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trustworthiness of the translated version. Additionally, as most of the data collection has been done in
the local language of the region, the material collected was translated into English before it could be
coded and analysed. However, again, none of the studies mentions whether the responses were
back-translated. Admittedly, this procedure is expensive, and its omission is not surprising in the light of
scarce funding for sexuality research.
Data collection: Very few studies have presented details of the procedures of data collection and
analysis. Studies that do so include Abraham and Kumar's (1999) study on the sexual experiences of
college students, Grenon's (1996) study on gender relations and illness management behaviour, Grenon
and Mawji's (1996) study on perceptions of STDs, and Khanna et al's (1998) study on sexual coercion
and reproductive health. Some of the good practices in the data collection procedures employed in
these studies include:
• careful selection and training of interviewers - awareness of gender issues, etc
• obtaining informed consent for both interviews and recording
• ensuring privacy and confidentiality
• conducting repeat interviews with increasing sensitivity
• ongoing analysis for further refinement of research questions/checklists
• providing emotional support/counselling for the interviewers as well as the respondents
• conducting review sessions
Analysis: A few qualitative studies have identified and categorised emerging themes based on verbatim
responses, and have developed case profiles from an emic (2) perspective (Chandiramani, 1998;
Khanna, 2000; Sodhi, 2000). Including local terminology, expressions and verbatim quotes gives voice
to the respondents and provides greater authenticity in qualitative studies. It also offsets the tendency
to perpetuate stereotypes and conventional notions about gender, class and ethnic differences
(Petchesky, 2000). The findings generated from some of the qualitative studies adequately reflect
cultural sensitivity and richness. Those studies (Amin et al, 1996, 1997; Chandiramani, 1998; Grenon,
1996; Khanna, 1998; Joshi, 1997; Sodhi, 2000; Verma, 2000) that have presented local terminologies
and expressions as well as the verbatim responses of participants, have successfully illustrated the
participants' socio-cultural perspectives on sexuality. Other studies (e.g. Amin et al, 1997) have
analysed the emotional responses of the participants. Some of these qualitative studies have used
computer packages such as Anthropac, DtSearch, and Ethnograph for text analysis, but none have
indicated how these packages influenced the final analysis. Interpretative comments have largely
disregarded the complexity of the issue or the context of the group being researched. A notable
exception is George's (2000) study that provides a good contextual description. Most researchers rarely
refer to contradictions or differences from other findings.
Some of the researchers have revealed how the research context influences the responses of
participants. They have highlighted how peer pressure has influenced the way interviewees responded
in group situations as compared to individual interviews. These differences were often gendered. In the
SARTHI study (Amin et al. 1997), boys tended to brag about their sexual experiences in groups, while
they expressed fears and insecurities in private. In contrast, young women were more likely to express
ignorance of sexual matters in groups, and proved more knowledgeable when interviewed individually
(Ubale et al. 1996-97).
The analysis in studies such as those by George (2000) and Maitra and Schensul (2000) reveal how
respondents have different 'stories' to express multiple levels of understanding of their sexuality, rather
than one story that is more true than any other.
(2) Emic: Ethnographic research attempts to understand human beliefs and behaviour from the point of view of the people being studied. This is known as
taking the emic or "insider" perspective (Gittelsohn et al. 1995).
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