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enefits that might accrue to the community because of the research findings. There were no false
promises or material incentives offered to the community or participants. Some researchers shared their
findings with the community in the spirit of reciprocity. Khanna et al (2000) and Amin et al (1996) used
the research findings to devise strategies to improve the health of the people in the community.
Sodhi (2000) also devised a study to feed back the results into strengthening an ongoing adolescent
health programme in the community. Chandiramani's (1998) research was borne out of an intervention
programme and results were used to improve the services provided.
Most of the researchers discovered that there is a dismal lack of information about sexuality. They also
discovered that their respondents often engaged in highly risky behaviour or were distressed because
of misconceptions that they had. Though they recommend that attempts be made to provide people with
more information, they do not state what they did to remove misconceptions. Admittedly, their role is that
of researchers and not providers of information, but in terms of giving something back to participants,
they do not mention whether they even referred participants on to other sources of accurate information.
An exception to this is Tikoo (1995) who states that provision was made for the research participants to
anonymously seek further information on the telephone about sexuality and AIDS. However, she does
not go on to say whether anyone did this. In this context, it is also important to note that this particular
study involved 10 to 17 year olds responding in writing to a questionnaire that included technical terms
for sexual acts. It is possible that the questionnaire served as a sexuality education tool for some of the
respondents and that it served to confuse some others. Sachdev (1999) ensured anonymity of
responses to the questionnaire administered. Before administering the questionnaire, he also spent time
with the students to create an atmosphere of comfort. However, he does not state whether any
corrective information was provided to the students later. On the other hand, when Sharma and Sharma
(1997) found that their research participants lacked information about sexuality, they motivated school
teachers to conduct sexuality education sessions.
VI. CONCLUSION
Research Gaps
This review of studies on sexuality and sexual behaviour research conducted in India in the last ten
years serves to confirm that in India, people have sex, begin sexual activity in their middle to late teens,
are resistant to using condoms, engage in activities that place them at risk of infection and unwanted
pregnancy, have notions of sexual illness and health that are not necessarily congruent with bio-medical
models; and, that sexual coercion and violence occur. What is missing is a layered exploration of these
issues and a nuanced understanding of the circumstances and dynamics in which these findings hold
true. More importantly, what needs to be factored in to any research that claims to study sexuality,
is that sexuality is not a uni-dimensional construct restricted to behaviour and actions, nor is it governed
by linear principles of causality.
There are no studies on the perceptions, vulnerabilities and sexual practices of older people, single
women, people with disabilities, people who are lesbian, gay or bisexual, and people living with
HIV/AIDS, to name just a few. The so-called 'general population' is conspicuous by its absence. Studies
that uncovered that men have sex with men and sometimes also with animals did not pursue these lines
of exploration. There is predominantly a heterosexist bias to the studies. Hardly any of the studies
address gay male, lesbian, bisexual or trans-gender sexuality as a lived reality, much less try to
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