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The lack of a critical consensus concerning the character and origin of the two variants can be seen in the<br />

execution of the situation (that is, whether Duke Humphrey is present in his bed on the stage or not) in modern<br />

editions, which is not standardised and varies according to the choice of each individual editor. There had long<br />

been a tendency to consider the Folio version <strong>as</strong> the sole reading for modern editions. H. C. Hart’s first Arden<br />

edition of 2 Henry VI (1909), for instance, lets the murder happen off stage and only contains the Folio variant<br />

of the dialogue, introduced by the stage direction ‘A room of state. Enter certain Murderers, h<strong>as</strong>tily.’ John Dover<br />

Wilson w<strong>as</strong> the first to take the Quarto text into consideration for his Cambridge Shakespeare edition (1952).<br />

His reading preserves the Folio scenography and dialogue between the murderers and Suffolk, but at the same<br />

time makes use of the Quarto’s curtains, creating an unseen bedroom, possibly with the mimorum aedes at the<br />

back of the stage in mind: ‘A room of state, with curtains at the back concealing a room beyond. Enter certain<br />

Murderers, h<strong>as</strong>tily, from behind the curtains.’ Although Michael Hattaway’s New Cambridge Shakespeare edition<br />

of the play (1991) does not adopt <strong>this</strong> solution and reprints the original Folio stage direction, Dover Wilson’s<br />

decision opened a question <strong>as</strong> to whether the Quarto and Folio texts do not in fact represent – in an incomplete<br />

or corrupted form – one common version of the scene which would contain material from both readings. This<br />

possibility is further explored in the influential second edition of the Oxford Shakespeare (1986), 10 which uses<br />

the textual portion of the First Folio, to which it prefixes the murder of Duke Humphrey in the audience’s view<br />

<strong>as</strong> suggested by the Quarto.<br />

Probably the most coherent theory explaining the discrepancy between the two ways of staging the scene is<br />

offered by the theatre historian Milan Lukeš in his study of Shakespeare’s ‘bad quartos.’ Similarly to Freeman,<br />

Lukeš notes that the Quarto version of the play calls for a horizontal division of the playing space in Scenes 10<br />

(the death of the Duke of Gloucester) and 11 (the death of Cardinal Beaufort), but also for a vertical division in<br />

Scene 4, showing Duchess Eleanor conjuring spirits in order to learn about the future of the King and lords<br />

from his circle. Where<strong>as</strong>, in the Folio text, Eleanor in <strong>this</strong> scene enters in the course of the action ‘aloft’<br />

(Comedies, Histories and Tragedies, sig. M5r), in the Quarto version, she enters the main stage with the rest of<br />

the characters at the beginning of the scene, only to climb a moment later on ‘the Tower’ from where she will<br />

watch the ceremony (The First Part of the Contention, sig. B4v). According to Lukeš, ‘the Tower’ in the Quarto<br />

refers to the name of the stage property, a scenic structure (a mansion) with a small interior inside, separated<br />

from the main stage by a curtain. When ‘active,’ the mansion typically served <strong>as</strong> a prison cell (i.e., the Tower of<br />

London – hence the name) or a bedroom and thus allowed heterogeneous, simultaneous action on the stage,<br />

where<strong>as</strong>, when ‘inactive’ (with the curtain drawn), it w<strong>as</strong> used <strong>as</strong> the upper staging plane. 11 This supposition is<br />

indirectly supported by Alan C. Dessen and Leslie Thomson, in A Dictionary of Stage Directions in English<br />

Drama, 1580–1642, which explains that the term ‘Tower’ w<strong>as</strong>, apart from its fictional meaning, ‘used<br />

occ<strong>as</strong>ionally to designate the platform above the main level of the stage.’ 12 Lukeš argues that similar discoveryspaces<br />

were a usual staging practice in earlier ph<strong>as</strong>es of early-modern English drama (<strong>as</strong> another example, he<br />

mentions Henslowe’s ‘the sittie of Rome’ from the March 1598 inventory of the properties of the Admiral’s<br />

Men; see Lukeš, p. 65) 13 and that the technical designation of the property penetrated the theatrical text in a<br />

similar manner to the way in which real names of minor actors used to find their way into lists of fictitious<br />

dramatis personae. 14<br />

30

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