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Alternative Globalization Addressing Peoples and Earth

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Within the WTO, its member governments from the South:<br />

• have resisted moves to exp<strong>and</strong> the reach of “trade” rules into areas<br />

like investment <strong>and</strong> competition;<br />

• have dem<strong>and</strong>ed the right to revisit rules whose devastating implications<br />

are only now becoming apparent;<br />

• their resistance risks self-defeat if the same objectives are secured<br />

through bilateral <strong>and</strong> regional investment agreements.<br />

Free trade agreements rely on privatization, deregulation <strong>and</strong> liberalization<br />

policies that are central planks of neo-liberal structural adjustment<br />

programmes. Competition now permeates the whole world. Schools <strong>and</strong><br />

universities compete for pupils, culture <strong>and</strong> sports, consumers rival each<br />

other in rampant consumerism, <strong>and</strong> states compete to attract investment<br />

<strong>and</strong> capital. In almost all spheres everywhere, co-operation has been<br />

replaced by competition, the public domain is rolled back <strong>and</strong> transferred<br />

to private, often monopoly <strong>and</strong> transnational corporate control. Problems<br />

are superficially addressed as a lack of finance. This does not address the<br />

root causes of the problems. This dovetails with the United Nations’<br />

Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). Promises to reduce poverty by<br />

half <strong>and</strong> deliver universal education, promote gender equality, provide<br />

access to clean water <strong>and</strong> combat HIV/AIDS by 2015 ring hollow when<br />

they are to be delivered through the commercial market mechanisms that<br />

create the very inequities being addressed.<br />

Nowhere is the bias of the WTO towards major powers <strong>and</strong> transnational<br />

corporations more unreasonable than in the monopolies over life-saving<br />

drugs that it guarantees to pharmaceutical companies. The much-heralded<br />

interpretation of the WTO’s agreement on Trade-Related Intellectual<br />

Property Rights (TRIPS) in relation to health <strong>and</strong> medicines - that was<br />

forced on the EU <strong>and</strong> US by global campaigns <strong>and</strong> resisted by the Brazilian,<br />

South African <strong>and</strong> Indian governments - purports to allow the world’s<br />

poorest countries to import generic drugs. Sadly, this arrangement is so<br />

complex that no government has been able to meet its terms.<br />

The WTO’s treatment of countries seeking to join it makes its claim that<br />

it is a just, rules-based organization totally meaningless. Rules only exist<br />

on behalf of the powerful countries. Because all must agree, each country<br />

has an effective veto over a country joining. In other words, they can<br />

dem<strong>and</strong> unreasonable terms. Vanuatu, for instance, was pressurized to<br />

commit such an expensive list of services, including education, health,<br />

environment, etc., that it decided the price was too high to proceed <strong>and</strong><br />

will only join if it can reopen the package.

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