Advocacy in Cambodia: Increasing Democratic ... - Pact Cambodia

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urban poor Case Studies Urban Poor in Phnom Penh The Municipality of Phnom Penh is divided into seven administrative sections called khans or districts. According to State of Poor Settlements in Phnom Penh published by the Solidarity and Urban Poor Federation (SUPF) in 1999, approximately one-fifth of Phnom Penh residents (up to 240,000), are urban squatters or urban poor. The largest squatter and urban poor settlement is located in Chamcarmon District, in the southeast part of city. Poor communities usually live in unhealthy environments in areas that flood regularly, either on public land, land with high value, or in areas scheduled for development of city infrastructure such as roads or canals. As a result, the urban poor are often threatened with eviction. In addition, as dwellings in Phnom Penh squatter areas are generally made of wood, and as fires are a phenomenon common to all squatter settlements, Phnom Penh squatters live in constant fear of fire as well. Within squatter communities, the most vulnerable usually live where physical conditions are the harshest - often in ground-level makeshift shelters or very light homes, below the flood line. These shelters are mostly located on the edges of rivers or in water catchments areas. During the rainy season, inhabitants of such dwellings either move upland where they rent more expensive plots, or live on rented pirogues in extremely hazardous conditions. A number of NGOs are working to improve the situation in these squatter communities, including: SUPF, URC, USG, UPWD, Khemara, CSARO, PADEK, UPDF, and ANS. These organizations’ programs are generally similar and include activities such as community organizing, capacity building of community leaders, savings and credit, infrastructure, health, and education. Some of these organizations were established in the early-1990s and others in the mid-1990s. Community Development Management Councils (CDMCs) are collaborative, district-level Within squatter communities, the most vulnerable usually live where physical conditions are the harshest - often in ground-level makeshift shelters or very light homes, below the flood line. planning committees made up of district officials, community leaders, and local and international NGOs. There are usually about seven people on a CDMC, depending on how active the NGOs and community representatives are. Sadly, few of the councils are active however. Though they have regular monthly meetings with stakeholders, the council’s mandate is unclear as the CDMC chair is also the khan chief, and sometimes the two roles have conflicting interests. The khan chief is often the official who issues letters of eviction whereas the CMDC chair is charged with co-ordinating and implementing development programs that lead to poverty reduction or eradication. Organizing Poor Urban Communities The main strategies by which urban NGOs work to empower their communities are community organizing and capacity building of community leaders. Most urban-focused NGOs conduct participatory appraisals, organize communities into groups, and facilitate elections for community representatives. Community representatives are encouraged to solve small problems, for example, related to sanitation. As representatives gain experience, they begin to tackle more difficult problems, such as securing land titles. Some urban development agencies make field visits every day and provide training on negotiating with legal authorities, for example on how to protect settlements and safe guard against evictions. One obstacle encountered when organizing community groups is a shortage of willing volunteers to stand as community leaders. Less frequently, elected leaders are unwilling to step down at the end of their mandate. Since community members are directly affected by community problems, they are generally willing to work hard to solve them. Sometimes however, if communities are very well organized and receive outside funding support, local authorities feel threatened because they perceive that they are 82
losing influence. For this reason, cooperation with and inclusion of local authorities is a very important part of an NGO’s strategy (though communities are usually averse to having local authorities handle funds for them). One interesting strategy used by urban advocacy groups to involve local authorities is to invite them and community members from other poor urban areas to attend celebration activities marking the completion of an area improvement project. The celebrations allow community representatives to explain how work was accomplished and even challenge local authorities if they were not cooperative during the project. Representatives from new communities who are invited can learn from real examples and local authorities learn to interact with the poor communities. Occasionally communities have to be creative and forceful in the face of official intransigence. In one example, local authorities would not authorize the construction of a kindergarten in a squatter area. The community tried everything it could think of to obtain the permission, but without success. In the end, community leaders decided to build the entire center in one night. When faced with a fait accompli, local authorities were reluctant to object, especially because the NGO involved had invited journalists to witness the center’s opening. Squatter Communities and Evictions The average squatter eviction event usually affects only 15-20 families at a time. As many of the urban poor are squatters, the main concerns of urban development organizations are unplanned evictions by the Phnom Penh Municipal Government. Following the 1993 election, the Municipality of Phnom Penh did not cooperate much with NGOs, especially with regards to squatters. The Municipality did not recognize that squatters had rights and perceived them as being illegally settled. As a result, evictions were forced, without planning or prior notice, and certainly without cooperation with NGOs. Since then, urban development groups have tried to negotiate with local authorities to plan evictions. In a number of cases this approach has been successful. In addition to organizing and building the negotiating capacity of community leaders, NGOs and other development agencies work with communities to prepare in the event of an eviction. Urban groups play an important role in facilitating meetings with committees and educating them about the importance of having a common voice. For example, faced with eviction, community members often want different things: some want land, some want to stay, others want cash, and still others may want the ability to return to their native villages. NGOs explain that community members cannot expect the government to respond to all of their requests, and that they therefore should reach consensus on what they ask for. A technique NGOs use to reach consensus among squatters is role-play - with some community members acting the parts of the local authorities. Using this and other tools, NGOs assist communities in narrowing their requests to two or three options. Another service provided by NGOs is helping communities identify relocation sites before the Municipality initiates the relocation/eviction process. Often NGOs rent a truck and take community members around to look for relocation sites. By identifying sites that are within a reasonable distance of the city (where community members are likely to earn their living), and valuing the cost of purchasing the land, communities are able to be proactive about offers made by municipal authorities. The lack of planning characteristic of the Municipality undermines relocation efforts. According to the URC database, on average, squatters only remain 1.5 years outside the city before they return. The main reason for returning is that relocation sites are too far from the city for residents to be able to earn a living. Frequently in the past squatters have requested permission to improve their sites and Residents in parts of Toul Svay Prey, located just off Mao Tse Tung Boulevard in Chamcarmon, knew that they were illegal squatters who would eventually be relocated. In 1999, Solidarity Urban Poor Federation (SUPF) and its target squatter communities began a discussion about a possible eviction. When the time finally came the Municipality agreed to discuss relocation with SUPH and representatives of the squatters’ community. Eventually the Municipality offered land outside of the city to 129 families. However, the land proved to be too far way and the people felt they could not earn a living there, so they turned down the first offer. The community helped identify other open land in Boueng Krappeur and the Municipality purchased it for them. UNCHS provided basic infrastructure and landfill for the site. Urban Poor Development Fund (UPDF) provided $48,000 in loans to the community to construct houses and Urban Resource Centre (URC) assisted with the layout plans. The case of Toul Svay Prey provides an excellent example of a successful and collaborative relocation effort. Case Studies 83
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advocacy in cambodia: increasing de
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executive summary The Cambodian non
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sectors reviewed in this document
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livelihood of populations, includin
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Pursat Rice Miller’s Association,
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Protected Forest and Land Dispute:
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implementation. Without policy impl
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drafts incorporated into the new La
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the relocation site and not at the
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Landless Families: O’thkov Villag
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Short-term and long-term implicatio
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EMOs do not traditionally base thei
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or even fearful to solve conflicts,
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collection of information on public
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each month. Facilitating Engagement
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analyzing impact of advocacy activi
Page 33 and 34: communities and NGOs can work with
Page 35 and 36: influencing the legislative process
Page 37 and 38: informal contacts and being able to
Page 39 and 40: CHART OF LEGISLATIVE PROCESS (10) K
Page 41 and 42: considerable public attention, but
Page 43 and 44: lessons learned Advocates have lear
Page 45 and 46: ecommendations The following are re
Page 47 and 48: conclusion Outside of human rights
Page 49 and 50: conclusion of the forum, the govern
Page 51 and 52: level can sustainable resource use
Page 53 and 54: literature, interviews, and field v
Page 55 and 56: Future Considerations The following
Page 57 and 58: Timeline of Land Issues Over the Pa
Page 59 and 60: The new Land Law will require betwe
Page 61 and 62: labor The garment factory labor mov
Page 63 and 64: input from AFL-CIO, the largest lab
Page 65 and 66: intervene are by activating the Lab
Page 67 and 68: ights have, in principle if not in
Page 69 and 70: commune council election law The ca
Page 71 and 72: maximize the group’s collective i
Page 73 and 74: communication between EMOs and dono
Page 75 and 76: The CCEL campaign was the first opp
Page 77 and 78: in every four women (25%) aged 15-4
Page 79 and 80: estimates the number of sex workers
Page 81 and 82: elections saw an increase to 14 fem
Page 83: healthcare. While many women know t
Page 87 and 88: plaintiffs at a disadvantage. A sec
Page 89 and 90: level to increase interaction betwe
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Page 93 and 94: economic issues NGOs are advocating
Page 95 and 96: come together to discuss problems a
Page 97 and 98: the issue on the government’s age
Page 99 and 100: premier center for rights-based and
Page 101 and 102: Penh. Watson, Gabrielle, 2000. Advo
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