go in. If they survived the ensuing discussion Hac would then ask the

orig :L"12tor to develop- a full text vers ion for fur t he r c onsideration as 

an i nsert into the ~ain s peec h . S:>I:le of these made it a..l trle l,ay to 

the final draft and Clt hers never gCl t i nto the first--th e second item 

dis:::uss ed L'1 t he memorandum be ing oneelf the latter. In its stead I 

substituted the caveat against a scientific-technellogical elite, which 

is n01l1 about as .vell-remembered as Edward Everett's Gettysburg Address. 

(It no d~)Ub t 1I1::iUld hav e fared b etter if The had b een a Nobel 1aureate in 

phycics). The October 31 memo is therefore in essence both a minute 

of the meeting and a i'l1::>rk Clrder to me c::>ver ing the ass igned topics. 

As y ::>u will also note, the ceiebrated p hrase itself flCid t::> evo~ve only 

slightly fr::>m "war- based" to "military" as t he initial modifier ove r the 

course of the speech's gestation. 

I'm sure t h e President never thought ab::>ut either the phrase or t he 

c ::>ncept itself urltil I·jac I·b os put the first draft under i1is noce . I a'll 

equally sure, : or r eaSO:1S too lenghty to go int o here, that it struck a 

r 8sp:msive chord in his breast. Ike may n ot ali-lays r..ave said the right 

t hings, but he neve r ever put anythLl1g into a formal speech t hat he didn 't 

believe and fully intend to say, as the fe" hacked-up drafts you have 

amply testify • 

. 4s to elther partici9ants in t he pr e para:'lon of the s peech, I,lould 

say t hat probably elnly steve Hess, in addition t o the otlJers y ou mentioned , 

i·~Cl u ld r.a'le had an;)' substan ti ve i nput. I t i3 Dos s i ble that K:?c may have 

sho~led it to a £e\., seniClr staff me rr:·oers for c ::J:Jment--Bryce BarlOlv for one- 

but in general YelU c ould c ount on t be fingers elf ::>ne hand the number of 

pS::l;Jle who were privy to a speech's cont:::mts prior to its delivery.

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