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present what to do with himself.’ (sad and bloody newes, pp. 7-8) John Stone then went to the barn and hanged<br />

himself.<br />

Not all murders which took place within beds were so strongly related to the abuse of domestic power<br />

relations. Some were burglaries which went wrong; others were the inevitable consequences of living with<br />

lodgers who were strangers, and even sharing a bed with them, if the cold weather made it necessary. One<br />

widow named Elizabeth Fairbank met a gruesome end in her bed. Elizabeth w<strong>as</strong> described <strong>as</strong> living in a cellar,<br />

and therefore in relative poverty, but she did own several objects of value, including rings and plates. Her body<br />

w<strong>as</strong> discovered by the lodger who lived in the room above: ‘[she w<strong>as</strong>] found dead, with her Legs tyed, hanging<br />

down on the side of the Bed, the other part of her Body on the Bed, her Neck w<strong>as</strong> broke, and she w<strong>as</strong> bruised in<br />

several Places a bloody Handkerchief found near her supposed to have been thrust into her Mouth, and so<br />

forcibly that two of her Teeth were struck in with it, which is thought might occ<strong>as</strong>ion the Blood.’ 45 The widow’s<br />

bed provided the setting for the murder, which no one w<strong>as</strong> aware of, until a neighbour found Elizabeth a few<br />

days later. The murder w<strong>as</strong> charged to one John Wise, who presumably robbed the widow for her things of<br />

value, but offered no explanation <strong>as</strong> to the barbaric nature of the murder on her bed. The decision to kill her on<br />

the bed may reflect a sadistic abuse of gender control and the fear of rape, or, <strong>as</strong> a poor widow, the bed may<br />

have been the only immoveable item of furniture by which John Wise could restrain Elizabeth, within her home.<br />

This final barbaric act draws <strong>this</strong> section on the criminality and inv<strong>as</strong>ion of the bed to a close. In nearly all of the<br />

c<strong>as</strong>es which have been examined, the private dimensions of the bed allowed the inv<strong>as</strong>ions and inversions to<br />

take place with greater e<strong>as</strong>e: either because of the enclosed walls, which prevented others seeing, the bedclothes<br />

which smothered and prevented others from hearing, or because of the vulnerable, defenceless state of<br />

the occupants. These were not common occurrences, even within London, but they do illuminate what<br />

happened when the safest of domestic places w<strong>as</strong> thrown into disorder. In examining the bed, we can better<br />

understand the dynamics of the early-modern household, <strong>as</strong> a busy multifunctional area of many different<br />

people; and we can better understand the bed <strong>as</strong> an enclosed area of safety and privacy. However, the throughroutes<br />

and multi-person nature of households also created opportunity for crime, and <strong>as</strong> the bed w<strong>as</strong> that<br />

private haven, it is unsurprising that criminals, who needed relative privacy to perpetrate their crimes, used the<br />

space.<br />

The bed and the themes of <strong>this</strong> paper have coincided with a significant movement in academia, toward a new<br />

approach and understanding of the domestic sphere. The domestic sphere h<strong>as</strong> been transformed from a<br />

textually-b<strong>as</strong>ed flat subject, to one which in recent years, h<strong>as</strong> become a materially constructed space. 46 It is now<br />

viewed <strong>as</strong> an area with walls and fabrics, all of which were constructed with meaning and intent. Consequently,<br />

the history of a material object, located within the domestic sphere, is part of current scholarly debate. Despite<br />

the bed providing the setting for some of the most extraordinary and moving episodes of early modern life, it<br />

h<strong>as</strong> not been the focus of study. Lawrence Wright noted that there is a gap in scholarly discourse; ‘about eight<br />

hours in every day.’ 47<br />

69

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