BALTICA14 - KlaipÄdos universitetas
BALTICA14 - KlaipÄdos universitetas
BALTICA14 - KlaipÄdos universitetas
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ARCHAEOLOGIA<br />
<strong>BALTICA14</strong><br />
UNdErWaTEr<br />
ARCHAEOLOGy<br />
iN ThE<br />
balTiC rEGioN<br />
DEDICAtED tO tHE 65tH bIRtHDAy<br />
of Prof habil. dr Vladas ŽUlKUs<br />
Edited byAlgirdas Girininkas<br />
Klaipėda University Press
KlaiPĖda UNiVErsiTY<br />
iNsTiTUTE of balTiC sEa rEGioN<br />
hisTorY aNd arChaEoloGY<br />
liThUaNiaN iNsTiTUTE of hisTorY<br />
UNdErWaTEr<br />
ARCHAEOLOGy<br />
iN ThE<br />
balTiC rEGioN<br />
DEDICAtED tO tHE 65tH bIRtHDAy<br />
of Prof habil. dr Vladas ŽUlKUs<br />
Edited by Algirdas Girininkas<br />
ARCHAEOLOGIA<br />
BALTICA 14<br />
Klaipėda, 2010
UdK 902/904<br />
ar 46<br />
Editorial Board<br />
Editor in Chief<br />
Prof habil. dr Vladas Žulkus (Klaipėda University, lithuania)<br />
Deputy Editor in Chief<br />
Prof habil. dr algirdas Girininkas (Klaipėda University, institute of baltic sea region history and<br />
archaeology, lithuania)<br />
Members<br />
Prof dr Claus von Carnap-bornheim (stiftung schleswig-holsteinische archäologisches<br />
landesmuseen schloß Gottorf, schleswig, Germany)<br />
dr rasa banytė-rowell (lithuanian institute of history, lithuania)<br />
dr anna bitner-Wróblewska (state archaeological Museum in Warsaw, Poland)<br />
associate Prof dr audronė bliujienė (Klaipėda University, institute of baltic sea region history and archaeology,<br />
lithuania)<br />
dr agnė Čivilytė (lithuanian institute of history, lithuania)<br />
Prof dr Wladyslaw duczko (Pułtusk academy of humanities, institute of anthropology and archaeology, Poland)<br />
Prof dr John hines (Cardiff University, United Kingdom)<br />
Prof dr (hP) rimantas Jankauskas (Vilnius University, lithuania)<br />
dr romas Jarockis (Klaipėda University, institute of baltic sea region history and archaeology, lithuania)<br />
Prof dr andrzej Kola (Torun Nicolaus Copernicus University, Poland)<br />
Prof dr (hP) albinas Kuncevičius (Vilnius University, lithuania)<br />
Prof dr Marika Mägi (Tallinn University, Estonia)<br />
Prof dr Jörn staecker (Eberhard-Karls Universität, institut für Ur- und frühgeschichte<br />
und archäologie des Mittelalter abteilung archäologie des Mittelalters, Tübingen, Germany)<br />
Prof habil. dr andrejs Vasks (University of latvia, riga, latvia)<br />
Editorial Assistant<br />
simona rauktytė<br />
Archaeologia Baltica has been on EbsCo’s Current abstracts and TOC Premier database Coverage list since 2007.<br />
articles appearing in this journal are peer-reviewed by either internal or external reviewers.<br />
Archaeologia Baltica volume 14 was prepared by Klaipėda University institute of baltic sea region history and<br />
archaeology.<br />
Volume editor: Algirdas Girininkas<br />
English language editor: Joseph Everatt<br />
Lithuanian language editor: roma Nikžentaitienė<br />
Design: algis Kliševičius<br />
Layout: lolita Zemlienė<br />
Cover illustration: a brooch from laiviai (Kretinga district)<br />
© Klaipėda University institute of baltic sea region history and archaeology, 2010<br />
© lithuanian institute of history, 2010<br />
© article authors, 2010<br />
© Klaipėda University Press, 2010<br />
issN 1392-5520<br />
Klaipėdos universiteto leidykla<br />
arChaEoloGia balTiCa 14. Edited by Algirdas Girininkas<br />
Klaipėda, 2010<br />
sl 1335. 2010 12 20. apimtis 32,5 sąl. sp. l. Tiražas 350 egz. Klaipėdos universiteto leidykla, herkaus Manto g. 84, 92294 Klaipėda<br />
Tel. (8~46) 398 891, el. paštas: leidykla@ku.lt; spausdino spaustuvė „Petro ofsetas“, Žalgirio g. 90, Vilnius
CONTENTS<br />
Preface 7<br />
I. A PIONEER OF UNDERWATER ARCHAEOLOGY IN LITHUANIA<br />
Algirdas Girininkas. Baltic Sea and Underwater Archaeology<br />
at Klaipėda University 12<br />
Gintautas Zabiela. Publications by Vladas Žulkus 18<br />
II. UNDERWATER ARCHAEOLOGY<br />
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
Vladas Žulkus. Shipwrecks off the Coast of Lithuania 28<br />
Andrey Mazurkevich, Ekaterina Dolbunova,<br />
Yolaine Maigrot, Daria Hookk.<br />
The Results of Underwater Excavations at Serteya II,<br />
and Research into Pile-Dwellings in Northwest Russia 47<br />
Elena Pranckėnaitė. Freshwater Archaeology in Lithuania:<br />
Investigations and Prospects 65<br />
Niklas Eriksson. Between Clinker and Carvel:<br />
Aspects of Hulls Built with Mixed Planking<br />
in Scandinavia between 1550 and 1900 77<br />
Rokas Kraniauskas. The Rašia Boat:<br />
From Log-Boat to Boat (A Case Study) 85<br />
Andrzej Kola. The Early Medieval Bridges at Ostrow Lednicki<br />
in the Light of Underwater Archaeological Studies 89<br />
III. WETLAND ARCHAEOLOGY<br />
Michal Charniauski, Maxim Charniauski.<br />
The Excavation of Kryvina Peatbog Settlements<br />
in Northern Belarus between 2000 and 2009 100<br />
Algirdas Girininkas. The Žemaitiškė 2 Pile-Dwelling Settlement 120<br />
Audronė Bliujienė. The Bog Offerings of the Balts:<br />
‘I Give in Order to Get Back’ 136<br />
5
IV. PREHISTORIC LANDSCAPES ON THE COAST<br />
Marika Mägi. Trade, War and the Diversity of Rituals<br />
at Late Prehistoric Harbour sites on Saaremaa 168<br />
Contents<br />
Krista Karro. Kodavere Parish by Lake Peipus:<br />
The Development of the Cultural Landscape<br />
during the Iron Age 183<br />
Ulrica Söderlind. Examples of the Research Potential<br />
at Inns along Coastlines 196<br />
Minna Leino. Reusing a Log-Barrier Embankment<br />
at the Suomenlinna Sea Fortress Islands 205<br />
V. RECENT UNDERWATER ARCHAEOLOGICAL<br />
RESEARCH IN THE BALTIC SEA REGION<br />
Petr Sorokin, Ayvar Stepanov.<br />
The Underwater Archaeological Search Project<br />
in the Eastern Part of the Gulf of Finland between 2006 and 2009.<br />
The Shipwrecks in the Russian Zone of the Nord Stream Project 216<br />
Olga Druzhinina, Ivan Skhodnov. Investigations of the Evolution<br />
of the Baltic Sea and Early Human Settlement in the Eastern<br />
Baltic Area (Based on Materials from the Kaliningrad Region) 219<br />
VI. CONTACTS ACROSS THE BALTIC SEA<br />
Olga Homiakova. The Crossbow Animal-Headed Brooches<br />
from Grave 165 of the Sambian-Natangian Culture<br />
Burial Ground at Bol’shoe Isakovo (Formerly Lauth) 228<br />
Wojciech Nowakowski. On the Track of the Ancestors of the Scalvians.<br />
The Remains of the Migration Period Cemetery at Tilsit 234<br />
Bartosz Kontny. A Scandinavian Trace: A Beak Fibula from<br />
the Late Migration Period Cemetery at Nowinka in Northern Poland 241<br />
Guidelines for Authors 248<br />
Plates<br />
6
PREFACE<br />
The range of underwater archaeological studies, the<br />
foundations for which were laid in Lithuania by a<br />
group of researchers from Klaipėda University’s Institute<br />
of Baltic Region History and Archaeology, headed<br />
by Professor Vladas Žulkus, gets wider every year, and<br />
covers investigations both in fresh water and in the<br />
Baltic Sea. Having accumulated the required scientific<br />
and technical facilities for scientific research, scientists<br />
at Klaipėda University and their foreign counterparts<br />
have commenced studying the cultural and natural<br />
landscape under water in the Baltic Sea. Researchers<br />
from the underwater archaeology group work hand in<br />
hand with geologists, and are continuing to build up a<br />
database containing geological, geophysical and palaeogeographical<br />
information, as well as archaeological,<br />
bioarchaeological and archival data. This data is vital<br />
for the future, as it will help to track the development<br />
of the cultural and natural landscape of the former<br />
coast of the Baltic Sea, investigate the factors that determined<br />
the unique mode of life of communities in the<br />
Baltic Sea region during Prehistoric and Early Historic<br />
times, and communication models and trends in the<br />
economic development of these communities, and, last<br />
but not least, the relations between the changing nature<br />
and the society of Prehistoric and Early Historic times.<br />
Therefore, on 8 and 9 October 2009 an international<br />
conference devoted exclusively to underwater archaeology<br />
was held for the first time at Klaipėda University,<br />
under the title ‘Underwater Archaeology in the<br />
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
Vladas Žulkus presents the latest results of underwater archaeological research in the Baltic Sea (photograph by E. Ubis).<br />
7
AlgirdAs girininkAs<br />
ELENA PRANCKĖNAITĖ Preface<br />
Baltic Region: Challenges and Perspectives’. The<br />
conference was organised by Klaipėda University, the<br />
Icomos Lithuanian National Committee, the Society<br />
for Lithuanian Archaeology, and the Department of<br />
the Cultural Heritage under the Ministry of Culture.<br />
During the conference and parallel with it, a meeting<br />
of the Monitoring Group on the Cultural Heritage in<br />
the Baltic Sea States Underwater Culture Heritage<br />
Group was held, the members of which also presented<br />
reports to the conference. Ralf Bleile (Germany), the<br />
chairman of the group, and Vladas Žulkus, the rector<br />
of Klaipėda University, opened the conference with<br />
welcoming speeches. The conference was attended by<br />
researchers from Sweden, Finland, Latvia, Russia, the<br />
Kaliningrad region, Belarus and Lithuania. Some of<br />
the reports delivered by the researchers constitute the<br />
basis for articles published in Volume 14 of Archaeologia<br />
Baltica dedicated to the 65th birthday of Professor<br />
Vladas Žulkus, a pioneer of underwater archaeology<br />
in Lithuania.<br />
Most of the reports delivered in the maritime archaeology<br />
section of the conference were devoted to studies<br />
of shipwrecks. Riika Alvik (Finland) presented a study<br />
of the 18th-century ship Vrouw Maria to the conference<br />
(‘Interpreting the 18th-Century Shipwreck Site<br />
“Vrouw Maria”’). Studies pertaining to a vessel dating<br />
from the 19th century were presented by Irina Boykina<br />
(Kaliningrad region), who also presented video material<br />
(‘The Archaeological Finding “The Ship of the 19th<br />
Century”’). The results of the Nord Stream project<br />
were discussed in the report delivered by Petr Sorokin<br />
and Ayvar Stepanov (‘The Underwater Archaeological<br />
Search Project in the Eastern Part of the Gulf of<br />
Finland between 2006 and 2009. The Shipwrecks in<br />
the Russian Zone of the Nord Stream Project’). Rokas<br />
Kraniauskas discussed the subject of the evolution of<br />
boats on the basis of the boat recently discovered in<br />
Lake Rašia in ‘The Rašia Boat: From Logboat to Boat<br />
(A Case Study)’. Jim Hansson (Sweden) highlighted<br />
the impact of scuba diving and natural factors on shipwrecks<br />
in the course of time and the future prospects<br />
(‘How does Scuba Diving Affect our Wrecks?’). Olga<br />
Druzhinina (Kaliningrad region) delivered a report on<br />
issues related to the development of the Baltic Sea and<br />
the evolution of early human settlements in the east<br />
Baltic region, as well as discussing the results of a current<br />
project and future prospects (‘Investigations of the<br />
Evolution of the Baltic Sea and Early Human Settlement<br />
in the Eastern Baltic Area [Based on Materials<br />
from the Kaliningrad Region]). Minna Leino (Finland)<br />
shared her experience in the area of underwater objects<br />
from the Late Period (18th to 20th century) in her report<br />
entitled ‘Reusing a Log-Barrier Embankment at<br />
the Suomenlinna Sea Fortress Islands’.<br />
8<br />
Participants in the conference in Klaipėda Old Town (photograph by E. Ubis).
Studies of wetland archaeological objects were presented<br />
by the Belarussian scientists Mikola Kryvaltsevich<br />
(‘Wetland Archaeological Research of the Stone<br />
and Bronze Age Site in Belarussian Palesse: Some<br />
Results and Perspectives’) and Maksim Charniauski<br />
and Mikhail Charniauski (‘The Excavation of Kryvina<br />
Peat-Bog Settlements in Northern Belarus between<br />
2000 and 2009’). Elena Pranckėnaitė summarised<br />
Lithuanian underwater archaeological research in<br />
freshwater basins (‘Inland Water Archaeology in Lithuania:<br />
Investigations and Prospects’). Andrej Mazurkevich<br />
and Ekaterina Dolbunova (Russia) shared their<br />
experience in the area of pile-dwelling research (‘The<br />
Results of Underwater Excavations at Serteya II, and<br />
Research into Pile-Dwellings in Northwest Russia’).<br />
Juris Urtans (Latvia) delivered a report on the subject<br />
‘Aerial Reconnaissance Methods for the Investigation<br />
of the Underwater Heritage in Latvia’.<br />
Ayvar Stepanov (Russia) surprised everyone with the<br />
complicated conditions of underwater work and the<br />
unique archaeological material when he delivered a report<br />
and a short video on research on the River Volkhov<br />
in Velikiy Novgorod (‘“Great Bridge” Archaeological<br />
Explorations in the River Volkhov’). The conference<br />
was concluded by Vladas Žulkus, who summarised the<br />
latest underwater archaeological research in the Baltic<br />
Sea (‘Recent Finds in the Baltic Sea’).<br />
The conference was a meeting point for the scientific<br />
community interested in the exchange of new information<br />
and ideas about diverse aspects of the underwater<br />
heritage from different methodological and theoretical<br />
points of view. More broadly, it sought to indicate the<br />
challenges and pinpoint the possible development of<br />
research and conservation technologies. The conference<br />
also explored ways to define the region to make<br />
comparisons across it more feasible. During the meeting,<br />
the momentum and experience of the research of<br />
the last decades was discussed, which should generate<br />
more interest in underwater archaeology among students<br />
and researchers.<br />
The introductory article in Archaeologia Baltica under<br />
the title ‘Shipwrecks off the Coast of Lithuania’ is by<br />
Vladas Žulkus, who is celebrating his jubilee. In his<br />
article, he reviews the findspots of shipwrecks discovered<br />
in Lithuanian territorial waters during underwater<br />
research in the Baltic Sea, and presents numerous historical<br />
facts dating back to the early 14th century and<br />
later times pertaining to information in written sources<br />
on ships that were wrecked in the Baltic Sea close to<br />
the Lithuanian coastline. The article presents methodological<br />
instructions and possibilities for searching<br />
for and dating shipwrecks. Professor Žulkus’ article<br />
will undoubtedly serve as a major source for future researchers<br />
in their studies of the history of Baltic Sea<br />
shipping from the Early Middle Ages to the 20th century.<br />
Beside articles discussing underwater (Andrey Mazurkievich,<br />
Ekaterina Dolbunova, Jolaine Maigrot, Daria<br />
Hookk, Elena Pranckėnaitė, Niklas Eriksson, Rokas<br />
Kraniauskas, Andrzej Kola) and wetland (Michail<br />
Charniauski, Maxim Charniauski, ALgirdas Girininkas,<br />
Audronė Bliujienė) archaeological research,<br />
Volume 14 of Archaeologia Baltica presents articles by<br />
Marika Mägi, Krista Karro, Minna Leino and Ulrica<br />
Söderlind highlighting research into the landscape of<br />
the Baltic coast in Prehistoric and Historic times.<br />
Relations between the tribes who lived on the coast<br />
of the Baltic Sea in Prehistoric times are the subject<br />
of articles by Bartosz Kontny, Olga Homiakova and<br />
Wojciech Nowakowski.<br />
Olga Druzhinina and Ivan Shkodnov present the latest<br />
data on the evolution of the formation of the Baltic<br />
Sea and early human settlements in the Kaliningrad region.<br />
Before the start of construction work on the Nord<br />
Stream pipeline on the bed of the Baltic Sea, Russian<br />
researchers working in underwater archaeology surveyed<br />
the area of the pipeline in Russian territorial waters,<br />
and they present here the results of their research.<br />
Algirdas Girininkas<br />
Elena Pranckėnaitė<br />
Translated by Vidmantas Štilius<br />
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
9
I. A PIONEER<br />
OF UNDERWATER<br />
ARCHAEOLOGY<br />
IN LITHUANIA<br />
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
11
Baltic Sea and underwater<br />
archaeology at Klaipėda<br />
university<br />
BALtIC SEA AnD unDErWAtEr ArCHAEoLogy<br />
At KLAIPĖDA unIVErSIty<br />
ALGIRDAS GIRININKAS<br />
ALGIRDAS<br />
GIRININKAS<br />
There are few archaeologists in Lithuania whose scientific<br />
interest in Prehistoric times is so precisely focused<br />
on the issues and objects of his studies, in this particular<br />
case, on the archaeology of the Early Middle Ages,<br />
as Professor Vladas Žulkus. It would be no exaggeration<br />
to claim that, thanks to Žulkus’ studies, Prehistoric<br />
times and the early history of the Western Balts have<br />
become widely known within the entire Baltic Sea region,<br />
and the first archaeological underwater research<br />
in the Baltic Sea started at his initiative has created the<br />
conditions for the development of a new concept of underwater<br />
cultural and natural landscape studies in the<br />
east Baltic region.<br />
From the very start of his systematic archaeological<br />
and historic-cultural studies on the heritage of<br />
Klaipėda and its region in the 11th to 17th centuries,<br />
Professor Žulkus focused his scientific research on<br />
the Curonians in Late Prehistoric and Historic times.<br />
In his main research work, entitled The Curonians in<br />
the Baltic Sea Space, devoted to the development of<br />
Curonian society and culture from the formation of the<br />
tribe to its decline, the geopolitical importance of the<br />
Curonian tribe in the Baltic region is discussed for the<br />
first time: ‘At a very early stage, the Curonians became<br />
members of and participants in the history of an intertribal<br />
cultural community called the Baltic Sea basin.<br />
From a geopolitical point of view, in the Early Middle<br />
Ages, the Curonians were a link that connected Western<br />
cultures, first and foremost Scandinavian, with the<br />
world of the Eastern Balts further from the sea and the<br />
main inter-tribal trade routes’. During the quarter of<br />
a century that he has devoted to studying the 11th to<br />
13th-century Curonians, he defined the boundaries of<br />
their individual lands, defined and determined agrarian<br />
and non-agrarian settlements, that is, the evolution of<br />
the formation of proto-towns, the nature of trade rela-<br />
12<br />
Vladas Žulkus during the exploratory archaeological expedition in the vicinity of Plateliai in 2003<br />
(photograph by A. girininkas).
tions between the Curonians and the Scandinavians,<br />
the causes and consequences of conflicts with<br />
the Scandinavians and neighbouring Baltic tribes,<br />
characterised the evolution of the Curonians’<br />
world view, studied objects of the spiritual culture<br />
(the temple observatory on Birutės Hill), defined<br />
inter-tribal wastelands and related them to the<br />
world view of the Balts of that time, and singled<br />
out the main economic and cultural centres of the<br />
Curonians. His detailed studies on Palanga, one<br />
such centre, resulted in two monographs. thanks<br />
to these fundamental studies, the Curonian Baltic<br />
tribe has become better known to both Lithuanian<br />
and foreign researchers. this is what he says about<br />
the prospects for future studies:<br />
‘As far as the studies of the Palanga settlement are<br />
concerned, I have made some mistakes, and these<br />
are positive mistakes. Writing about the settlement<br />
in the 11th to the mid-12th centuries, when<br />
it reached the peak of its prosperity, I claimed that<br />
the population might have been about 800, and<br />
in other works I mentioned the figure 600. there<br />
were five known settlements, and we estimated<br />
their approximate sizes, but we made certain mistakes.<br />
For instance, this year’s finds in the park<br />
at Palanga next to the palace have indicated that<br />
the entire area of the park between the ponds and<br />
Birutės Hill was built up. Consequently, it used to<br />
be much larger, because homestead-type buildings<br />
dating from the same period have been discovered.<br />
this means that large areas of Palanga were populated<br />
in the second half of the 12th century. this<br />
assumption is supported by studies of the compact<br />
settlement of Birutės Hill and its defensive ramparts;<br />
the studies have not yet been completed.<br />
Further studies might support the fact that even<br />
larger areas of Palanga used to be populated. I believe<br />
that the studies are definitely still incomplete,<br />
and studies of the settlement should be continued.<br />
the research should be extended to Žemaičių Hill,<br />
which is also known to have been built up in the<br />
second half of the 12th century, and there might<br />
be individual homesteads nearby. A partially or,<br />
most likely, completely destroyed ancient settlement<br />
might have been situated by the roužė rivulet.<br />
there, in the present-day Žemaičių gatvė, the<br />
cultural layer of a settlement up to 40 centimetres<br />
thick was uncovered during the construction of a<br />
building. During the survey work, we discovered,<br />
among other things, stone-filled postholes, which<br />
were parts of buildings, and pressed weights intended<br />
for a weaving loom and dating from the<br />
second half of the 12th century, some pottery and<br />
the remains of the fortifications of the former set-<br />
During the Doctor Honoris Causa<br />
inauguration at Immanuel Kant university (Kaliningrad)<br />
on 29.4.2009 (photograph by r. Pletkauskas).<br />
Vladas Žulkus is presented with the ring of the Master<br />
of Culture of the city of Klaipėda at Klaipėda Castle on<br />
1.8.2009 (photograph by r. Pletkauskas).<br />
Vladas Žulkus with his wife Eleonora in Kaliningrad on<br />
29.4.2009 (photograph by r. Pletkauskas).<br />
ArCHAEoLogIA BALtICA 14<br />
I<br />
A PIonEEr oF<br />
unDErWAtEr<br />
ArCHAEoLogy<br />
In LItHuAnIA<br />
13
ALGIRDAS<br />
GIRININKAS<br />
Baltic Sea and underwater<br />
archaeology at Klaipėda<br />
university<br />
Aboard the naval vessel ‘Jotvingis’ during the search for the naval vessel ‘Prezidentas A. Smetona’ on 21.8.2009.<br />
Vladas Žulkus with Vello Mass, an underwater archaeology scientist from tallinn Maritime Museum,<br />
and Erikas Visakavičius, a geophysicist from Klaipėda university (photograph by r. Pletkauskas).<br />
14<br />
tlement, that is, a defensive barrier and the remains of<br />
a tower. this settlement must have extended further to<br />
the north and northeast. there must have been another<br />
settlement that bordered the roužė rivulet, but on the<br />
other side. Furthermore, we need to search for a port. If<br />
boats entered the roužė rivulet, there must have been<br />
a port too.<br />
‘I believe that there must be other burial grounds in<br />
Palanga, because the settlements mentioned above,<br />
and the new ones discovered in 2010, had quite a large<br />
population of migrants, migrants from the vicinity of<br />
Holstein, I believe, as is suggested by the archaeological<br />
material. their graves must have been different, but<br />
we have not yet been able to find graves. A fortnight<br />
ago, I received a call from Donatas Butkus, a museologist<br />
and archaeologist from Palanga, who told me that<br />
as he and Vytautas Aleksejūnas, a numismatist, were<br />
walking in the park, they found a bracelet at the point<br />
where ditches had been dug out next to the entrance to<br />
the park; the bracelet was apparently burnt and made<br />
of brass. the first question that comes to mind is: is it<br />
related to graves perhaps? It happens that bracelets are<br />
found in settlements, though I believe that such objects<br />
are found in settlements, but only seldom. It turns out<br />
that one can also come across surprises of this kind in<br />
Palanga. In this, I was wrong, but wrong on the right<br />
side: Palanga used to be larger.’<br />
Another very important aspect of Žulkus’ research is<br />
the study of the town of Klaipėda and the castle of the<br />
teutonic order, which have helped to determine and<br />
single out individual stages in the development of the<br />
town; these stages are directly related to the use of the<br />
castle site. Along with defining the individual stages of<br />
the evolution and the development of the town, Professor<br />
Žulkus determined the stages of the economic<br />
development of the town, from the time it was founded<br />
until the 17th century, on the basis of historical sources<br />
and archaeological material he collected. the definition<br />
of the development of the topography of Klaipėda<br />
linked to information about the site of the order’s castle<br />
obtained though his own studies should be considered<br />
another important achievement of his research.<br />
thanks to his research into the town and the castle site<br />
at Klaipėda, the city as a contact point of different ethnoses<br />
has become known to everyone engaged in studies<br />
of towns situated on the Baltic Sea.<br />
this is what Professor Žulkus tells us about the prospects<br />
for the studies of Klaipėda castle and town:<br />
‘Studies of Klaipėda castle site should undoubtedly be<br />
more comprehensive, scientific and wider in scope. It<br />
goes without saying that there is no need to carry out<br />
research on the entire castle site. the studies should<br />
be related to projects to be implemented in the course<br />
of the reconstruction of the castle. the extent of the<br />
castle may be determined at a later date; however, such<br />
studies should be scientific and result in a maximum<br />
amount of information, because right now we do not<br />
know yet where the wooden 13th-century castle was,<br />
or where the brick 13th-century castle was, or what<br />
they looked like, or only fragmentarily at best. So far,<br />
this is a total mystery. thanks to archaeological studies,<br />
we know about the castle at Klaipėda from the<br />
mid-14th century and onwards. But even this image is
ArCHAEoLogIA BALtICA 14<br />
I<br />
Aboard an Estonian Baltic Sea research vessel on 23.8.2009 (photograph by r. Pletkauskas).<br />
far from clear. these are the main objectives of the future<br />
study of the Klaipėda castle site.<br />
‘At the same time, the study of the old part of Klaipėda<br />
should continue. By employing the latest technologies<br />
for investigation into individual objects and studies of<br />
archaeological material, we should collect information<br />
which will eventually help to correlate the evolution<br />
of individual stages in the town’s development. there<br />
was a time in the past when we thought that we could<br />
still discover some important things about Klaipėda.<br />
However, the studies carried out in the last decade have<br />
not rejected the model we created earlier, but most<br />
likely have added to and corrected it.’<br />
the third object of Professor Žulkus’ studies is underwater<br />
archaeological research, the beginning of which<br />
is related to the identification of the bridge leading to<br />
Plateliai Castle Island in 1967, and later research in<br />
Lake Plateliai and the river Šventoji. the range of<br />
underwater research grew in scope, thanks to his initiatives.<br />
His first work related to underwater archaeological<br />
research in the Baltic Sea was published in<br />
1999. this underwater research in the Baltic Sea does<br />
not imply the search for or study of just individual archaeological<br />
objects. In Lithuanian waters, he conducts<br />
more complex research related to the study of cultural<br />
and natural underwater landscapes, and analyses issues<br />
pertaining to shipping, cultural, trade and communications<br />
links in the Baltic Sea region.<br />
This is what he writes about the beginning and the development<br />
of underwater archaeological research:<br />
‘We started underwater archaeological research as<br />
early as 1967. that was the first amateur expedition to<br />
Plateliai, in which several archaeologists and a historian<br />
took part. We went to Plateliai with amateur equipment,<br />
and inspected the site of the surviving ancient<br />
bridge that led to Castle Island. We carried out the initial<br />
provisional measuring: tied a buoy to the base of<br />
the bridge poles, and then carried out the measuring<br />
from a boat. this way, we measured the length and the<br />
width of the bridge leading to the island. We could say<br />
that it was still an amateur expedition.<br />
‘on my initiative, I surveyed the Šventoji rivulet in<br />
Šventoji using an aqualung; I checked whether there<br />
were any remains of structures (port or building<br />
structures) from the times of the colony of English<br />
merchants. I was nevertheless lucky to discover the remains<br />
of a collapsed building: we recovered roof tiles<br />
and Dutch tiles dating from the 17th century. When the<br />
Šventoji rivulet was surveyed at a range of one kilometre<br />
from the mouth of the rivulet on the Baltic coast, we<br />
can attribute this work to underwater archaeology, too.<br />
‘the first joint underwater archaeological expedition<br />
with Polish colleagues took place in 1995. We organised<br />
it with the underwater research Centre of the<br />
Institute of Archaeology and Ethnology of toruń nicolaus<br />
Copernicus university, represented by Professor<br />
Andrzej Kola. We met each other in 1994, at the international<br />
conference “the Balts and their neighbours<br />
in the Baltic region in 800–1200”, held in nida. He<br />
asked me, “I’ve heard that there is some kind of bridge<br />
A PIonEEr oF<br />
unDErWAtEr<br />
ArCHAEoLogy<br />
In LItHuAnIA<br />
15
ALGIRDAS<br />
GIRININKAS<br />
Baltic Sea and underwater<br />
archaeology at Klaipėda<br />
university<br />
Prof. Vladas Žulkus, rector of Klaipėda university, during the Doctor Honoris Causa inauguration of President Valdas<br />
Adamkus at Klaipėda university on 12.9.2009 (photograph by r. Pletkauskas).<br />
16<br />
in Lake Plateliai, do you know anything about it?” I answered,<br />
“yes, there is.” And they came the same year.<br />
We surveyed the bridge site under water, and checked<br />
the locations of the piles. our colleagues from Poland<br />
were very surprised, mostly at the visibility under the<br />
water, which is up to 80 metres there (the visibility is<br />
poorer in their lakes), and at the fact that the condition<br />
of the surviving bridge that led to the island was quite<br />
good. Even today, the remaining poles protrude to a<br />
height of nine metres from the bottom, and due to the<br />
fact that the depth of the lake at that spot is up to 11<br />
metres, the piles did not pose any serious hindrance to<br />
the local population; therefore, the piles are still there.<br />
That was the year when joint underwater archaeological<br />
expeditions by toruń and Klaipėda universities began,<br />
with simultaneous student practice. It occurred to<br />
us that we could form a team of three students who<br />
would be able to carry out underwater surveys, train<br />
them in diving during the winter, and then work jointly<br />
with Polish underwater archaeologists. Actually, we<br />
learned about underwater archaeology in Plateliai, and<br />
we succeeded. During later years in our research, we<br />
discovered sunken canoes and stones with markings.<br />
‘From 2000, we began little by little working in the<br />
Baltic Sea. In 2001 we organised the first ever underwater<br />
archaeological expedition in Lithuanian territorial<br />
waters, jointly with the Swedish royal Institute<br />
of Technology research vessel the Altair. We worked<br />
with them for three years. With this vessel, the Altair,<br />
which was equipped with a side-scan sonar, an electronic<br />
echo sounder, gPS, an underwater camera and a<br />
magnetometer, we began searching for sunken objects,<br />
mainly for ships. that year, we discovered two sunken<br />
vessels from the Second World War in the vicinity of<br />
Klaipėda, and in 2002 we discovered another<br />
‘The Swedish vessel the Nils Strömcrona joined the<br />
expedition, and we could survey the sea from the<br />
Lithuanian-Latvian border to the Lithuanian-russian<br />
(Kaliningrad region) border. At that time, we discovered<br />
shipwrecks off Palanga, nemirseta, Kunigiškė<br />
and Šventoji; at Juodkrantė we found trees that used to<br />
grow on the coast of the former yoldia Sea. this was<br />
how the first studies of cultural and natural underwater<br />
landscapes began. From 2003, the Lithuanian navy<br />
vessel Lokys and the vessel Varūna of the Hydrography<br />
Service assisted in the research conducted by Klaipėda<br />
university; then we used the research boat Puta of<br />
Klaipėda university (formerly a Swedish coastguard<br />
vessel) and the expedition/training vessel Brabander.<br />
In 2007, we started exploratory underwater archaeological<br />
research in the Curonian Lagoon, where the remains<br />
of a wooden boat were discovered not far from<br />
the mouth of the river nemunas. So this was how underwater<br />
archaeological research began.’<br />
Since quite a large group of researchers trained by Professor<br />
Žulkus already work at Klaipėda university and
in other places in Lithuania, we asked him about the<br />
future of archaeology at Klaipėda university:<br />
‘I believe that the university should form a robust threestage<br />
structure of archaeological studies, from BA to<br />
doctoral studies. the study of landscape archaeology<br />
relating to the Baltic Sea region should be given priority,<br />
because it corresponds with the existing and future<br />
status of research. these studies should also cover<br />
underwater archaeology, the basis of which, I dare to<br />
claim, we have already laid. the main problem is, of<br />
course, people and the training of young specialists.<br />
one doctor of sciences already works in the field; there<br />
is another candidate for a doctoral degree, but that is<br />
not enough. We have already created the technological<br />
basis for studies, a basis that is closely connected to<br />
the project for the Marine Valley now in development.<br />
on an international level, we are also visible in this<br />
respect. therefore, we must meet the expectations of<br />
the scientific community in terms of joint international<br />
projects, joint inter-disciplinary studies, and so on, because<br />
this is what people expect of us.<br />
‘Since our institution is a university, our study programme<br />
in archaeology should be an “export” one:<br />
there should be a study programme in archaeology<br />
prepared in the English language, for an MA or a doctoral<br />
degree, I’m not sure yet. And … why couldn’t<br />
our programmes be implemented at other universities?’<br />
ArCHAEoLogIA BALtICA 14<br />
I<br />
A PIonEEr oF<br />
unDErWAtEr<br />
ArCHAEoLogy<br />
In LItHuAnIA<br />
17
GINTAUTAS<br />
ZABIELA Publications by Vladas Žulkus<br />
PUBLICATIONS BY VLADAS ŽULKUS.<br />
Monographs, Research Articles, Publications<br />
Edited by V. Žulkus, Reviews, Varia (1972–2010)<br />
GINTAUTAS ZABIELA<br />
I. Monographs<br />
II. Research articles<br />
1989<br />
Lietuvos pajūrio žemės viduramžiais, Vilnius: Mokslas,<br />
1989, 94 pp. (co-author Libertas Klimka).<br />
1991<br />
Klaipėdos senojo miesto modelis, Vilnius: Spauda,<br />
1991, 82 pp.<br />
1997<br />
Palangos viduramžių gyvenvietės, Acta Historica Universitatis<br />
Klaipedensis; t. 6, Klaipėda: Klaipėda University<br />
Press, 1997, 350 pp.<br />
1999<br />
Die Kuren in der westbaltischen eisenzeitlichen Kultur<br />
und Gesellschaft. Zusammenfassung der Habilitationsschrift.<br />
Litauisches Institut für die Geschichte. Klaipėda,<br />
1999, 40 S.<br />
2002<br />
Viduramžių Klaipėda. Miestas ir pilis. Archeologija ir<br />
istorija, Vilnius: Žara, 2002, 168 pp.<br />
2004<br />
Kuršiai Baltijos jūros erdvėje, Vilnius: Versus aureus,<br />
2004, 232 pp.<br />
2007<br />
Palanga in the Middle Ages. Ancient Settlements, Vilnius:<br />
Versus aureus, 2007, 424 pp.<br />
1977<br />
Klaipėdos senamiesčio raidos XIII-XVII amžiais problemos,<br />
Lietuvos TSR architektūros klausimai. Lietuvos<br />
miestų genezė ir raida, Vilnius, 1977, t. 5, sąs. 4,<br />
pp.31-36.<br />
Klaipėdos pilies teritorijos tyrinėjimai, Archeologiniai<br />
tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1974 ir 1975 metais, Vilnius,<br />
1978, pp.41-45.<br />
1979<br />
XV-XIX amžių Klaipėdos statybinė keramika, Architektūros<br />
paminklai, Vilnius, 1979, t. 5, pp.37-43.<br />
1980<br />
Klaipėdos piliavietės tyrinėjimai 1978 ir 1979 metais,<br />
Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1978 ir 1979 metais,<br />
Vilnius, 1980, pp.43-45.<br />
Klaipėdos senamiesčio archeologinių tyrimų metu rastos<br />
keramikos analizės išvados, Istorijos ir kultūros<br />
paminklų tyrimai ir restauravimas Lietuvos TSR 1976-<br />
1980, Vilnius, 1980, pp.34, 113, 174-175.<br />
Slengių senkapio (Klaipėdos raj.) radiniai, Archeologiniai<br />
tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1978 ir 1979 metais, Vilnius,<br />
1980, pp.101-103.<br />
1981<br />
XVI-XIX a. Klaipėdos buitinės keramikos klasifikacija,<br />
Archeologiniai tyrimai Lietuvos miestų istoriniuose<br />
centruose, Vilnius, 1981, pp.38-39, pp.86-87.<br />
Naglio kalno archeologiniai tyrinėjimai, Kraštotyra,<br />
Vilnius, 1981, t. 12, pp.63-72.<br />
18
1982<br />
Fachverkinių XVI a. pastatų liekanos Klaipėdoje, Kurpių<br />
gatvėje, Architektūros paminklai, Vilnius, 1982, t.<br />
7, pp.51-57 (co-author Jonas Genys).<br />
Kintų bažnyčios archeologinių tyrimų duomenys, Architektūros<br />
paminklai, Vilnius, 1982, t. 7, pp.45-50<br />
(co-author Jonas Genys).<br />
Klaipėdos kultūriniai sluoksniai, Architektūros paminklai,<br />
Vilnius, 1982, t. 7, pp.6-12, pp.58-59, pp.62-63,<br />
pp.66-67.<br />
Klaipėdos piliavietės tyrinėjimai, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai<br />
Lietuvoje 1980 ir 1981 metais, Vilnius, 1982,<br />
pp.83-85.<br />
Klaipėdos senamiesčio tyrinėjimai, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai<br />
Lietuvoje 1980 ir 1981 metais, Vilnius, 1982,<br />
pp.85-88.<br />
1984<br />
Birutės kalno ir gyvenvietės tyrinėjimai, Archeologiniai<br />
tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1982 ir 1983 metais, Vilnius,<br />
1984, pp.43-46.<br />
Klaipėdos XV-XVII a. krosnys (archeologiniai duomenys),<br />
Muziejai ir paminklai, Vilnius, 1984, t. 6, pp.56-<br />
63 (co-author Jonas Genys).<br />
Laistų gyvenvietės žvalgomieji kasinėjimai, Archeologiniai<br />
tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1982 ir 1983 metais, Vilnius,<br />
1984, pp.41-43.<br />
Вопросы создания дендрохронологических шкал<br />
западной Литвы, Временные и пространственные<br />
изменения климата и годичные кольца деревьев,<br />
Каунас, 1984, с. 69-73 (co-authors Теодорас<br />
Битвинскас, Витаутас Брукштyс).<br />
Памятники археологии в парках (проблемы охраны<br />
и экспозиции), Совершенствование исследований,<br />
реставрации и приспособления к современным<br />
нуждам усадебных ансамблей - памятников<br />
культуры, Вильнюс, 1984, с. 73-74.<br />
1985<br />
Исследования горы Бируте в Паланге,<br />
Археологические открытия 1983 года, Москва,<br />
1985, с. 424-425.<br />
1986<br />
Birutės kalnas ir gyvenvietė Palangoje, Lietuvos istorijos<br />
metraštis 1985, Vilnius, 1986, pp.21-35.<br />
Kasinėjimai Šventosios uoste, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai<br />
Lietuvoje 1984 ir 1985 metais, Vilnius, 1986,<br />
pp.89-91.<br />
1987<br />
Problems of creating dendrochronical scales for Western<br />
Lithuania, Soviet publication in dendrochronologie,<br />
Arisona, 1987, t. 3, pp.71-75 (co-authors Teodoras<br />
Bitvinskas, Vytautas Brukštus).<br />
Švėkšnos XVII a. stiklo manufaktūra, Muziejai ir paminklai,<br />
Vilnius, 1987, sąs. 8, pp.89-92 (co-author Kazys<br />
Strazdas).<br />
Vakarinės žemaičių žemės XIII-XIV amžiais, Biržulio<br />
baseino kompleksinių tyrinėjimų dešimtmetis, Vilnius,<br />
1987, pp.26-30.<br />
Земли литовского поморья в X-XIII вв., Археология<br />
и история Пскова и Псковской земли, Псков, 1987,<br />
с. 41-43.<br />
Особенности домостроительства литовского<br />
поморья в XI-XIII вв., Краткие сообщения института<br />
археологии, Москва, 1987, вып. 190, c. 31-38.<br />
1988<br />
Archeologiniai ir geofiziniai Šventosios tyrimai, Architektūros<br />
paminklai, Vilnius, 1988, t. 11, pp.33-39<br />
(co-authors Aleksandras Melnikovas, Andriejus Staniukovičius,<br />
Tatjana Smekalova).<br />
Antroji Palangos senovinė gyvenvietė, Archeologiniai<br />
tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1986 ir 1987 metais, Vilnius,<br />
1988, pp.45-46.<br />
Grigaičių pilalės (Plungės raj.) žvalgymas, Archeologiniai<br />
tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1986 ir 1987 metais, Vilnius,<br />
1988, pp.43-44.<br />
Nauji duomenys apie Kražių pilį ir kolegiją, Architektūros<br />
paminklai, Vilnius, 1988, t. 11, pp.20-24.<br />
Palangos VIII-XIII a. kapinyno ribų tikslinimas, Archeologiniai<br />
tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1986 ir 1987 metais,<br />
Vilnius, 1988, pp.123-125.<br />
Radiniai Platelių apylinkėse ir ežere, Archeologiniai<br />
tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1986 ir 1987 metais, Vilnius,<br />
1988, pp.187-190.<br />
Klaipėdos senamiesčio pietinės dalies žvalgymas, Archeologiniai<br />
tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1986 ir 1987 metais,<br />
Vilnius, 1988, pp.151-152.<br />
Астрономическая интерпретация горы Бируте в<br />
Паланге, Историко-астрономические исследования,<br />
Москва, 1988, с. 126-136 (co-author Либертас<br />
Климка).<br />
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
I<br />
A PIONEER OF<br />
UNDERWATER<br />
ARCHAEOLOGY<br />
IN LITHUANIA<br />
19
GINTAUTAS<br />
ZABIELA Publications by Vladas Žulkus<br />
20<br />
Клайпеда и ее округа в XI-XVII вв. Автореферат<br />
кандидатской диссертации, Москва: 1988, 15 с.<br />
1989<br />
Tarpgentinės dykros ir mirusiųjų pasaulis baltų pasaulėžiūroje,<br />
Vakarų baltų archeologija ir istorija, Klaipėda,<br />
1989, pp.107-116.<br />
Территория и особенности социальной структуры<br />
южнокуршских земель в IX-XII вв., Краткие сообщения<br />
института археологии, Москва,1989, вып.<br />
198, c. 21-31.<br />
1990<br />
Lietuvos pajūrio archeologijos paminklai ir gamtinė<br />
aplinka, Geografijos metraštis, Vilnius, 1990, t. 25/26,<br />
pp.76-82.<br />
Palangos antroji senovinė gyvenvietė, Archeologiniai<br />
tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1988 ir 1989 metais, Vilnius,<br />
1990, pp.37-41.<br />
Ventės Rago ir Kuršių marių dugno žvalgymas, Archeologiniai<br />
tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1988 ir 1989 metais,<br />
Vilnius, 1990, pp.209-210.<br />
Platelių ežero ir pakrančių žvalgymas, Archeologiniai<br />
tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1988 ir 1989 metais, Vilnius,<br />
1990, pp.210-212 (co-author Valerijus Krisikaitis).<br />
Kasinėjimai Klaipėdos senamiestyje, Archeologiniai<br />
tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1988 ir 1989 metais, Vilnius,<br />
1990, pp.170-172 (co-author Raimondas Sprainaitis).<br />
1991<br />
Die Kuren im 13.-15. Jahrhundert, Prussen, Kuren und<br />
Masuren. Drei Beiträge zur Landeskunde Ostpreussens,<br />
Hamburg, Weissenburg, 1991, S. 15-29.<br />
Die Preussen und ihre Nachbarn im 1. Jahrtausend<br />
nach Christi Geburt, Preussen, Kuren und Masuren:<br />
Drei Beitrage zur Landeskunde Ostpreussens, Hamburg,<br />
Weissenburg, 1991, S. 4-14.<br />
1992<br />
Birutės kalno gyvenvietės Palangoje tyrinėjimai, Archeologiniai<br />
tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1990 ir 1991 metais,<br />
Vilnius, 1992, t. I, pp.62-65.<br />
Kuršiai, Mokslas ir Lietuva, Vilnius, 1992, t. III, nr. 4,<br />
pp.2-11 (tas pats: Lietuvos sienų raida, Vilnius, 1997,<br />
t. 2, pp.50-67).<br />
Palanga als kurischer Handelsplatz an der Ostseeküste<br />
im 9. - 12. Jahrhundert, Vakarų baltų istorija ir kultūra,<br />
Klaipėda, 1992, pp.46-67.<br />
XV-XVII a. senkapiai Žemaičių kalnelyje, Archeologiniai<br />
tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1990 ir 1991 metais, Vilnius,<br />
1992, t. II, pp.90-92.<br />
Senovinė gyvenvietė Palangos parke, Archeologiniai<br />
tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1990 ir 1991 metais, Vilnius,<br />
1992, t. I, pp.66-68.<br />
Региональные особенности домостроительства в<br />
I - начале II тысячл. н., Pabaltijo gyvenvietės nuo seniausių<br />
laikų iki XIV amžiaus, Vilnius, 1992, pp.83-85.<br />
1993<br />
Mirusiųjų pasaulis baltų pasaulėžiūroje (archeologijos<br />
duomenimis), Žemaičių praeitis, Vilnius, 1993, t. 2,<br />
pp.23-35.<br />
1994<br />
Jakų, Klaipėdos raj., pylimų žvalgomieji archeologiniai<br />
kasinėjimai, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje<br />
1992 ir 1993 metais, Vilnius, 1994, pp.39-43<br />
(co-author Rasa Banytė).<br />
Birutės kalno gyvenvietė Palangoje, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai<br />
Lietuvoje 1992 ir 1993 metais, Vilnius, 1994,<br />
pp.94-96.<br />
Naujai rasti kapai Palangos VIII-XIII a. kapinyne, Archeologiniai<br />
tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1992 ir 1993 metais,<br />
Vilnius, 1994, pp.167-170.<br />
Lūkšto ežero pakrančių žvalgymas, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai<br />
Lietuvoje 1992 ir 1993 metais, Vilnius, 1994,<br />
pp.96-98 (co-author Adomas Butrimas).<br />
Bažnyčios Klaipėdos XIII-XVII a. urbanistinėje struktūroje,<br />
Protestantizmas Lietuvoje: istorija ir dabartis,<br />
Vilnius, 1994, pp.99-116.<br />
Kasinėjimai Klaipėdos piliavietės princo Fridricho<br />
bastiono poternose, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje<br />
1992 ir 1993 metais, Vilnius, 1994, pp.205-207.<br />
Klaipėdos istorijos ir topografijos bruožai XIII-XVII<br />
a. (archeologijos duomenimis), Acta Historica Universitatis<br />
Klaipėdensis, Klaipėda, 1994, t. II. Klaipėdos<br />
miesto ir regiono archeologijos ir istorijos problemos,<br />
pp.5-18.<br />
1995<br />
Kuršių žemės ir žmonės, Lietuvininkų kraštas, Kaunas,<br />
1995, pp.65-74.<br />
Migration in Žemaitija in den 13. - 16. Jahrhunderten,<br />
Archaeologia Baltica, Vilnius, 1995, pp.156-173.
Palangos Birutės kalno senosios gyvenvietės chronologija,<br />
Baltų archeologija Naujausių tyrimų rezultatai,<br />
Vilnius, 1995, pp.45-50.<br />
Senieji kuršiai, Baltų archeologija, 1995, nr. 4 (7),<br />
pp.2-6.<br />
Baltai ir skandinavai, Baltų archeologija, 1995, nr. 4<br />
(7), pp.9-13 (co-author Vytautas Urbanavičius).<br />
Vakarų baltai gotų-gepidų migracijoje (I-IV a.), Lietuvininkų<br />
kraštas, Kaunas, 1995, pp.74-107.<br />
Zur Frühgeschichte der baltischen Stadt, Burg-Burgstadt-Stadt:<br />
Zur Genese mittelalterlicher nichtagrarischer<br />
Zentren in Ostmitteleuropa, Berlin, 1995, S.<br />
190-206.<br />
1996<br />
Viduramžių pabaigos - Naujųjų laikų pradžios tilto<br />
Platelių ežere povandeniniai archeologiniai tyrimai<br />
1995 metais, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje<br />
1994 ir 1995 metais, Vilnius, 1996, pp.296-300 (coauthor<br />
Andrzej Kola).<br />
Kaunas tarp Rytų ir Vakarų. Nemuno kelias I-II tūkst.<br />
po Kr. pradžioje, Vidurio Lietuvos archeologija. Etnokultūriniai<br />
ryšiai, Vilnius, 1996, pp.89-97.<br />
Klaipėdos pilies liekanų tyrimai, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai<br />
Lietuvoje 1994 ir 1995 metais, Vilnius, 1996,<br />
pp.193-196.<br />
Palangos kapinyno šiaurinės dalies žvalgymai, Archeologiniai<br />
tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1994 ir 1995 metais,<br />
Vilnius, 1996, pp.143-144.<br />
1997<br />
Žemaitijos priešistorė, Žemaitijos istorija, Vilnius,<br />
1997, pp.13-52 (co-author Adomas Butrimas).<br />
Baltische Funde an den westlichen Ostseeküsten, Archaeologia<br />
Baltica, Vilnius, 1997, t. 2, pp.165-189.<br />
Baltų visuomenė ankstyvaisiais viduramžiais, Lietuvos<br />
valstybė XII-XVIII a., Vilnius, 1997, pp.13-30.<br />
Kuršiai, Lietuvos sienų raida, Vilnius, 1997, t. 2,<br />
pp.50-67 (perspausdinta iš: Mokslas ir Lietuva, 1992,<br />
nr. 4, pp.2-11).<br />
Klaipėda (Memel) im Licht der Archäologische<br />
Forschungen, Lübecker Kolloquium zur Stadtarchäologie<br />
inm Hanseraum, Lübeck, 1997, Band I, S. 305-<br />
312.<br />
1998<br />
Tilto Platelių ežere povandeniniai tyrinėjimai 1996<br />
ir 1997 metais, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje<br />
1996 ir 1997 metais, Vilnius, 1998, pp.455-458 (coauthors<br />
Andrzej Kola, Wojcech Szulta).<br />
Ąžuolų sala - naujas archeologinis kompleksas Platelių<br />
ežere, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1996 ir<br />
1997 metais, Vilnius, 1998, pp.125-127.<br />
Die Landschaften und Zentralorte Südkurlands im 9.<br />
bis 13. Jahrhundert, Acta Visbyensia; XI. Culture clash<br />
or compromise? The Europeanisation of the Baltic Sea<br />
area 1100-1400 AD, Visby, 1998, pp.131-146.<br />
Platelių Šventorkalnio dvarvietė ir Apvaliosios kalvos<br />
alkvietės 1996-1997 metų kasinėjimai, Archeologiniai<br />
tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1996 ir 1997 metais, Vilnius,<br />
1998, pp.336-339.<br />
Pilies liekanos ir mitologiniai akmenys Pilies saloje<br />
Platelių ežere, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje<br />
1996 ir 1997 metais, Vilnius, 1998, pp.333-336 (coauthor<br />
Saulius Manomaitis).<br />
Klaipėdos piliavietės kasinėjimai, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai<br />
Lietuvoje 1996 ir 1997 metais, Vilnius, 1998,<br />
pp.268-270.<br />
1999<br />
Kuršių kaimai XI-XV a., Lietuvos archeologija, Vilnius,<br />
1999, t. 18, pp.135-151.<br />
Gegenwart und Möglichkeiten die Unterwasserforschungen<br />
in Litauen, The marine archaeology of the<br />
Baltic Sea region, Nynäshamn, 1999, pp.38-43.<br />
Heidentum und Christentum in Litauen im 10. - 16<br />
Jahrhundert, Rom und Byzanz im Norden. Mission und<br />
Glaubenwechsel im Ostseeraum während des 8. -14.<br />
Jahrhunderts, Mainz, 1999, Band II, S. 143-161.<br />
Die kurischen Dörfer zwischen 1000 und 1400 n. Chr.,<br />
Europeans or not? Local Level Strategies on the Baltic<br />
Rim 1100-1400 AD. CCC papers: 1, Visby, 1999,<br />
pp.137-164.<br />
Palangos priešistorė ir viduramžiai archeologo akimis.<br />
Palangiškiai pagonys. Palangos praeities paminklų tyrinėjimai,<br />
Palangos istorija, Klaipėda, 1999, pp.8-104.<br />
2000<br />
Tyrinėjimai Platelių ežero Ąžuolų saloje, Archeologiniai<br />
tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1998 ir 1999 metais, Vilnius,<br />
2000, pp.146-149.<br />
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
I<br />
A PIONEER OF<br />
UNDERWATER<br />
ARCHAEOLOGY<br />
IN LITHUANIA<br />
21
GINTAUTAS<br />
ZABIELA Publications by Vladas Žulkus<br />
22<br />
Klaipėdos piliavietės tyrimai, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai<br />
Lietuvoje 1998 ir 1999 metais, Vilnius, 2000,<br />
pp.364-369.<br />
Povandeniniai archeologiniai tyrimai Platelių ežere,<br />
Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1998 ir 1999 metais,<br />
Vilnius, 2000, pp.560-562 (co-authors Andrzej<br />
Kola, Wojcech Szulta).<br />
Die Wölkerwanderung und die Westbalten. Die Entstehung<br />
der Kuren, Archaeologia Baltica, Vilnius,<br />
2000, t. 4, pp.89-108.<br />
2001<br />
Der Hausbau in Klaipėda, Lübecker Kolloquium zur<br />
Stadtarchäologie inm Hanseraum, Lübeck, 2001,<br />
Band III. Der Hausbau, S. 529-550.<br />
Die Flüsse als Strassen der Europäisierung. Fluss und<br />
Hafen Šventoji - Heiligen Aa, Lübeck Style? Novgorod<br />
Style? Baltic Rim Central Places as Arenas for Cultural<br />
Encounters and Urbanisation 1100-1400 AD. CCC<br />
papers: 5, Visby-Riga, 2001, pp.165-181 (co-author<br />
Maik-Jens Springmann).<br />
Central places of the Curonian and Prussian Tribes during<br />
the Years of Cultural Change (1200–1400), Lübeck<br />
Style? Novgorod Style? Baltic Rim Central Places as<br />
Arenas for Cultural Encounters and Urbanisation<br />
1100-1400 AD. CCC papers: 5, Visby-Riga, 2001,<br />
pp.345-354.<br />
Nuskendę laivai ir uostai, Treasures in the Baltic Sea,<br />
Stockholm, 2001, pp.298-322.<br />
Tikėjimų kaita pagoniškuose baltuose. Kuršiai, Sociologija.<br />
Mintis ir veiksmas, Klaipėda, 2001, pp.9-19.<br />
2002<br />
Wieże na terenie zamku krzyżackiego w Kłajpedzie,<br />
Archeologia historica Polona, Studia z historii architektury<br />
i historii kultury materialnej, Toruń, 2002, t.<br />
12, pp.91-106.<br />
Der Hafen Hailigenau - Šventoji und die Fremden<br />
Schiffer im Lichte historischer und archäologischer<br />
Forschung, Maritime Archäologie heute, Rostock,<br />
2002, S. 160-176 (co-author Maik-Jens Springmann).<br />
Östersjons skattter. Litauen, Östersjons skattter. Der<br />
dolda kulturlandskapet, Stockholm, 2002, pp.95-102.<br />
Pilies paieškos Platelių ežero Pilies saloje, Archeologiniai<br />
tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 2001 metais, Vilnius, 2002,<br />
pp.159-161.<br />
Nuskendusių laivų paieškos Baltijos jūroje naudojant<br />
sonarą, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 2001 metais,<br />
Vilnius, 2002, pp.272-273.<br />
Povandeniniai tilto liekanų Platelių ežere tyrimai,<br />
Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 2001 metais,<br />
Vilnius, 2002, pp.274-275 (co-authors Andrzej Kola,<br />
Wojcech Szulta).<br />
The Balts: Economy and Society, The neighbours of<br />
Poland in the 11 th century, Warszawa, 2002, pp.169-<br />
210.<br />
2003<br />
Medžių liekanos Baltijos jūros dugne: pirmieji tyrimų<br />
rezultatai, Geologija, Vilnius, 2003, Nr.43, p.43-46<br />
(co-authors Albertas Bitinas, Jonas Mažeika, Rimantas<br />
Petrošius, Dalia Kisielienė).<br />
Vakarų Lietuvos žemių junginių bruožai, Lietuva iki<br />
Mindaugo, Vilnius, 2003, pp.98-115.<br />
Lithuania, Treasures from Baltic Sea. A hidden wealth<br />
of culture. Swedish Maritime Museum’s report series<br />
no. 46, Stockholm, 2003, pp.95-102.<br />
2004<br />
Die mitttelalterliche und frühneuzeitliche Infrastruktur<br />
der Stadt Memel, Lübecker Kolloquium zur Stadtarchäologie<br />
im Hanseraum, Lübeck, 2004, Band IV. Die<br />
Infrastruktur, S. 371-384.<br />
Gardai ir Plateliai XIII-XVI a, Lietuvių katalikų<br />
mokslų akademijos metraštis, Vilnius, 2004, t. XXV,<br />
pp.363-381.<br />
Lietuvininkų ištakos, Tiltai, Klaipėda, 2004, t. 24,<br />
Priedas: Lietuviai ir lietuvininkai. Etninė kultūra III,<br />
pp.5-19.<br />
Nuo Platelių iki Lūksto. Kuršių ir žemaičių paribiai<br />
XII-XV amžiais, Vilniaus dailės akademijos darbai,<br />
Vilnius, 2004, t. 34. Kultūrinio landšafto raida žemaičių<br />
aukštumoje, pp.145-162.<br />
Изменения в мировоззрении куршей в раннем<br />
средневековье, Восточная Европа в Средневековье,<br />
Москва, 2004, с. 153-163.<br />
2005<br />
Platelių ežero povandeniniai ir žvalgomieji Žiedelio<br />
ežero tyrimai, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje<br />
2003 metais, Vilnius, 2005, pp.286-287 (co-authors<br />
Andrzej Kola, Wojcech Szulta).<br />
Baltijos pakrančių ir teritorinės jūros žvalgymas, Archeologiniai<br />
tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 2003 metais, Vilnius,<br />
2005, pp.288-289.<br />
Platelių ežero Pilies sala, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai<br />
Lietuvoje 2003 metais, Vilnius, 2005, pp.158-159.
Valentinas Sedovas, Archaeologia Lituana, Vilnius,<br />
2005, t. 6, pp.179-180.<br />
Baltai Baltijos jūros baseine vikingų laikais (VII-XII<br />
a.), XIII pasaulio lietuvių mokslo ir kūrybos simpoziumas.<br />
- 2005 birželio 30 d. - liepos 4 d., Vilnius, 2005,<br />
pp.156-166.<br />
2006<br />
Kurland. Die Grenzen und die nördlichen Landschaften<br />
in 8. - 13. Jahrhundert, Archaeologia Baltica, Klaipėda,<br />
2006, t. 6, pp.88-103.<br />
The Lower Reaches of the Nemunas (Memel) and<br />
Prieglius (Pregel). The Settlement Situation at the<br />
Lower Reaches in the 6 th -11 th centuries, Transformatio<br />
mundi. The transition from the Late Migration period<br />
to the early Viking Age in the East Baltic, Kaunas,<br />
2006, pp.17-24.<br />
Platelių ežero povandeniniai archeologiniai žvalgymai,<br />
Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 2004 metais,<br />
Vilnius, 2006, pp.319-321.<br />
Klaipėdos uosto 142 krantinės, buvusioje Malkų įlankoje,<br />
žvalgomieji archeologiniai tyrinėjimai, Archeologiniai<br />
tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 2004 metais, Vilnius,<br />
2006, pp.321 (co-author Mindaugas Brazauskas).<br />
Baltijos jūros povandeniniai archeologiniai tyrimai,<br />
Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 2004 metais, Vilnius,<br />
2006, pp.317-319.<br />
Platelių piliavietė Pilies saloje, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai<br />
Lietuvoje 2004 metais, Vilnius, 2006, pp.138-139.<br />
Užbaigti Piliavietės tyrinėjimai Platelių ežero Pilies<br />
saloje, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 2005 metais,<br />
Vilnius, 2006, pp.174-175.<br />
Povandeniniai Nalijos seklumos Platelių ežere žvalgymai,<br />
Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 2005 metais,<br />
Vilnius, 2006, pp.422-423.<br />
Povandeniniai archeologiniai tyrimai Baltijos jūroje,<br />
Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 2005 metais, Vilnius,<br />
2006, pp.420-421.<br />
2007<br />
Armed and expected. Traders and their Ways in Viking-<br />
Times, Archaeologia Baltica, t. 8. Weapons, Weaponry<br />
and Man. In memoriam Vytautas Kazakevičius, Klaipėda,<br />
2007, pp.310-320.<br />
Apvalioji (Dvaro) kalva Platelių ežero pusiasalyje,<br />
Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 2006 metais, Vilnius,<br />
2007, pp.266-267.<br />
Povandeniniai Nalijos seklumos Platelių ežere žvalgymai,<br />
Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 2006 metais,<br />
Vilnius, 2007, pp.503.<br />
2008<br />
Baltų jūrinės laivybos liudijimai nuo seniausių laikų iki<br />
XIII amžiaus, Jūrininkų rengimas Lietuvoje jūreivystės<br />
istorijos retrospektyvoje, Klaipėda, 2008, pp.14-19.<br />
Baltijos jūros dugno žvalgymai ties Smiltyne, Archeologiniai<br />
tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 2007 metais, Vilnius,<br />
2008, pp.528-531.<br />
Kuršių marių dugno tarp Nidos ir Ventės rago žvalgymai,<br />
Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 2007 metais,<br />
Vilnius, 2008, pp.531-534.<br />
Povandeninė archeologija Lietuvoje, XIV pasaulio lietuvių<br />
mokslo ir kūrybos simpoziumas. Tezių rinkinys,<br />
Lemontas, 2008, pp.18.<br />
Palangos povandeninis paveldas, Palangos kultūros<br />
paveldas: būti ar nebūti? Palanga, 2008, pp.36-40.<br />
2009<br />
Three Lagoons. Man, Culture and Landscape, Die<br />
Lagomar Haffe, Einzigartige maritime Kulturlandschaften<br />
im wissenschaftlichen Diskurs und interdisziplinären<br />
Vergleich, Friedland, 2009, S. 73-81.<br />
Handelsplätze zwischen Danziger und Rigaer Bucht<br />
zur Zeit Wulfstans, Wulfstan‘s Voyage. The Baltic Sea<br />
region in the early Viking Age as seen from shipboard.<br />
Maritime Culture of the North 2. Roskilde, 2009,<br />
pp.198-204 (co-author Mindaugas Bertašius).<br />
What did the Order‘s brothers eat in the Klaipėda<br />
castle?, Archaeologia Baltica, Klaipėda, 2009, t. 12,<br />
pp.74-87 (co-author Linas Daugnora).<br />
Der Wechsel des Weltbildes bei den heidnischen Balten,<br />
The Reception of Medieval Europe in the Baltic<br />
Sea Region, Visby, 2009, pp.223-239.<br />
Povandeninių archeologinių objektų paieškos Baltijos<br />
jūroje, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 2008 metais,<br />
Vilnius, 2009, pp.525.<br />
2010<br />
Die Stadtbefestigungen von Klaipėda (Memel), Lübecker<br />
Kolloquium zur Stadtarchäologie im Hanseraum<br />
VII. Die Befestigungen, Lübeck, 2010, pp.653-666.<br />
Baltijos jūros archeologiniai žvalgymai, Archeologiniai<br />
tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 2009 metais, Vilnius, 2010,<br />
pp.478-480.<br />
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
I<br />
A PIONEER OF<br />
UNDERWATER<br />
ARCHAEOLOGY<br />
IN LITHUANIA<br />
23
GINTAUTAS<br />
ZABIELA Publications by Vladas Žulkus<br />
Šventosios apylinkėse nuskendusio senovinio laivo<br />
(W-1) tyrimai, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje<br />
2009 metais, Vilnius, 2010, pp.480-483 (co-author Rokas<br />
Kraniauskas).<br />
Baltijos jūroje nuskendusio laivo 14 (W-14) žvalgomieji<br />
tyrimai, Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje<br />
2009 metais, Vilnius, 2010, pp.483-485 (co-author<br />
Krzysztof Radka).<br />
Krikščionybės platinimas kuršių žemėse, Krikščionybės<br />
raidos kontekstai Žemaitijoje, Vilnius, 2010,<br />
pp.13-37<br />
Schipwrecks on the coast of Lithuania, Archaeologia<br />
Baltica, Klaipėda, 2010, t. 14, pp.28-46.<br />
III. Publications edited by V. Žulkus<br />
Vakarų baltų archeologija ir istorija. Klaipėda, 1989.<br />
Vakarų baltų istorija ir kultūra, I. Klaipėda, 1992.<br />
Archeologia Baltica. Vilnius: Žara, Vol. 2, 1997 (one<br />
of the editors).<br />
Palangos istorija. Klaipėda, 1999.<br />
Archeologia Baltica. Vilnius: Žara, Vol. 4, 2000 (one<br />
of the editors).<br />
Archeologia Baltica. Vilnius: Žara, Vol. 5, 2002 (one<br />
of the editors).<br />
Archeologia Baltica. Klaipėda: Klaipėda University<br />
Press, Vols. 6–14, 2006–2010 (editor in chief).<br />
Lituanistica. History, Archaeology, Language, Literature,<br />
Folklore, Ethnology, 2010 (Member of Editorial<br />
Board).<br />
IV. Varia<br />
1972<br />
Tyrimai senamiestyje, Tarybinė Klaipėda, 1972 07 6,<br />
nr. 157(7513), p.3.<br />
1974<br />
1977<br />
Dar kartą dėl Klaipėdos ir Palangos vardų kilmės, Tarybinė<br />
Klaipėda, 1977 04 16, nr. 89(8973), p.3.<br />
Radiniai Birutės kalne, Tarybinė Klaipėda, 1977 05 22,<br />
nr. 120(9004), p.3.<br />
Senosios Klaipėdos beieškant, Tarybinė Klaipėda,<br />
1977 04 23, nr. 59(8979), p.3.<br />
1980<br />
Kaip tvarkysime mūsų archeologijos paminklus?, Tarybinė<br />
Klaipėda, 1980 07 26, nr. 172(9961), p.3.<br />
1981<br />
Archeologų šiokiadieniai, Tarybinė Klaipėda, 1981 08<br />
1, nr. 177(10266), p.3.<br />
1982<br />
Klaipėdos senamiesčio kultūriniai sluoksniai, Mokslas<br />
ir gyvenimas, 1982, nr. 1, pp.24-26.<br />
1983<br />
Klaipėdos pilis ir miestas XIII-XIV a., Mokslas ir gyvenimas,<br />
1983, nr. 8, pp.28-29.<br />
1984<br />
Birutės kalno paslaptys, Mokslas ir gyvenimas, 1984,<br />
nr. 6, pp.16-17.<br />
1985<br />
Birutės kalnas ir Palanga, Baltija. 1985, Vilnius, 1985,<br />
pp.7-13.<br />
1987<br />
Archeologų radiniai Plateliuose, Kibirkštis (Plungė),<br />
1987 11 17, nr. 138(5896), pp.3.<br />
Žemėje ir po vandeniu. Klaipėdos archeologai Plateliuose,<br />
Tarybinė Klaipėda, 1987 10 11, nr. 235(12124),<br />
p.8.<br />
Archeologinius kasinėjimus pradėjus, Tarybinė Klaipėda,<br />
1974 12 22, nr. 297(8264), p.4.<br />
1975<br />
Nauja apie Klaipėdos pilį, Tarybinė Klaipėda, 1975 12<br />
3, nr. 283(8554), p.4.<br />
1988<br />
Atkursime alkvietę ant Birutės kalno, Tarybinė Klaipėda,<br />
1988 10 2, nr. 227(12416), p.8.<br />
Kuo ženkli Klaipėdos urbanistinė raida XIII-XVI amžiais?,<br />
Tarybinė Klaipėda, 1988 04 10, nr. 84(12273),<br />
p.8.<br />
24
1989<br />
Įkurta Lietuvos archeologijos draugija, Tarybinė Klaipėda,<br />
1989 01 27, nr. 23(12512), p.8.<br />
Palangos priešistorė: Ar gyveno Lietuvoje neandertaliečiai?<br />
(06 30 – 07 6, nr. 8(21), p.6); Akmens amžiaus<br />
radiniai (07 7 – 07 13, nr. 9(22), p.4); Akmens<br />
amžius (07 14 – 07 20, nr. 10(23), p.4); Senojo geležies<br />
amžiaus kapinynas (07 21 – 07 27, nr. 11(24), p.4-5);<br />
Kuršiai mūsų pajūryje (07 28 – 08 3, nr. 12(25), pp.4);<br />
Mėguvos žemė (08 4 – 08 10, nr. 13(26), p.4); Viduramžiai<br />
(08 11 – 08 17, nr. 14(27), p.4); Ar seniai žemaičiai<br />
Palangoje gyvena ? (08 18 – 08 24, nr. 15(28),<br />
pp.4), Vasara. Tarybinė Klaipėda. Kurortinis priedas,<br />
1989, 06 30 – 08 17, nr. 8(21) – 8(21).<br />
Vikingų burės Kuršių mariose, Mokslas ir gyvenimas,<br />
1989, nr. 4, pp.28-29.<br />
Klaipėdos pilis, Tarybinė Klaipėda, 1989 12 20, nr.<br />
291(12780), p.8.<br />
Pilies ir miesto kolizija viduramžių Klaipėdoje, Miestas<br />
ir žmogus, Klaipėda, 1989, pp.28-30.<br />
1990<br />
1995<br />
Žemaičiai pajūryje, Žemaičių žemė, 1995, nr. 2,<br />
pp.9-10.<br />
2003<br />
Klaipėdos pilis, Mažosios Lietuvos enciklopedija, Vilnius,<br />
2003, t. II, pp.117-118.<br />
Kuršiai, Mažosios Lietuvos enciklopedija, Vilnius,<br />
2003, t. II, pp.390-395.<br />
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
I<br />
A PIONEER OF<br />
UNDERWATER<br />
ARCHAEOLOGY<br />
IN LITHUANIA<br />
‘Vakarų baltų kultūra’, Lietuvos rytas, 1990 01 3, p.2.<br />
‘Vakarų baltų kultūra’, Literatūra ir menas, 1990 01<br />
27, nr. 4(22253), pp.15 (co-author Vytautas Petras<br />
Plečkaitis).<br />
‘Kas yra sensacija mums - labai nuobodūs dalykai kitiems…’,<br />
Mažoji Lietuva, 1990 12 12, nr. 50(89), pp.7.<br />
Klaipėdos pilis ir miestas XIII-XVI a., Nemuno kraštas<br />
(Witzenhausen/Werra), 1990, nr. 1, pp.4-7.<br />
Klaipėdos pilis: realijos ir ateitis, Klaipėda, 1990 08<br />
15, nr. 205(12994), p.2.<br />
Klaipėdos pilis vėl šaukiasi pagalbos, Atgimimas, 1990<br />
01 12, nr. 2, pp.8-9.<br />
1991<br />
Marios baltų pasaulėžiūroje, Jūra, 1991, nr. 1, pp.1-13.<br />
Protomiestai Europoje ir Lietuvos pajūryje, Miestas ir<br />
žmogus: regionas ir regioninė kultūra, Klaipėda, 1991,<br />
pp.31-32.<br />
Teritoriniai junginiai Lietuvos pajūryje, Mindaugo<br />
karūnavimas - valstybės diena, Klaipėda, 1991, pp.28-<br />
30.<br />
Žemaičiai ir Palanga, Palangos Juzė (Skuodas), 1991<br />
06 15, nr. 4, p.6.<br />
25
II. UNDERWATER<br />
ARCHAEOLOGY<br />
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
27
SHIPWRECKS OFF THE COAST OF LITHUANIA<br />
Shipwrecks off<br />
the Coast of Lithuania<br />
VLADAS<br />
ŽULKUS<br />
VLADAS ŽULKUS<br />
Abstract<br />
The article presents the latest data on ships sunk in Lithuanian territorial waters of the Baltic Sea obtained during archaeological<br />
research conducted by the Underwater Archaeology Group of Klaipėda University. The article contains detailed descriptions<br />
of the ways these ships were wrecked as found in historical sources from the 14th to the early 20th century, the<br />
localisation of newly found remains of wooden ships, data of their study and possibilities for dating them.<br />
Key words: shipwrecks, wooden ships, underwater archaeology, Baltic Sea, Lithuania<br />
28<br />
Introduction<br />
Between 1989 and 2010, 11 findspots of wooden ship<br />
hulls were registered in Lithuania’s coastal area, in the<br />
littoral between Būtingė and Klaipėda, as well as at sea<br />
(Fig. 1). The conditions of the ships vary considerably.<br />
In the case of some ships, only small parts of the hulls<br />
have survived. Others have been preserved in their<br />
entire length and breadth. There is also a sunken ship<br />
with cargo on board. These finds are located in very<br />
different places. Pieces of some hulls were cast ashore<br />
during storms. Others are located on beaches under the<br />
sand. Some lie in the littoral at a depth of only two or<br />
three metres. Part of one wooden ship has been used<br />
for the reinforcement of a quay. Still others lie sunken<br />
at depths of 11 to 37 metres. The hulls of the wooden<br />
ships have been found in different ways. Remnants of<br />
ships washed ashore by storms have been reported by<br />
fishermen, beach lifeguards or visitors to the beaches.<br />
Some of the shipwrecks have been detected during surveys<br />
of the shoals from a plane, from the surface of<br />
the water and under the water. Sunken ships lying at<br />
a greater depth have been detected by using side-scan<br />
sonar during explorations of the sea bed for various<br />
purposes (scientific research, applied scientific research,<br />
sea bed sounding or mine-clearing operations).<br />
Substantial information on underwater obstacles has<br />
been collected by the masters of fishing trawlers. Some<br />
of them have even compiled sea charts of underwater<br />
obstacles that pose a danger to fishing operations.<br />
Larger obstacles that pose a danger to navigation are<br />
more or less accurately marked on all sea charts; however,<br />
these are the remnants of metal-hulled vessels<br />
which sank during the modern era. A large amount of<br />
data on sunken ships in the Lithuanian littoral has been<br />
collected by the Lithuanian Sea Museum (LSM).<br />
There is no doubt that there are many more remains of<br />
sunken and wrecked ships along the short Lithuanian<br />
coast than we know of today. As knowledge is accumulated<br />
and more sophisticated search methods are<br />
applied, more shipwrecks will surely be found. More<br />
detailed studies of ancient wooden ship hulls have only<br />
just started; therefore, there are no analytical articles<br />
yet on the remains of wooden ships in Lithuania’s littoral<br />
waters. This article presents descriptions of the<br />
remains of ten wooden ships, and discusses issues pertaining<br />
to their dating and identification.<br />
All the ships described in the article have been inspected,<br />
provisionally measured, photographed, video-recorded<br />
and registered by archaeologists from Klaipėda<br />
University’s Institute of Baltic Sea Region History<br />
and Archaeology Underwater Exploration Centre (KU<br />
BRIAI PTC). Data on the ships can be found in the<br />
PTC’s working Register of Shipwrecks (compiled by<br />
Vladas Žulkus).<br />
Historical data on wrecked<br />
and sunken ships<br />
Relations between the inhabitants of the Lithuanian<br />
coastal area and the inhabitants of the Baltic Sea islands<br />
and its western coastal areas from the sixth<br />
century AD serve as indirect albeit unquestionable evidence<br />
of navigation along the eastern shores of the Baltic<br />
Sea. Between the years 900 and 1000, there were<br />
several distant Curonian trade centres on the eastern<br />
shores of the Baltic Sea. In the 12th and 13th centuries,<br />
navigation along the east Baltic shore was already<br />
quite busy: the ships of the Scandinavian Vikings<br />
would sail across the Curonian Lagoon and up the River<br />
Nemunas, whereas Curonian pirates controlled the<br />
eastern part of the Baltic Sea and engaged in looting on<br />
the Danish and Swedish coasts (Žulkus 2004; Žulkus,<br />
Bertašius 2009). No ships that sank during the Viking<br />
period or the Middle Ages in Lithuanian waters have<br />
yet been found; therefore, much to our regret, we do<br />
not know yet what Curonian ships of the 12th and 13th<br />
centuries looked like.
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
II<br />
UNDERWATER<br />
ARCHAEOLOGY<br />
Fig. 1. The locations of ships wrecked and sunk off the Lithuanian coast (compiled by V. Žulkus).<br />
In the times of the Vikings, the sandbanks of Lithuanian<br />
littoral waters could easily be overcome; smalldraught<br />
boats would even reach the mouths of rivulets<br />
and shallow coastal lagoons. In the Late Middle Ages<br />
and in modern times, as the tonnage and draught of<br />
ships increased, shallow coastal waters became a trap<br />
for ships sailing to the ports of Klaipėda (founded by<br />
the Livonian Order in 1252) and Šventoji (Heiligen<br />
Aa); the latter reached the peak of its prosperity in the<br />
17th century (Žulkus, Springmann 2002). The mouths<br />
of both ports were narrow and highly dangerous in<br />
westerly winds, and it is exactly these winds that prevail<br />
on the east Baltic shore. The greatest danger was<br />
posed by the storms of the autumn and winter months,<br />
and by regular hurricanes (in the coastal area, hurricanes<br />
with a wind speed of up to 35 metres per second<br />
29
Shipwrecks off<br />
the Coast of Lithuania<br />
VLADAS<br />
ŽULKUS<br />
30<br />
strike once every 20 years, on average) (Dorfman, Buzas<br />
1966, p.68). Ships could not avoid sudden storms,<br />
because weather forecasts and storm warnings did not<br />
exist until the late 19th century; skippers had to rely<br />
exclusively on their knowledge of meteorology, experience<br />
and instincts. Only as late as 1906 was a semaphore<br />
erected at the Southern Cape in Klaipėda, and<br />
a service was set up which used mast signals to warn<br />
fishermen in the area of approaching storms (Willoweit<br />
1969, p.311).<br />
Although the information contained in written sources<br />
is inconsistent, there are many facts about hurricanes<br />
that devastated the Lithuanian coastal areas, as well as<br />
about ships that sank, were wrecked on coastal shoals,<br />
or which ran aground. The earliest information dates<br />
from the early 14th century.<br />
In 1313, a mighty spring storm destroyed a flotilla<br />
of the Crusaders, which was on its way to Klaipėda<br />
(Długokęcki 1996, p.148). Another strong hurricane<br />
swept across Prussia in the winter of 1317 (Petras<br />
Dusburgietis 1985, p.269). There is a written mention<br />
of a heavy storm in October 1422, during which a ship<br />
sailing from Redin was wrecked off Palanga. The crew,<br />
32 horses and part of the cargo were rescued (Codex<br />
epistolaris). In 1431, a ship on its way from Westerwik<br />
to Gdańsk was wrecked off Šventoji (LEK Abt. 1, Bd.<br />
8, 393). In 1446, a storm damaged a ship from Lübeck<br />
at sea; the ship then limped to the port of Klaipėda. It<br />
was damaged so badly that its skipper, who was called<br />
Hermann Hoppner, sold it and its cargo to a Königsberg<br />
merchant (Willoweit 1969, p.144).<br />
The early 16th century was marked by as many as<br />
three hurricanes. On 26 July 1518, a ship from Gdańsk<br />
ran aground on the Curonian Spit between Karvaičiai<br />
(Juodkrantė) and Nida (Regesta. No. 22000, 22218,<br />
22223). Between 8 and 15 December 1518, a hurricane<br />
sank 14 ships in the coastal waters between Klaipėda<br />
and Liepaja, and two ships ran aground: one of them<br />
next to the village of Nagliai on the Curonian Spit, and<br />
the other close to Klaipėda. The latter was a Swedish<br />
ship and apparently belonged to Sten Sture. 1 A similar<br />
hurricane struck at the beginning of 1519, during<br />
which two ships ran aground at Šventoji (Regesta. No.<br />
22000, 22218, 22223), and on 18 May another Livonian<br />
ship was wrecked at Nagliai (Regesta. No. 22282,<br />
22464).<br />
There are mentions of ships that were wrecked off<br />
Klaipėda or close to the port of Šventoji from the 17th<br />
century. In the autumn of 1635, a foreign (apparently<br />
Swedish) naval ship was wrecked off Palanga; five<br />
canons taken from the ship were handed over to the elder<br />
of Palanga (Kiaupa 1999, p.121). In the autumn of<br />
1<br />
Sten Sture the Younger, the Swedish regent in 1512–1520.<br />
1637, a hurricane washed away the church of Šventoji,<br />
which had been built in 1520, and also the peninsula<br />
on which the church had stood (Balčius 1999, p.207).<br />
In around 1655, two naval vessels, a Swedish frigate<br />
and a Lübeck Schute (lighter), ran aground on the<br />
Curonian Spit. They were towed into the sea and returned<br />
to the navy of the Duke of Prussia (MD 1988.05.<br />
No. 5, p.67).<br />
In August 1683, five ships ran aground in a storm next<br />
to Karklė near Klaipėda. One sailor drowned, but the<br />
cargo was taken ashore in boats (Consignation, 4j.143,<br />
1–3). In 1695, a ship owned by an English trading company<br />
based in Šventoji became stuck in the shoals off<br />
Palanga; later, it was plundered by residents of Palanga<br />
(Kiaupa 1999, p.139). According to a report dated 4<br />
November 1699, two Polish ships with passengers on<br />
board went to explore the possibilities for reopening a<br />
port in Samogitia (the port of Šventoji). One of them<br />
was wrecked just off Šventoji when it ran aground on<br />
a sandbank. Four people died (Smolarek 1966, pp.331-<br />
337). In the 18th century, the merchant port of Šventoji<br />
ceased to exist, and later shipwrecks are related mostly<br />
to Klaipėda.<br />
On 3 November 1801, such a mighty hurricane blew<br />
that a medal was minted in Königsberg ‘In commemoration<br />
of a hurricane of unseen strength and floods in<br />
Šiluva, Königsberg and Memel (Klaipėda) 3.11.1801’<br />
(Dovydenko 2004, p.57ff). The waves sank ships and<br />
destroyed the coastal defences of the port of Klaipėda<br />
at Kopgalis (Elertas 2002, p.16).<br />
A tragic event marked the beginning of 1804 in<br />
Klaipėda. In the night of 31 January and 1 February,<br />
the English sailing ship Guardian ran aground off<br />
Klaipėda. During the rescue operations, during the attempt<br />
to tow it off the shoal, towards the evening a<br />
storm approached suddenly from the southwest; the<br />
anchor chains finally broke, and the ship was wrecked<br />
in the morning, lost together with the port rescuer<br />
(Hafenmeister) Peter Schröder and 54 sailors, fishermen<br />
and workers (Merseburg, film 5, b. 90–97; Elertas<br />
2010, p.61). Sembritzki erroneously indicates that the<br />
ship was the Freundschaft (Sembritzki 1926, p.331).<br />
From 5 to 7 April 1807, there was a sudden heavy<br />
storm. Two ships from Gdańsk with soldiers and civilians<br />
on board were lying in the harbour at Klaipėda<br />
ready to set sail for Gdańsk. One of the ships sank,<br />
and the fate of the other is unknown. Friedricht August<br />
Staegemann wrote about this in a letter from Klaipėda<br />
to his wife on 7 April 1807 (Mühlpfordt 1963).<br />
In February 1808, nine ships ran aground in the<br />
Klaipėda area during a strong storm. Six of them were<br />
destroyed by the waves (Guillaume 1808). On 1 May
1829, as many as four ships ran aground at Klaipėda<br />
in strong southwesterly winds. The English sailing<br />
ships Northelms and Plouman, which had arrived from<br />
Newcastle, ran aground on a shoal at Kopgalis; the<br />
German ship Flora ran aground at Melnragė (ten sailors<br />
perished), and another ship, the Henriette Auguste<br />
from Klaipėda, ran aground not far from the Flora<br />
(Adomavičius 2007).<br />
On 23 January 1849, the brig Albertine from Klaipėda,<br />
on her way from Liverpool with a cargo of salt on<br />
board, ran aground off Melnragė and was wrecked by<br />
the westerly wind (Adomavičius, No. 45). On 12 January<br />
1851, at five o’clock in the morning, the barque<br />
Urania from Klaipėda, on her way from Lisbon to<br />
Klaipėda, ran aground off Šventoji (Heiligen Aa) during<br />
a storm coming from the west-northwest. The crew<br />
and eight rescuers drowned (Adomavičius, No. 47).<br />
At ten o’clock in the morning of 4 November 1854, the<br />
French sailing ship Nouveau Prosper from Dunkerque<br />
ran aground just a few hundred yards from the entrance<br />
to the port during a terrible storm. All the crew except<br />
for one sailor were rescued. 2<br />
In 1858, as many as three sailing ships from Klaipėda<br />
were lost close to their home port. In the spring, on 29<br />
March, a storm approached from the west-northwest,<br />
and the barque Memphis (tonnage 183 lasts, or 274.5<br />
BRT) ran aground by the northern breakwater. On 23<br />
November 1858, two more ships perished in another<br />
west-northwesterly storm. Both of them were wrecked<br />
on the shoals off Melnragė. The ships were the brig<br />
Selma of 216 lasts (324 BRT), and the schooner Cito of<br />
109 lasts (163.5 BRT) (Hartmann 1978).<br />
In the late morning of 10 November 1874, the threemasted<br />
barque Minerva from Klaipėda (tonnage 433<br />
BRT), on her way from London in ballast, was cast<br />
on to a shoal next to the northern breakwater by a<br />
southwesterly hurricane. Her crew were rescued.<br />
The next day, the waves broke the ship’s hull in two<br />
(Adomavičius, No. 47).<br />
The Norwegian brig Aurora (built in 1808), on her way<br />
from Sønderborg (Denmark) to Klaipėda in ballast, ran<br />
aground in a storm at Nemirseta on 29 October 1876.<br />
The crew of the rescue station rescued eight people<br />
(Willoweit 1970).<br />
On 16 October 1881, during a gale-force west-southwesterly<br />
wind, the brig Eleonora (Eleonore), built in<br />
Elbing in 1834–1835, ran aground north of Klaipėda,<br />
on the ‘Russian coast’ (at Palanga). This was quite<br />
a large ship (333 BRT) belonging to Klaipėda, and<br />
was carrying loose coal in baskets from Hartlepool to<br />
2<br />
Notes made by Karl Dahse, the French vice-consul in<br />
Klaipėda in 1854–1855 (MD 05.06.1966. No. 11, p.147ff).<br />
Klaipėda (more than 2,000 baskets were thrown into<br />
the sea). Written sources mention that the ship was<br />
built of the best oak wood (Gerdau 1978; Hartmann<br />
1978; INK. NA. P 1.1/14).<br />
On 21 or 22 November 1897, the 253-last (380 BRT)<br />
brig Freundschaft, built in 1847 in Klaipėda, at the<br />
Behrend Pieper shipyard, suffered a disaster. On the<br />
Saturday, it appeared off the cliff called Olandų kepurė<br />
(Dutchman’s Hat); on the Sunday, the steamship Von<br />
Schlieckmann tried to tow it into the harbour, but the<br />
ship was heavily laden, and it was decided to leave<br />
her. The wind started blowing, and the ship was damaged:<br />
the sails were torn, the railings were torn off,<br />
and the hold was flooded with 2.5 feet of water. As<br />
the wind became stronger, it carried the ship into the<br />
sea, and the ship sank nearly within sight of the port.<br />
Four people died (MD 20.01.1961, No. 2; Bruno le<br />
Coutre 1969; Hartmann 1978; Adomavičius 2000). On<br />
28 November 1897, the waves smashed up the Danish<br />
schooner Ernst, which had run aground by the breakwater<br />
at Melnragė, apparently during the same storm.<br />
On 18 June 1898, the German tjalk Margaretha, with<br />
a cargo of timber on board, ran aground off Karklė.<br />
The ship was destroyed by the waves. On 7 June 1899,<br />
the Norwegian galeas Septime, which was on its way<br />
from Karlshamn with a cargo of herring, was cast on to<br />
a shoal next to the southern breakwater. The ship was<br />
destroyed by the waves. On 10 May 1900, the Russian<br />
gaff schooner Madda Sophia capsized and sank at a<br />
distance of about two nautical miles west of Karklė.<br />
At the beginning of the 20th century, the sailing ship<br />
Esther, on her way from ‘Russia’ to Königsberg with<br />
a cargo of timber, was struck by a storm and capsized<br />
in the open sea. The hull was cast ashore still pointing<br />
upwards not far from Gaigalfluss (INK. NA. P 1.1/77).<br />
As it was told by a fisherman from Karklė, in the<br />
1920s the hull of the ship was still visible in the water<br />
(MD 5.3.1958, No. 15).<br />
On 20 July 1920, at a distance of 50 metres from the<br />
southern breakwater, a stormy sea destroyed a small<br />
sailing ship, the one-and-a-half-mast (Besahnewer)<br />
Heinrich, on her way from Hamburg to Klaipėda.<br />
She was being towed, but the tow rope broke (Bericht<br />
1921, p.77ff).<br />
It seems that the last known sailing ship to be wrecked<br />
off Klaipėda was the three-mast schooner Else on her<br />
way from Copenhagen to Klaipėda in ballast. On 17<br />
January 1921 she deviated from the fairway and ran<br />
aground at Melnragė next to the northern breakwater.<br />
The hull was destroyed by the waves (INK. NA.<br />
P 1.1/77; Jaetzel 1996; MD 10.04.1956, No. 7, p. 81;<br />
MD 05.03.1958, No. 15).<br />
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
II<br />
UNDERWATER<br />
ARCHAEOLOGY<br />
31
Shipwrecks off<br />
the Coast of Lithuania<br />
VLADAS<br />
ŽULKUS<br />
32<br />
To conclude, there is information on 40 or so sailing<br />
ships cast on to the shoals off the Lithuanian coast, and<br />
on ten to 20 ships that lie on sand in coastal waters.<br />
Normally, attempts would be made to tow grounded<br />
ships and even those cast ashore back into the sea when<br />
the storm was over. This was work that required much<br />
time and effort, and which was sometimes not very successful.<br />
After a storm in 1734, ships that ran aground<br />
off East Prussia were being dug out of the sand for several<br />
years (Dovydenko 2004, p.57ff). There is no more<br />
information on the number of ships that were towed<br />
off the shoals; however, we can guess that the hulls of<br />
at least half of the ships destroyed by the waves and<br />
dismantled by people remain buried under the sand<br />
in coastal waters or on the coast. For example (as has<br />
already been mentioned), as many as six ships of the<br />
nine that ran aground off Klaipėda in February 1808<br />
were finally destroyed by the waves (Guillaume 1808).<br />
The possibilities for towing ships back into the sea in<br />
different locations were different. The possibilities for<br />
preserving the hulls of ancient ships are also not the<br />
same. Ten erosive, four accumulated and six stable<br />
coastal sectors can be identified on the Lithuanian coast<br />
of 99 kilometres (Žilinskas et al. 2004). The hulls of<br />
ancient ships which are lying in erosive beaches will be<br />
washed up more often and inevitably destroyed by the<br />
waves and by human activity. Wrecks in accumulative<br />
coastal and littoral zones are being covered more and<br />
more with sand. This impedes the search and exploration<br />
of them, but provides natural protection. Although<br />
in shallow waters, these wrecks are more affected by<br />
strong winds and swell.<br />
Studies of wooden ships (wrecks)<br />
WRECK 1 (W-1). The hull of an ancient ship was<br />
found in 1974 between Šventoji and Būtingė during<br />
an expedition organised by the LSM. In the summer of<br />
1999, the ship was found for a second time by archaeologists<br />
from Klaipėda University. Later, the wreck<br />
was inspected nearly every year: in 2000, 2001, 2003,<br />
2004 and 2005. The structure of the ship was measured,<br />
photographed and videotaped. In the summer of 2009,<br />
an exploratory search and more detailed measurings of<br />
Wreck 1 (W-1) were carried out. The ship’s structures<br />
in the fore and aft of the ship were cleared under the<br />
water to a depth of up to 1.5 metres by using a water<br />
ejector. The research on Wreck 1 was part of the work<br />
within the framework of the SeaSide 3 project.<br />
3<br />
The South Baltic Cross-Border Cooperation Programme<br />
2007–2013. “SeaSide: Developing Excellent Cultural<br />
Destinations in the Southern Baltic Area”.<br />
The hull of wooden Wreck 1 is at a depth of three metres,<br />
about 250 metres from the shore. It lies perpendicular<br />
to the coast, in precisely an east-west direction,<br />
listing to the starboard side. The bow is on the east.<br />
The ship is located in a coastal sector subject to erosion<br />
(Bitinas et al. 2004), and the formation of silt around<br />
the wreck depends largely on storms, and especially<br />
on winter gales. The monitoring of the ship’s wreck in<br />
1999 and 2009 (with some interruptions) also reflects<br />
the dynamics of the formation of the sea bed sediments<br />
(sands) in this location.<br />
In 1999, the prow of Wreck 1 and the structures above<br />
the sea bed next to the prow came to 0.8 metres, the<br />
port side frames and the side planks came to 1.3 metres,<br />
whereas the starboard frames and the stern frames<br />
rose a mere 0.2 to 0.5 metres above the sea bed. After<br />
hurricane Anatol in the winter of 1999, the ship’s sides<br />
rose above the sea bed another 40 centimetres or so.<br />
Something similar occurred in the autumn of 2003,<br />
when the ship (compared to the autumn of 2001) was<br />
cleared by another 70 centimetres. The parts to rise<br />
the highest above the sea bed were the prow and the<br />
frames and the planks of both sides (up to 1.5m). The<br />
starboard side of the wreck rose above the sea bed by<br />
up to 1.5 metres too (it came to only about 0.9m in<br />
2001), and five side planks could be seen. In the spring<br />
of 2004, some parts of the ship’s port side rose above<br />
the sea bed by as much as 1.8 metres. A large part of<br />
the sand and silt from inside the ship was washed out:<br />
the top of the keelson could be seen, the stern structure<br />
was cleared, and in the prow of the ship, ballast stones<br />
were uncovered. The exterior of the starboard side was<br />
covered up with sand, and only a part of about 40 centimetres<br />
in height was sticking out. In the summer of<br />
2009, the ship’s wreck was rising above the sandy bed<br />
by up to 1.3 metres only. The inside of the ship was<br />
covered with sand.<br />
That is to say, due to the effect of storms, the thickness<br />
of the sandy silt around the ship varied from 0.5 metres<br />
to one metre, and differently in different places. During<br />
the research in 2009, sand from around some parts of<br />
the ship had to be sucked off twice, because even small<br />
waves of force 2 to 3 would cover up structures of the<br />
ship that had been uncovered earlier. In some parts of<br />
the exterior of the hull, there is a hard dark layer of<br />
silt about ten centimetres thick. It is believed that this<br />
layer is a cultural layer which normally forms around<br />
all sunken ships; however, neither in 2009 nor earlier<br />
were any finds found in it.<br />
The monitoring and measuring makes it possible to<br />
claim that the hull is sunk in the sand to a depth of 1.5<br />
metres, whereas the total height of the hull of Wreck 1
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
Fig. 2. A drawing of the measured fore structure of W-1 (drawn by R. Kraniauskas, R. Nabažaitė and N. Savickaitė).<br />
may be up to 2.5 metres. The deck, with all its structures,<br />
was washed away a long time ago.<br />
The length of the remaining hull of Wreck 1 (W-1) is<br />
23.2 metres, and the beam is seven metres. The largest<br />
beam is in the middle part of the ship. The hull is of<br />
nearly the same beam in the middle part of the ship,<br />
and then gets narrower only at a distance of six metres<br />
from the prow and four metres from the stern. The visible<br />
round stern gets narrower and tapers downwards.<br />
The condition of the remaining structures of the stern<br />
of both sides is quite good. Between the frames lies a<br />
bowed wooden structure, apparently a beam.<br />
The ship’s prow is made from an oak beam 34 by 20 to<br />
24 centimetres in size, with the narrower side directed<br />
forward. The prow beam is also reinforced with an iron<br />
band 2.5 centimetres wide, above which the prow tapers<br />
in the fore part. Inside the ship, there is an 18-centimetre-wide<br />
keelson bracket attached to the prow.<br />
The keelson is 22 centimetres wide and 21 centimetres<br />
high; the keel is 21 centimetres wide and 18 centimetres<br />
high. In places where there are frames placed between<br />
the keelson and the keel, the keelson is slightly<br />
cut: it tapers to 16 centimetres. The first two port and<br />
starboard side frames are located about 15 centimetres<br />
from the prow (Fig. 2). The frames had been attached<br />
to the keelson (and the keel?) with treenails of about<br />
four centimetres in diameter. The keelson and the keel<br />
had also been joined by using treenails of about four<br />
centimetres in diameter. Upon measuring 11 frames in<br />
the ship’s bow, it was found that the smallest crosssection<br />
of a frame was ten by nine centimetres, and the<br />
largest 24 by 12 centimetres. The dimensions of the<br />
frames in the middle part of the hull vary from 26 by<br />
16 to 16 by 12 centimetres; all the frames are made of<br />
oak. The stern frames are 22 by 15 to 18 by 15 centimetres<br />
in size. The futtock joins in adjacent frames are<br />
not aligned with each other. The joints are reinforced<br />
with a wedge-shaped chock. Parts of the frames and<br />
the chock had been joined using treenails of about four<br />
centimetres in diameter. The side planks are attached<br />
to the frames with treenails and iron nails of about one<br />
centimetre in diameter (Fig. 3, see Plate I).<br />
The spaces between the frames (frame spacing) are 12<br />
to 40 centimetres; the further from the stem, the wider<br />
the frame spacing. In the fore part of the ship, both in<br />
the starboard and the port side, adjacent frame spaces<br />
are not equal. This fact should be seen as a structural<br />
peculiarity of the ship. In the middle part of the ship,<br />
there is a unique frame arrangement rhythm: between<br />
massive double and triple frame groups there are 40<br />
to 50-centimetre spaces, in which thinner frames, just<br />
planks (16x6cm), are placed. The spacing in the frame<br />
groups is irregular, and varies from seven to 28 centimetres.<br />
The side planks are joined with each other in the caravel<br />
manner. 4 The outer side planks are 24 to 30 centi-<br />
4<br />
Until as late as the 15th century, in northern Europe (and the<br />
Baltic region), a ship’s side planks used to be joined in the<br />
II<br />
UNDERWATER<br />
ARCHAEOLOGY<br />
33
Shipwrecks off<br />
the Coast of Lithuania<br />
VLADAS<br />
ŽULKUS<br />
34<br />
metres wide, and up to six centimetres thick; the inner<br />
ones are 25 to 30 centimetres wide, and three to four<br />
centimetres thick. The side planks are attached to the<br />
frames with treenails and iron nails of about one centimetre<br />
in diameter. The thickness of the double ship’s<br />
side is about 34 centimetres.<br />
A small stocked anchor found by fishermen at a distance<br />
of about 200 metres to the west of Wreck 1<br />
may be related to it. The anchor shank with shackle<br />
is 139 centimetres high, the breadth between the anchor<br />
blades is 86 centimetres, and the size of the stock<br />
is 144 centimetres. The anchor stock consists of two<br />
wooden parts joined with six iron rivets. The rivets are<br />
covered with wooden plugs. This anchor is now on display<br />
in Šventoji, by the port inn.<br />
The few finds which were found in the ship’s bow during<br />
the research conducted in 2009 can be used for dating<br />
it: these are the upper box of a bilge pump, the<br />
bottom board of a wooden cask, plates in the shape of<br />
an iron knife blade, an iron ring, a bullet, and forged<br />
iron nails. Wooden ship’s pumps containing similar<br />
parts were used not only in the 17th century, but as<br />
late as the end of the 18th century, too (Baines 2008,<br />
p.91; Catalogue 299). Among the finds, there is a cast<br />
iron grapeshot ball to be fired from a gun. The iron<br />
grape found has a distinct cast seam and is 22 to 23<br />
milimetres in diameter. Similar items are dated to the<br />
17th (?) and 18th century (Czerepak 2008, p.160; Catalogue<br />
321). Floor tiles made of stone and ceramics<br />
were found in the aft part earlier.<br />
On the basis of the structural parts and finds, the hull<br />
of Wreck 1 can be dated to the second half of the 17th<br />
century. A dendrochronological analysis of the ship’s<br />
two oak frame off-cuts and a pine fragment of a cask<br />
bottom was carried out. The dating of the analysed<br />
wood samples was not successful; however, it was<br />
determined that the oak used for the construction of<br />
the ship undoubtedly originated from the Baltic region<br />
(Brazauskas 2009).<br />
WRECK 2 (W-2) was discovered, researched and measured<br />
by the author in 1989. W-2 is about three kilometres<br />
north of Palanga. The hull was at a depth of 2.5<br />
metres, 150 metres from the shore. The visible part of<br />
the wrecked sailing vessel was 18 metres in length, and<br />
about eight metres in beam. The stem rose above the<br />
sandy floor by up to 0.7 metres.<br />
The wreck of the hull was marked by frames and occasional<br />
side planks. The oak frames were around 20<br />
clinker manner. The first ship with a caravel-construction<br />
hull was built in 1459 in the Netherlands. In Baltic towns,<br />
the mass construction of ships with a clinker construction<br />
hull started as late as the 16th century (Dudszus et al.<br />
1987, pp.158, 165).<br />
by 16 centimetres in size, and the outer oak side planks<br />
were up to six centimetres thick. The side planks were<br />
joined in the caravel manner. The ship’s structure is<br />
robust, the spaces between the frames (frame spacing)<br />
was about 30 centimetres. The ship’s bottom was covered<br />
with a layer of field stones, that is, ballast.<br />
Two finds found ashore provided more information<br />
on Wreck 2. In January 1990, after a storm, two<br />
ship’s oak planks more than ten metres in length were<br />
washed on to the beach 260 metres north of the wreck<br />
of the ship. They were lying next to each other, and<br />
they were about 70 centimetres in beam and five to<br />
six centimetres thick. Clear traces attested to the fact<br />
that the planks had been attached with treenails and<br />
iron rivets to beams 20 centimetres wide, which were<br />
arranged every 30 centimetres. It is evident that these<br />
were planks of the outer side planking. Furthermore, in<br />
around 1980, a storm washed parts of the ship’s deck,<br />
beams with remnants of deck boards, on to the beach at<br />
nearly the same point. These pieces are currently kept<br />
at the LSM.<br />
In 2000, 2002 and 2005, the remains of the ship could<br />
not be traced any longer: they had been covered with<br />
sand (observation by the author).<br />
WRECK 3 (W-3). In 1989, a search was carried out for<br />
the remains of a wooden ship between Palanga central<br />
rescue station and the pier. 5 According to fishermen’s<br />
stories, this small ship is like a ghost: she appears and<br />
then disappears again, that is, she is uncovered and<br />
then covered up again with sand. During the search, a<br />
large wooden part, possibly the ship’s prow, was found<br />
protruding from the sand among stones at a depth of<br />
three to four metres in a section of washed-out moraine.<br />
Finds of wooden ship structures serve as proof of more<br />
than a single ship wrecked off the coast at Palanga.<br />
During a survey of the sea bed in the vicinity of Palanga<br />
rescue station (conducted by V. Žulkus in 1989),<br />
individual pieces of ancient ships were found next<br />
to stones at a depth of five or six metres. The items<br />
found were a piece of a frame (?) and an oak jib mast<br />
(a wooden beam) intended for heaving in the anchor.<br />
Its length is 1.54 metres, and the cross-section is 10.5<br />
by eight centimetres. The beam was reinforced with<br />
iron bands; there are six holes in it made by iron nails.<br />
At the end of the piece there are two elongated holes,<br />
next to each other, for hooking in blocks. Judging by<br />
the size of the structure, the wrecked ship was a smalltonnage<br />
one.<br />
5<br />
Information provided by Jonas Vigelis, the manager of<br />
Palanga rescue station at the time.
Fig. 4. The remains of W-9 (photograph by V. Žulkus).<br />
Structures found between Palanga central rescue station<br />
and the pier, north of W-3, are attributed to another<br />
ship, Wreck 4 (W-4). North of the structures, there is<br />
an ancient stocked anchor lying at the same depth.<br />
WRECK 9 (W-9). A fisherman from Palanga reported<br />
that he had found the remains of a wooden ship’s hull<br />
cast ashore after a spring storm in 2002 south of Palanga,<br />
at Nemirseta. KU BRIAI PTC carried out the initial<br />
measuring and photographing of the ship’s remains.<br />
The ship was located at the boundary between the water<br />
and the sand. The length of the visible part of the<br />
hull was more than 20 metres, and the measured beam<br />
of the ship was up to seven metres. The ship was lying<br />
with her bow pointing to the west, to the waterside, and<br />
listing to her starboard side. The only parts to appear<br />
above the sand were the prow and the frames; the latter<br />
came to 0.7 metres above the sand (Fig. 4). It seems<br />
that the prow of the ship might have been blunter than<br />
the stern. A total of 41 port side and 13 starboard side<br />
oak frames were found. The ship’s prow is composite<br />
and consists of three oak beams. The fore stem beam<br />
is 20 centimetres thick (front view) and 19 centimetres<br />
wide. Behind it there is a beam 22 centimetres thick<br />
and as much as 43 centimetres wide with lateral rabbets<br />
for side planks. The third (inner) stem beam is 22<br />
by 23 centimetres in size. All of them are joined with<br />
iron nails. The side planks were joined to the stem with<br />
treenails. Some of the visible port side frames have sophisticated<br />
rabbets for joining the frames to the futtock<br />
(Fig. 5, see Plate I). This method employed for joining<br />
frames is considered to be ‘ancient’ (Dudszus, et al.<br />
1987, pp. 27ff). All the visible frames are made of oak;<br />
they are 19 by 13.5, 17 by ten, or 15 by 12 centimetres<br />
in size, and the frame spacing is six to 19 centimetres.<br />
The side construction was apparently of the caravel<br />
type. The ends of two frames are cut off; fishermen<br />
recall that remains of this ancient ship were washed<br />
ashore during a hurricane in 1967 too, and at the time<br />
residents of Palanga cut off several beams of black oak<br />
wood for their needs. Within two weeks after the survey,<br />
the remains of the ship were completely covered<br />
with sand again. Until the autumn of 2001, the wreck<br />
was concealed.<br />
Based on specific structures, the estimated time of construction<br />
of the hull of Wreck 9 is the 16th or the 17th<br />
century.<br />
WRECK 12 (W-12). In the port of Klaipėda, in a small<br />
bay on the side of the Curonian Spit at Kopgalis, are<br />
the remains of an old berth: two rows of piles with a<br />
clearance of about 7.5 metres between them. During a<br />
survey of the berth structures in 2002, the frames of an<br />
ancient wooden ship were noticed. In 2004, KU BRIAI<br />
PTC conducted research into these coastal reinforcement<br />
works, and the remains of W-12 (Žulkus 2006,<br />
p.319). It was determined that the find in question was<br />
part of an ancient wooden ship used for the reinforcement<br />
of the berth, as was often the case from time immemorial.<br />
The larger part of the ship’s remains is piled<br />
up with stones; therefore, it is not clear how much of<br />
the ship has survived, especially when it is not known<br />
what the size of the ship might have been.<br />
Five starboard frames are visible among the stones and<br />
the sand. At medium sea water level, two of them appear<br />
above the surface of the water; others are slightly<br />
submerged in the water. A small part of the ship that is<br />
not piled up with stones apparently belongs to the starboard<br />
side of the sternpost. The sternpost of the ship<br />
was apparently rounded. The fore part of the ship is<br />
not visible: it is either under the sand, under the ‘box’<br />
structure of the berth, or it is missing altogether. The<br />
ship’s beam might have been six to seven metres.<br />
The spacing between the visible frames of the ship<br />
is large: the clearance between frames 1 and 2 is 1.9<br />
metres; the clearance between frames 2 and 3 is 2.45<br />
metres; between frames 3 and 4, it is 2.7 metres; and<br />
between frames 4 and 5 a mere 0.75 metres. The frames<br />
are made of pine, trimmed, and their dimensions are as<br />
follows: frame 1 is 26 by 22.5 centimetres; frame 3 is<br />
27 by 26 centimetres. Two planks from the side planking<br />
were found next to each other between frames 2<br />
and 3, and five flush side planks had survived between<br />
frames 3 and 4. The construction of the ship’s hull was<br />
of the caravel type. The beam of the side planks is<br />
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
II<br />
UNDERWATER<br />
ARCHAEOLOGY<br />
35
VLADAS<br />
ŽULKUS<br />
Shipwrecks off<br />
the Coast of Lithuania<br />
Fig. 6. A technical drawing of the preliminary measuring of W-13 (drawn by K. Perminas).<br />
36<br />
about 30 centimetres, and the thickness is six to seven<br />
centimetres. These are apparently oak planks. In the<br />
plank located between frames 2 and 3, a treenail has<br />
survived, by which the side plank was attached to the<br />
frame. No other structures of the ship were found.<br />
Dendrochronological studies of the wooden reinforcement<br />
structures of Kopgalis breakwater and the remains<br />
of the ship (frames 1 and 3) were carried out in<br />
2004. The pine wood of the ship’s frames was more<br />
than 70 years old, and three to ten outer rings had been<br />
hand-trimmed. The structures of Wreck 12 (W-12)<br />
were dated to the years 1743 to 1748. This means that<br />
the ship was built after 1748. The wooden structures<br />
of the coastal reinforcement works were dated to the<br />
years 1735–1745 (Brazauskas 2009).<br />
WRECK 13 (W-13). In the spring of 2004, when the<br />
water was especially clear, the coastal waters were surveyed<br />
from a boat. A wooden ship’s hull was found off<br />
Kunigiškiai (between Palanga and Šventoji) in a shoal<br />
at a distance of about 150 metres from the shore. Local<br />
fishermen knew nothing about the circumstances or<br />
the time of a ship sinking. According to them, it was a<br />
piece of the partly destroyed Palanga pier that had been<br />
brought to this location by the current after hurricane<br />
Anatol. Nobody had seen anything here before.<br />
The remains of the hull of Wreck 13 lie on the sandy<br />
sea bed at a depth of merely two metres. The ship lies<br />
in an east-west direction, pointing towards the east, towards<br />
the coast. In the fore part, W-13 rose above the<br />
sea bed by ten to 30 centimetres, and in the middle part<br />
to about 0.5 metres. The stern was exposed to a greater<br />
degree: about one metre of it protruded from the sea<br />
bed. Upon finding the remains of the ship, some provisional<br />
measuring was carried out (by KU BRIAI PTC,<br />
surveyed by K. Perminas and M. Bučas).<br />
The length of the visible part of the ship was 15 metres,<br />
and the maximum beam was 6.3 metres. Thirty-six<br />
starboard side frames and 52 port side frames could be<br />
seen. A piece of the stem and small wooden structures<br />
measuring about five by six centimetres were sticking<br />
up in the fore part of the ship. Also in the fore part, at<br />
a distance of about 1.6 metres from the prow, an S-<br />
shaped frame could be seen on either side; the frames<br />
were possibly made of solid wood. The spacing is<br />
about five centimetres until approximately the middle<br />
of the ship. Further to the end, the frames are nearly<br />
flush with each other. There are outer and inner side<br />
planks surviving on the starboard side from frame 8,<br />
and on the port side from frame 11 (counting from the<br />
prow). The hull planking is apparently of the caravel<br />
type. The side planks are attached to the frames with<br />
treenails; no metal nails were noticed. The stern of the<br />
ship is rounded, and there are double beams and a large<br />
number of surviving planks (Fig. 6). In 2005, the ship<br />
was largely covered up, her prow was not visible, but<br />
the rudder stock could be seen clearly at the stern. In<br />
2006 and 2007, the remains of Wreck 13 could not be<br />
found, as they were totally covered over by sand.<br />
The dating of the ship and her type are not clear. Undoubtedly,<br />
it was a sailing vessel, and its construction<br />
indicates that it should date from the 18th or the 19th<br />
century.<br />
WRECK 14 (W-14). On 27 May 2005, during a joint<br />
mine-clearing operation undertaken by the Lithuanian<br />
Navy and its Swedish counterpart, the side-scan sonar<br />
of a Swedish naval vessel detected an unknown sunken<br />
ship at a depth of 24 metres. The interpretation of the<br />
sonar data led to the conclusion that the ship ‘had a<br />
mast and was apparently wooden’.<br />
In 2005, the ship was inspected by Lithuanian Navy<br />
divers, and the information was handed over to KU
BRIAI PTC. An expedition undertaken by KU in 2005<br />
surveyed, videotaped and photographed the remains of<br />
the ship. Later on, W-14 was inspected by KU PTC and<br />
amateur divers several times.<br />
The remains of the sunken wooden Wreck 14 (W-14)<br />
are located southwest of Palanga; its coordinates are<br />
55º52’763 N, 20º 57’620 E. The distance between<br />
W-14 and the shore is 3.7 nautical miles, and between<br />
W-14 and Palanga 4.5 nautical miles. The sunken ship<br />
lies in a north-south direction, on an even sandy bed,<br />
next to a place full of stones of washed-out moraine.<br />
The accumulation of stones varying in size begins west<br />
of the ship, by its starboard side. Upon an underwater<br />
inspection of the ship’s remains, it was ascertained that<br />
the detected object was the hull of a wooden ship, the<br />
visible structures and details of which were scattered<br />
across an area about 30 metres long and 12 metres<br />
wide.<br />
Research was carried out on this wreck in 2009 and<br />
2010. Students from KU and Nicolaus Copernicus<br />
University (Toruń, Poland; tutor Krzysztof Radka) underwent<br />
training practice in underwater archaeology<br />
there. The diving took place from the Brabander, the<br />
sailing ship of KU. In order to measure the remains and<br />
details of the ship, a basic measuring grid was marked<br />
out around it. For this purpose, four reference marks<br />
with ropes were driven into the sea bed; the ropes<br />
formed a rectangle 27 metres long and 13 metres wide<br />
around the remains of the ship. The rectangle was oriented<br />
to the four points of the compass.<br />
It was found out that the ship was not broken in two, as<br />
had previously been believed (Žulkus 2006a, p.420ff);<br />
only its prow and its stern are decayed, and parts of<br />
the keel are buried under a layer of sand. Most of the<br />
structures of the lower part of the hull are located under<br />
the sand, too. The size of this wooden ship was defined<br />
more precisely during the research: the length of its<br />
hull used to be about 27 metres, and the beam about<br />
seven metres (Fig. 7).<br />
At the point where the ship’s prow was, four woodenstocked<br />
anchors and a fallen chain were found. Two of<br />
the anchors are large, the other two are smaller. One<br />
of the large anchors is under the sand, and one of the<br />
smaller anchors is among the cargo. At a distance of<br />
six metres from the structures of the ship’s bow, there<br />
is a wooden horizontal windlass (for heaving in the anchor),<br />
with a wound anchor chain lying on the sea bed<br />
(Fig. 8, see Plate I).<br />
The starboard side of the ship has spread out up to 3.5<br />
metres and lies on the sea bed (Fig. 9). The structures<br />
of the port side rise up to one metre above the sea bed.<br />
The ship’s frames are 12 to 17 centimetres in breadth,<br />
the frame spacing is ten to 16 centimetres, and the<br />
breadth of the planks of the inner and outer planking<br />
is ten to 13 centimetres. The construction of the ship’s<br />
sides is of the caravel type. The starboard side is broken<br />
off at the points where the frames were attached<br />
to the futtocks. The tapered ends of the frames and the<br />
futtocks are joined with treenails about two centimetres<br />
in diameter. The cross-section of the keelson of<br />
Wreck 14 is 23 by 24 centimetres.<br />
A deadeye (made from a single piece of wood, with a<br />
metal clamp) recovered by amateur divers (its findspot<br />
is unknown) indicates that the ship had at least one<br />
mast. Regrettably, the spread-out cargo covers the possible<br />
locations of the mast (or masts). These locations<br />
have not yet been found. The ship might have been a<br />
barge-type vessel.<br />
The ship contains a cargo of railway lines and wooden<br />
boxes 65 by 30 by 25 centimetres in size, with places<br />
for attaching lines to sleepers. The rails are stowed in<br />
the shape of a ‘well’ by criss-crossing tiers of rails.<br />
This cargo is 14.8 metres long, 7.5 metres wide, and<br />
3.95 metres high (part of it, like the bottom of the<br />
ship’s hull, is still buried in the sand).<br />
It is evident that the cause of the ship’s sinking was<br />
the enormous weight of its cargo. When high waves<br />
all of a sudden appeared, the overloaded ship might<br />
have taken in water, or the cargo might have slipped<br />
forward.<br />
On the basis of historical records, it is believed that<br />
the ship sank in 1870 or 1871. It is a known fact that<br />
on 2 February 1870 a steamship brought 20,000 centners<br />
(1,000t) of railway lines to Klaipėda. They were<br />
intended for the Liepaja–Kaunas line, the construction<br />
of which had just started in Russia. In Klaipėda, the<br />
lines were to be re-loaded and carried to Liepaja by<br />
other ships (Willoweit 1969, p.291). By 4 September<br />
1871, the line had already opened as far as Kaišiadorys<br />
(LE1940, p.1198). The pieces of anchor chain found<br />
next to the ship and on the windlass do not contradict<br />
this dating. Anchor chains were widely used on board<br />
sailing ships instead of ropes from the mid-19th century<br />
(Sorokin, Stepanov 2009, p.65).<br />
A ship carrying railway lines sank not far from Palanga.<br />
The lines loaded on W-14 are 6.21 metres long.<br />
They are largely disintegrated; therefore, no manufacturer’s<br />
marks could be found that could help determine<br />
the place or the time of their production. An attempt to<br />
date a sample of oak by dendrochronological analysis<br />
was also unsuccessful. It was determined that the wood<br />
originated from the Baltic region (Brazauskas 2009).<br />
WRECK 15 (W-15). In March 2003, the remains of an<br />
ancient wooden ship were exposed after a storm in the<br />
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
II<br />
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37
VLADAS<br />
ŽULKUS<br />
Shipwrecks off<br />
the Coast of Lithuania<br />
38<br />
Fig. 7. W-14: a diagram of the ship’s remains (drawn by V. Žulkus and K. Radka).
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
Fig. 9. The measurements of the starboard side structures of W-14 in 2009 (drawing by V. Žulkus).<br />
II<br />
UNDERWATER<br />
ARCHAEOLOGY<br />
Fig. 10. The remains of W-15 (drawn by V. Žulkus).<br />
northern part of Melnragė beach in Klaipėda. The remains<br />
of Wreck 15 (W-15) had been spotted more than<br />
once before. In the winter of 1995, a storm exposed part<br />
of the ship’s hull about nine metres in length. At that<br />
time, the remains of the ship were inspected by personnel<br />
of the LSM and photographed (R. Adomavičius,<br />
D. Elertas). In 2003, a much smaller part of the ship’s<br />
remains was exposed, and only ten frames appeared<br />
above the sand and the water. These were apparently<br />
the remains of the starboard side. The wreck was once<br />
again photographed and measured (KU BRIAI PTC).<br />
Two weeks later, the ship’s remains were covered up<br />
with sand again.<br />
On the basis of the earlier photographing and measuring<br />
carried out in 2003, the ship’s structure was partly<br />
reconstructed (Fig. 10). It is very robust. Over the<br />
densely arranged frames, there is not only a false keel<br />
(keelson), but also thick beams about 30 centimetre<br />
wide arranged on the bottom next to each other; there<br />
were six of them on the port side. The frames of the opposite<br />
sides are not joined to each other; they just cross<br />
at the bottom. There are remains of the bottom parts<br />
of the frames; the extensions (the top parts) are missing.<br />
The fact that there had been extensions upwards is<br />
attested to by openings found in frame 8. The frames<br />
are joined with treenails 2.8 to three centimetres in diameter<br />
and iron rods. Oak was used for the frames and<br />
the joint pins. The dimensions of the frames were as<br />
follows (in centimetres): 22 by 28; 15 by 30; 18 by<br />
30; 15 by 30; 15 by 31.5; 18 by 28; 20 by 26. Frame<br />
39
Shipwrecks off<br />
the Coast of Lithuania<br />
VLADAS<br />
ŽULKUS<br />
40<br />
6 is composite, and consists of three oak planks. The<br />
largest plank (13x25cm) was located in the lower part<br />
next to the bottom. Two smaller planks (8x10cm and<br />
8x14cm) were arranged on top of it. The frames are arranged<br />
very densely, some spaces between the frames<br />
are a mere five to ten centimetres wide. Frame 8, which<br />
has been preserved best, shows the original profile of<br />
the ship’s bottom.<br />
A 16-by-31-centimetre piece of frame 7 was cut off<br />
for dendrochronological dating. The sample has been<br />
dated to the year 1699 (3±7 years), that is, to the very<br />
beginning of the 18th century (Žulkus 2005).<br />
WRECK 17 (W-17). In the southern part of Melnragė,<br />
during a storm in January 2007, the waves washed<br />
ashore part of a wooden ship’s hull (Fig. 11, see Plate<br />
II). The ship’s remains were not covered with shells,<br />
which suggests that the hull had been buried in sand<br />
until that time. The part of the ship was found lying<br />
in a north-south direction along the shoreline with its<br />
keel upwards.<br />
The length of the surviving part of the ship is 18 metres.<br />
The part of the surviving side facing the sea was up to<br />
3.5 metres in beam, and the side facing the coast was<br />
about three metres in beam; the planks of the planking<br />
of this side are disintegrated to a greater degree:<br />
22 frames are exposed. Only a smaller part of the keel<br />
10.8 metres in length has survived. The keel is made of<br />
oak, is 31 centimetres high, and 27 centimetres wide.<br />
The northern tip of the keel is broken off, whereas the<br />
southern tip at the point where the hull gets narrower<br />
ends in a lock joint: another part of the keel was<br />
joined here. At that point, the frames are arranged more<br />
densely, frame to frame. The frames are 28 centimetres<br />
in beam, and 32 centimetres in height. The frame spacing<br />
is about 30 centimetres. On both sides of the keel,<br />
oak planks 27 centimetres wide and eight centimetres<br />
wide are pressed to the keel, one plank on either side.<br />
Further on, starting with the second plank, the hull<br />
is made from pine planks about 25 centimetres wide<br />
and eight centimetres thick, which are attached to the<br />
frames with treenails and iron nails. The bottom planks<br />
are arranged in two layers; the total thickness of the<br />
bottom is 16 centimetres. The planks of the sacrificial<br />
planking are fastened with nails diagonally to the main<br />
bottom planks. The southern tip of the hull is tapered:<br />
the third, fourth and fifth planks taper from 25 to 20<br />
centimetres, and eight to 20 centimetres in width respectively.<br />
In the spring of 2007, the remains of the ship were<br />
dragged ashore closer to the breakwater, whereas at the<br />
end of June they were already nearly completely covered<br />
by sand. The hull disintegrated continuously, and<br />
by the end of 2009 only a small part of it had survived.<br />
This piece has been relocated to the LSM. When the<br />
remains of the hull were being relocated to the LSM,<br />
the keelson and the longitudinal beams on both sides of<br />
it could be seen on the inner side of the bottom. There<br />
were three of them on one side, and two on the other<br />
side.<br />
We have few indications for dating the remains of<br />
Wreck W-17. The reinforcement of the part of the hull<br />
located next to the keel with sacrificial planking indicates<br />
that the ship should be dated to not earlier than<br />
the 18th century (Ossowski 2008, p.135ff).<br />
The piece probably belongs to a ship built in the 19th<br />
century or even in the early 20th century, namely the<br />
remnants of the motor sailing ship Grisslan (Grissland,<br />
Grislan), which sank in 1924 while carrying barrels<br />
of cement from Gotland (LCVA, F.386, Ap. 1, B<br />
444, l. 162, 206; Adomavičius 2007). The owner of the<br />
ship was Joh. Heinz, a Hamburg-based company. Written<br />
sources mention that it was ‘an old wooden’ (other<br />
sources indicate that the ship was built in Sweden in<br />
1919) 350-tonne motor sailing ship, which sank in the<br />
very fairway about 400 metres northwest of the northern<br />
breakwater at a depth of six to eight metres. On 4<br />
and 5 June a storm completely destroyed its hull and<br />
broke its sides into pieces, and parts of the ship were<br />
scattered along the coast (Klaipėdos žinios 20.4.1924,<br />
No. 89; 14.6. 1924, No. 108; 24.6.1924, No. 116;<br />
Adomavičius 2007). The hull reinforced with beams<br />
along the keelson might serve as proof that it was indeed<br />
a motor sailing ship.<br />
WRECK 18 (W-18). The remains of this wooden ship<br />
were found in 2007 during sonar scanning of the sea<br />
bed south of the entrance to the port of Klaipėda off<br />
Smiltynė. The side-scan sonar detected an object about<br />
13.5 metres in length at a depth of 11 metres. During<br />
an initial underwater survey, the surviving part, about<br />
16 metres in length, of a wooden ship’s hull was found.<br />
The hull lies with its bottom up in an east-west direction,<br />
and it is partly covered with sand. The beam of<br />
the visible part is about three metres. Nineteen frames<br />
with planks of a caravel-type hull over them were distinct.<br />
Eleven bottom planks are visible. They are 22 to<br />
24 centimetres (another is 18cm) wide, and five to six<br />
centimetres thick. The planks taper at the eastern end;<br />
it is here that one of the undefined ends of the ship<br />
begins. The frames are about 16 to 18 centimetres by<br />
28 to 30 centimetres in size. The spacing of the frames<br />
is approximately 16 centimetres, and in other places<br />
about eight centimetres; in some places, the frames are<br />
double. The side planks are attached to the frames with<br />
oak treenails and large iron nails. Two weeks later, after<br />
a small storm, the ship’s hull was already largely<br />
covered up with sand (Žulkus 2008, p.530).
Fig. 12. A photograph of W-23 obtained by side-scan sonar<br />
in 2010 (by M. Zakarauskas).<br />
WRECK 23 (W-23). The remains of a ship were<br />
found in the spring of 2010 during a joint expedition<br />
by KU PTC and the Hydrographic Service of Lithuania,<br />
scanning the sea bed from the vessel Varūna. A<br />
ship’s hull was detected at a depth of 36 to 37 metres,<br />
and at a distance of 7.5 nautical miles from the shore<br />
off Juodkrantė. A sonar photograph (Fig. 12) shows a<br />
piece of a ship approximately 38 metres in length and<br />
14 metres in beam. During an initial underwater survey<br />
(KU PTC), it was ascertained that this was part of a relatively<br />
well-preserved wooden ship’s hull. Provisional<br />
measurements were taken. The ship is resting on its<br />
keel, listing to the port side. There are some surviving<br />
parts of the deck. The ship is deep in sand: the structures<br />
of its starboard side rise above the sea bed by a<br />
mere 30 centimetres, while the edge of its port side is<br />
completely invisible at some points. The stern is under<br />
the sand, too. The frames of the ship’s starboard side<br />
are 25 to 26 centimetres wide, and the frame spacing is<br />
16 to 20 centimetres. Two broken wooden masts were<br />
found. The main mast is located at a distance of 30<br />
metres from the ship’s bow; its diameter is 32 centimetres.<br />
The mast is broken at a height of 2.5 metres above<br />
the deck, and the broken part leans on one side. On<br />
the mast, there is a massive surviving bracket fastened<br />
with six rivets; it has an eye for hooking in the sail<br />
boom. Part of this mast with the structures of a metal<br />
top lies on the sea bed next to the port side of the ship.<br />
At a distance of about 6.5 metres from the main mast,<br />
towards the stern, are the remains of a thinner mizzen<br />
stay. The broken fragment of the mast rises above<br />
the deck up to 1.5 metres, and it also has a bracket for<br />
hooking in the sail boom. No remains of the foremast<br />
were found. There is the metal coamings frame of a<br />
quadrangular hatch lying next to the port side at a distance<br />
of about 12 metres from the ship’s bow (it can<br />
be seen in the sonar photograph). There are iron rings<br />
intended for fastening the sails to the mast scattered<br />
in the ship’s fore part. The rings are 25 centimetres in<br />
diameter and made from an iron rod 1.6 centimetres in<br />
diameter. Passing through these rings are smaller rings<br />
8.2 centimetres in diameter, which used to be fastened<br />
to the sail loops. Judging by the size of the rings, the<br />
foremast might have been approximately 21 centimetres<br />
in diameter.<br />
On the basis of the existing information, we can draw<br />
the conclusion that the ship in question was a threemast<br />
barque. Its length might have been approximately<br />
52 metres, and the beam 10.5 to 11 metres. A threemast<br />
barque used to be a very popular type of merchant<br />
vessel in the 19th century. The tonnage would be 120<br />
to 300 lasts (240–600t). In the second half of the 19th<br />
century, three-mast barks of about 500 BRT tonnage<br />
were the most common (Dudszus et al. 1987, pp.13,<br />
52).<br />
The dates when the ship was constructed and sank are<br />
not clear. According to the information available, the<br />
ship could be dated to the 19th century, most likely to<br />
the second half of the century. The metal top structures,<br />
as well as the sail boom fastening arrangements typical<br />
of the Modern Age, support the dating of the ship<br />
to this period (cf. Dudszus et al. 1987, pp.32, 34). Attempts<br />
to link the find to any disaster known from written<br />
sources have not yet been successful. Around 1,000<br />
or more ships would call at and depart from the port<br />
of Klaipėda annually; in the last decades of the 19th<br />
century, most of these ships were still sailing ships<br />
(Willoweit 1969, pp.375, 398, 399). Information on<br />
sunken vessels, especially those that sank in the open<br />
sea, is very fragmentary. In the sea chart of ships that<br />
were wrecked and sank off the Prussian coast between<br />
1857 and 1864, there is a sunken ship marked at the<br />
same latitude as W-23; however, that ship sank in the<br />
open sea, and at a much greater distance from the coast<br />
(Karte der Schiffbrüche).<br />
Discussion: The possibilities<br />
for dating and identifying wooden<br />
shipwrecks<br />
Dating wrecked and sunken wooden ship hulls is usually<br />
complicated. Wrecks can be approximately dated<br />
on the basis of their structural features; however,<br />
in most cases, only parts of wrecks found in coastal<br />
waters survive; ships found under water are covered<br />
with sand, some of them lie with their bottoms up, and<br />
thus their structures can only be partly identified. Detailed<br />
studies of known wooden wrecks W-1 and W-14,<br />
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
II<br />
UNDERWATER<br />
ARCHAEOLOGY<br />
41
Shipwrecks off<br />
the Coast of Lithuania<br />
VLADAS<br />
ŽULKUS<br />
42<br />
which rest on their keels, have just commenced; other<br />
wrecks, such as W-13 and W-23, have only been surveyed<br />
provisionally. Furthermore, in most cases, the<br />
structural peculiarities allow for a highly approximate<br />
dating only. The reason for this is the wide diversity of<br />
shipbuilding traditions. There used to be a large number<br />
of shipyards, and the ships built, especially in small<br />
yards, did not necessarily reflect the structural trends<br />
in shipbuilding that prevailed at the time and were dictated<br />
by the shipbuilders of major sea powers.<br />
A more accurate date of a shipwreck can be determined<br />
on the basis of the finds that archaeologists usually find<br />
inside the vessel, that is, traditional household articles<br />
used by the people travelling on board the ship. The<br />
set of finds found inside sunken ships is usually quite<br />
limited (sometimes sunken ships are called ‘time capsules’);<br />
therefore, finds can be dated quite precisely,<br />
by applying the usual comparative method. This dating<br />
method requires the availability of a sufficiently<br />
large number of characteristic articles, which can only<br />
be recovered during detailed studies. Under water,<br />
especially at greater depths, studies like this are carried<br />
out comparatively rarely. Lithuanian underwater<br />
archaeologists use this possibility for dating only to a<br />
limited extent.<br />
Historical data can provide accurate information about<br />
the time and circumstances of a shipwreck, the type of<br />
ship, its story, cargo and crew; however, this is possible<br />
only upon identification of the wreck. More often<br />
than not, identification is impossible, especially in<br />
cases when the ship is badly damaged or has not been<br />
sufficiently studied. A few dozen historical references<br />
mention ships wrecked in Lithuania’s coastal waters.<br />
These include some ten to 20 references indicating the<br />
approximate location of a shipwreck, the ship’s name,<br />
tonnage, origin, cargo and other details; however, not<br />
a single one of the 11 wrecks mentioned in this article<br />
has been identified. This means that we cannot link any<br />
of the known wrecks to an actual ship mentioned in<br />
written sources.<br />
Wooden ships provide numerous possibilities for dendrochronological<br />
dating; however, positive results are<br />
not instantly obtained in all cases. There are several<br />
reasons for this:<br />
• The wood used for building ships would undergo<br />
intensive treatment; more often than not, the wood<br />
samples taken do not contain alburnum, and the<br />
sizes of wood samples received for dendrochronological<br />
analysis are usually small. Dating is<br />
possible only when a group of rings of trees that<br />
grew simultaneously is available, because only in<br />
that case are the general wood increment trends<br />
revealed. Such groups can be formed for the wood<br />
of the ship being studied only when a large number<br />
of samples are available. Errors in the dendrochronological<br />
dating of an individual ship’s structures<br />
are impermissibly wide (Brazauskas 2009).<br />
• The ships wrecked in Lithuania’s coastal waters<br />
lie at shallow depths, and, due to this, the wooden<br />
structures that have survived on the sea bed have<br />
largely been smoothed over by the currents and by<br />
the sand. Therefore, even in wood that has hardly<br />
been processed, the last rings are missing, and accurate<br />
dating is not possible.<br />
Along with dating, dendrochronological analysis allows<br />
for the identification of the region where the<br />
timber was felled (the ‘dendroprovenancing’ method)<br />
(Brazauskas 2009), and this should allow for the<br />
identification of the region where the ship was built.<br />
This possibility is also limited, and can be used nearly<br />
unconditionally only for the Early Middle Ages. In<br />
later times, especially during the Modern Age, when<br />
shipbuilding reached a high level of sophistication,<br />
shipyards in various countries used more and more imported<br />
timber, and any attempt to identify the location<br />
of the shipyard on the basis of the place of origin of the<br />
wood may result in more confusion than clarity. For<br />
several centuries, Klaipėda was an exporter of timber<br />
for use in shipbuilding; therefore, the data given below<br />
might be of use to underwater archaeologists in other<br />
countries.<br />
As the timber suitable for building ships ran short in<br />
the major coastal cities of the Baltic Sea and the North<br />
Sea, the search for timber began in more remote regions.<br />
High-quality processed oak for shipbuilding<br />
was carried from east Baltic Sea coastal areas via the<br />
ports of Klaipėda and Königsberg to German and other<br />
ports as early as the 15th century (Willoweit 1969,<br />
pp.146, 147, 357; Groth 1996, p.48). At first, the forests<br />
of East Prussia were exploited. Between 1454 and<br />
1466, several kinds of timber felled in Sambian forests<br />
were shipped from Klaipėda (Zurkalowski 1906,<br />
p.49ff). Later on, timber was searched for in the border<br />
areas of Lithuania; this way, eight sorts of timber and<br />
wooden articles were brought to Gdańsk from Lithuania<br />
in 1473 (Forstreuter 1931, p.90).<br />
In the 16th century, the demand for high-quality timber<br />
increased, and shipbuilders looked for it all over<br />
Eastern Europe. In 1540 and 1541, timber was carried<br />
by ship from Memel (Klaipėda) to Lübeck and Holland<br />
(Zurkalowski 1909, p.86). In 1586 and 1587, the<br />
Baltic Sea was ‘crowded with British ships’, searching<br />
for hemp, pitch, tar and timber for naval preparations<br />
against the coming Spanish attempt at invasion.<br />
Klaipėda (Memel) was among the ports visited by<br />
ships from Hull, too. Lithuanian timber, as well as tim-
er from the vicinities of the Daugava, was shipped<br />
from this port (Davis 1964, pp.11, 12). In the 16th<br />
century, Lithuanian timber would be brought by raft<br />
to Königsberg and Klaipėda from the forests in the<br />
middle reaches of the River Nemunas, and later on, in<br />
the 17th century, from the forests growing upstream<br />
from Kaunas and as far as Grodno, Minsk and Vilnius<br />
(Forstreuter 1931, p.90).<br />
In the 18th century, the demand for timber used in<br />
shipbuilding increased further. Lithuania’s wasteland<br />
forests became a major source of trees felled for ships’<br />
masts. Historical data, albeit fragmentary, indicates<br />
the extraordinary scale of the trade in timber intended<br />
for shipbuilding. Between 1728 and 1745, 456 masts<br />
were shipped from Klaipėda by sea (Sembritzki 1926,<br />
p.233). From 1743, Klaipėda merchants were granted<br />
the privilege to sell timber directly. Masts would reach<br />
France and Spain via Dutch brokers (Roerdansz 1792,<br />
p.87ff). Although timber from the vicinity of Klaipėda<br />
was more suitable for shipbuilding than timber from<br />
Prussian forests, from the 18th century timber felled in<br />
more remote areas of Prussia and timber brought from<br />
Lithuania had to be processed in Klaipėda. During the<br />
War of American Independence (1776–1783), Prussian<br />
timber would be carried as far as America (Roerdansz<br />
1792, p.87; Willoweit 1969, pp.112, 114, 253, 358,<br />
360-361). In 1791, large quantities of masts for large<br />
and small ships, as well as bowsprits and supports,<br />
were shipped from Klaipėda. Oak beams and planks<br />
were also shipped; there are mentions of wood for<br />
bulkheads, too (Roerdansz 1792, pp.100, 151).<br />
After 1760, British merchants rediscovered Klaipėda.<br />
A total of 831 ships departed from Klaipėda in 1788,<br />
and as many as 562 of them were from Great Britain<br />
(Roerdansz 1792, p. 199). In 1792, even more British<br />
ships, as many as 756, mostly in ballast, visited<br />
Klaipėda to load up with balks and beams from the forests<br />
of the Lithuanian hinterland (Kirby 1990, p.366).<br />
There is also more exact data on ships that carried timber<br />
from Klaipėda in the late 18th century. On 14 January<br />
1793, the ship Bedford arrived at Kings Lynn with<br />
a cargo of timber from Klaipėda. British ships would<br />
usually sail to Klaipėda without any commodities on<br />
board, in ballast, because their aim was to bring home<br />
timber. In the spring of 1793, the sailing ship Unanimity<br />
sailed in ballast from Kings Lynn to Klaipėda. It<br />
came back on 20 May of the same year with timber<br />
on board. A week later, on the 28th, this ship sailed in<br />
ballast again to Klaipėda. Another piece of information<br />
on the Unanimity, which again arrived from Klaipėda<br />
with a cargo of timber, dates from 8 October 1793. In<br />
the summer of 1793, the ship Jane brought timber and<br />
deal from Klaipėda to the port of Wisbech. Another<br />
ship, the Sally, also arrived from Klaipėda with a cargo<br />
of timber at Boston (The Baltic Trade). In the second<br />
half of the 18th century, up to 11 sorts of timber were<br />
shipped from Klaipėda (Roerdansz 1792, p.199).<br />
In the 19th century, even larger quantities of timber<br />
intended for shipbuilding were shipped, and only war<br />
would temporarily disrupt this trade, which was highly<br />
profitable for Klaipėda. The annual number of ships<br />
calling at and departing from Klaipėda would be close<br />
to and sometimes even exceed a thousand. In 1856,<br />
for instance, 883 ships from 12 countries called at the<br />
port (Hartmann 1978, p.11), and 862 ships departed<br />
from it, including 620 ships sailing to Britain. Between<br />
1857 and 1860, between 559 and 590 ships sailed<br />
from Klaipėda to Britain every year (Sembritzki 1902,<br />
p.86). In 1874, 1,301 ships sailed from Klaipėda; 1,108<br />
of them were carrying timber (Sembritzki 1902, p.85).<br />
Written data indicates that Prussian and Lithuanian<br />
timber was widely used in the shipyards of different<br />
countries, and for various ship’s structures. Therefore,<br />
the ascription of wood that has undergone a dendrochronological<br />
analysis to the Prussian or Lithuanian<br />
region does not imply that the ship was in fact built in<br />
Klaipėda (Memel), Königsberg, Gdańsk or other coastal<br />
cities of East Prussia or the Duchy of Courland . 6<br />
Besides, the structures of a ship were not homogenous<br />
in terms of the use of wood. Different sorts of wood<br />
were used for different parts of a ship. Furthermore, in<br />
view of the short supply of high-quality timber, individual<br />
parts of a ship’s hull would be built of wood of<br />
the same sort, but of differing quality. For example, in<br />
the middle of the 19th century, oak from the vicinity of<br />
Gdańsk was used in ships’ bottoms, for decks and for<br />
the internal structures of the hull. For a ship’s sides,<br />
oak shipped from Klaipėda was used, since its quality<br />
was higher than that of Gdańsk oak, and as good as<br />
timber from Britain or southern Europe (Litwin 2003,<br />
p.60).<br />
In the course of searching for, registering and studying<br />
sunken and wrecked ancient wooden ships, we cannot<br />
avoid the issue of the preservation of their remains. At<br />
present, the preservation of the hulls of wooden ships<br />
that are classified as being part of the maritime heritage<br />
is most adverse. The fate of the remains of Wreck 17<br />
serves as an illustration for this statement. At the end<br />
of 2009, only a small piece of the hull that had been<br />
washed ashore in 2007 was taken to a museum; most<br />
of it was destroyed by human activity and the waves.<br />
The conservation and display of wooden hulls is very<br />
complicated and costly. I believe that hulls that are located<br />
in the shoals, being destroyed by the waves or<br />
6<br />
In the 17th century, ships were built in three ports in the<br />
Duchy of Courland (Pētersons 1995, p.33).<br />
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
II<br />
UNDERWATER<br />
ARCHAEOLOGY<br />
43
Shipwrecks off<br />
the Coast of Lithuania<br />
VLADAS<br />
ŽULKUS<br />
which have been cast ashore, could be preserved and<br />
displayed under water, by moving them to a depth of<br />
15 to 18 metres, where they would not be exposed to<br />
the stronger currents and waves. The remains of ships<br />
protected from destruction and concentrated in a single<br />
location could be an object of further study and underwater<br />
studies; this would make their protection easier,<br />
too.<br />
While discussions are under way as to how to protect<br />
underwater finds, first and foremost ships sunk during<br />
different historical periods, in line with the requirements<br />
of the Unesco Convention on the Underwater<br />
Cultural Heritage ratified by Lithuania, sunken ships<br />
now and then become the targets of looting. Due to the<br />
danger that the underwater heritage is exposed to, we<br />
have to avoid mentioning the coordinates of finds and<br />
some information on the underwater heritage in documents<br />
and publications. It goes without saying that this<br />
fact limits the possibilities for the exchange of information<br />
and scientific knowledge.<br />
Translated by Vidmantas Štilius<br />
The Baltic Trade Using the Ports of Boston, Hull and Wisbech,<br />
Grimsby, Kings Lynn Extracted from 18th-Century<br />
Newspaper Records. Stamford Mercury. A manuscript by<br />
Teodora Morkūnienė. 2003.<br />
Published sources<br />
Bericht über Handel und Schiffahrt im Memelgebiet für den<br />
Jahr 1920. Memel, 1921, 77-78.<br />
Codex epistolaris - Codex epistolaris Vitoldi magni ducis<br />
Lithuaniae (1376–1430), ed. A. Prochaska. Cracoviae,<br />
1882.<br />
Consignation (report on ships calling at Klaipėda). Lithuanian<br />
Sea Museum, 4j.143 (1-3).<br />
Karte der Schiffbrüche u. Strandungen an der Preussischen<br />
Ostseeküste in den Jahren 1857 bis 1864. Auf Veranlassung<br />
des Vereins zur Rettung Schiffbrüchiger in Stettin.<br />
LEK – Liv-, Est- und Kurländisches Urkundenbuch. Abt. 1.<br />
Bd. 1. Aalen, 1967.<br />
Materialen zur Schiffswerft Lindenau; Zeitschrift Strandgut<br />
10/1985: Schiffahrt im Memelgebiet. INK. NA. P 1.1/15.<br />
PETRAS DUSBURGIETIS. Prūsijos žemės kronika. In: Lituanistinė<br />
biblioteka. Vilnius 1985.<br />
Regesta - Regesta historico-diplomatica Ordinis S. Mariae<br />
Theutonicorum 1198–1525. (Hrg. Joachim E., Hubatsch<br />
W). Pars I: Regesta zum Ordensbriefarchiv. Vol. 3 1511–<br />
1525. Göttingen, 1973.<br />
44<br />
Abbreviations<br />
ATL – Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje. Vilnius from<br />
1967. (Archaeological investigations in Lithuania).<br />
BRIAI – Institute of Baltic Sea Region History and Archaeology<br />
INK. NA. – Institut Nordostdeutsches Kulturwerk. Nordostdeutsches<br />
Archiv. Lüneburg<br />
KU – Klaipėda University<br />
LCVA – Lithuanian Central State Archive<br />
LEK – Liv-, Est- und Kurländishesches Urkundenbuck<br />
LSM – Lithuanian Sea Museum<br />
MD – Memeler Dampfboot<br />
PTC – Underwater Exploration Centre<br />
References<br />
Manuscripts<br />
ADOMAVIčIUS, R. Information collected by R.<br />
Adomavičius (LSM).<br />
BITINAS, A., ALEKSA, P., DAMUŠyTė, A., GULBINS-<br />
KAS, S., JARMALAVIčIUS, D., KUZAVINIS, M.,<br />
MINKEVIčIUS, V., PUPIENIS, D., TRIMONIS, E.,<br />
ŠEčKUS, R., ŽAROMSKIS, R., ŽILINSKAS, G. Ataskaita<br />
už projektą. Baltijos jūros Lietuvos krantų geologinis<br />
atlasas. Lietuvos geologijos tarnyba. Vilnius, 2004.<br />
BRAZAUSKAS, M., 2009. Nuskendusių laivų medinių<br />
konstrukcijų datavimas dendrochronologiniu metodu.<br />
The South Baltic Cross-Border Co-operation Programme<br />
2007–2013 “SeaSide – Developing excellent cultural destinations<br />
in the southern Baltic area”. Klaipėda.<br />
Merseburg – Photocopies of documents from the Merseburg<br />
Archive, LSM.<br />
Literature<br />
ADOMAVIčIUS, R., 2000. Kam nuskambėjo Lloido varpas.<br />
Jūra (a supplement to the Klaipėda daily), 2000/27 (329).<br />
ADOMAVIčIUS, R., 2007. Audringa Baltija primena praeitį.<br />
Jūra (a supplement to the Klaipėda daily), 9.2.2007.<br />
BAINES, S., 2008. The history of the General Carleton, and<br />
of some of those connected with her. In: W. OSSOWSKI,<br />
ed. The General Carleton Shipwreck, 1785. Gdańsk, 65-<br />
94.<br />
BALčIUS, M., 1999. Elija ir Būtingė. In: V. ŽULKUS, ed.<br />
Palangos istorija. Klaipėda, 193-216.<br />
BITINAS, A., ŽULKUS, V., MAŽEIKA, J., PETROŠIUS,<br />
R., KISIELIENė, D., 2003. Medžių liekanos Baltijos jūros<br />
dugne: pirmieji tyrimų rezultatai. Geologija, 43, 43-46.<br />
CATALOGUE I, 2008. Catalogue I. Ship parts. In: W. OS-<br />
SOWSKI, ed. The General Carleton Shipwreck, 1785.<br />
Gdańsk, 295-320.<br />
CATALOGUE II, 2008. Catalogue II. Artefacts. In: W. OS-<br />
SOWSKI, ed. The General Carleton Shipwreck, 1785.<br />
Gdańsk, 321-442.<br />
LE COUTRE, B., 1969. Aus der Seemannskiste. Memeler<br />
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CZEREPAK, P., 2008. Military artefacts. The history of the<br />
‘General Carleton’, and of some of those connected with<br />
her. In: W. OSSOWSKI, ed. The General Carleton Shipwreck,<br />
1785. Gdańsk, 159-166.<br />
DAVIS, R., 1964. The trade and shipping of Hull 1500–1700.<br />
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DŁUGOKĘCKI, W., 1996. Mierzeja Wiślana od XIII do<br />
połowy XV wieku (1454). Gdańsk.<br />
DORFMAN, C., BUZAS, A., 1966. Klimato elementai ir<br />
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DOVyDENKO, L.B., 2004. Tajny Pillau. Kaliningrad.<br />
DUDSZUS, A., HENRIOT, E., KRUMREy, F., 1987. Das<br />
große Buch der Schiffstypen, 1. Berlin.<br />
ELERTAS, D., 2002. Kopgalis. Klaipėda.
ELERTAS, D., 2010. Vėjo gūsiai Klaipėdos krašto istorijoje.<br />
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kronika. Klaipėda, 61-63.<br />
FORSTREUTER, K., 1931. Die Memel als Handelsstraße<br />
Preußens nach Osten. Königsberg.<br />
GERDAU, K,. Auf den Spuren ostpreußischer Windjammer<br />
(7). INK. NA. P 1.1/14.<br />
GROTH, A., 1995. Żegluga i handel morski Kłajpedy w<br />
latach 1664-1722. Statystyka obrotu towarowego. Gdańsk.<br />
GUILLAUME, H., 1808. Memel im Siebenjärigen Kriege;<br />
Memel zur Zeit des unglücklichen Kriegees 1806/1807.<br />
Memeler Dampfboot, 20.08.1965, No. 16, 212-213;<br />
05.09.1965, No. 17, 228-229.<br />
HARTMANN, S., 1978. Warenumschlag und Schiffsverkehr<br />
im Memeler Hafen am Ende des Krimkrieges. Preußenland,<br />
Jg. 16-1978, Nos 1–2, 7–13.<br />
JAETZEL, W., 1996., Stürme, Schiffe, Strandgut. Memeler<br />
Dampfboot, 12.12.1996, 188.<br />
KIAUPA, Z., 1999. Palanga ir Šventoji - Lietuvos pajūrio<br />
miesteliai XVI–XVII a. In: V. ŽULKUS, ed. Palangos istorija.<br />
Klaipėda, 119-146.<br />
KIRBy, D., 1990. Northern Europe in the Early Modern Period.<br />
The Baltic World 1492–1772. New York.<br />
LIETUVIŠKOJI ENCIKLOPEDIJA, 1940. Vol 8. Kaunas.<br />
LITWIN, J., 2003. The herring fishery and the growth of<br />
Britain’s Baltic trade in the seventeenth and eighteenth<br />
centuries. In: P. SALMON, T. BARROW, eds. Britain and<br />
the Baltic. Sunderland, 47-60.<br />
MÜHLPFORDT, H.M., 1963. Als Memel noch königliche<br />
Residenz war. Memeler Dampfboot, 20.12.1963, 336.<br />
OSSOWSKI, W., 2008. The ship’s construction and equipment.<br />
In: W. OSSOWSKI, ed. The General Carleton Shipwreck,<br />
1785. Gdańsk, 131-150.<br />
PĒTERSONS, V., 1995. Kurzemes hercogiste (Kurzemes un<br />
Zemgales hercogiste). In: Kurzeme un kurzemnieki. Rīga,<br />
30-35.<br />
ROERDANSZ, J., 1792. Sammlung einiger Denkwürdigkeiten<br />
von der königlich Preussischen Immediat-Stadt Memel.<br />
Bd. 1. Königsberg.<br />
SEMBRITZKI, J., 1902. Memel im neunzehnten Jahrhundert.<br />
Memel.<br />
SEMBRITZKI, J., 1926. Geschichte der königlich preussischen<br />
See- und Handelstadt Memel. Memel.<br />
SMOLAREK, P., 1960. Próba zorganizowania floty kaperskiej<br />
w latach 1700–1701. Studia i materiały do dziejów<br />
Wielkopolski i Pomorza. VI, 1. Poznań, 331-37.<br />
SOROKIN, P.E., STEPANOV, A.V., 2009. Izuchenie zatonuvshikh<br />
sudov po trasse Severo-Evropeiskogo gazoprovoda<br />
v rossiiskikh vodakh Finskogo zaliva v 2006–2009<br />
gg. In: P.E. SOROKIN, ed. Izuchenie pamiatnikov morskoi<br />
arkheologii. IIMK RAN, SZI Nasledia. SPb., 6.<br />
Sankt-Peterburg, 45-73.<br />
WILLOWEIT, G., 1969. Die Wirtschaftsgeschichte des Memelgebiets,<br />
I-II. Marburg (Lahn).<br />
WILLOWEIT, G., 1970. Sie hieß Mary Jeen. Memeler<br />
Dampfboot, 1970, No 2.<br />
ZURKALOWSKI, E., 1906. Studien zur Geschichte der<br />
Stadt Memel. Altpreussische Monatsschrift, 43.2. Königsberg.<br />
ZURKALOWSKI, E., 1909. Neue Beiträge zur Geschichte<br />
der Stadt Memel. Altpreussische Monatsschrift, 46.1. Königsberg.<br />
ŽILINSKAS, G., JARMALAVIčIUS, D., PUPIENIS, D.,<br />
2004. Lietuvos Baltijos jūros žemyninio kranto krantotvarkos<br />
tikslinės programos metmenys. Geologijos akiračiai<br />
2004, 1 (53), 23-29.<br />
ŽULKUS, V., 2004. Kuršiai Baltijos jūros erdvėje. Vilnius.<br />
ŽULKUS, V., 2005. Baltijos pakrančių ir teritorinės jūros<br />
žvalgymas. In: ATL 2003 metais. Vilnius, 288-289.<br />
ŽULKUS, V., 2006. Baltijos jūros povandeniniai archeologiniai<br />
tyrimai. In: ATL 2004 metais. Vilnius, 317-319.<br />
ŽULKUS, V., 2006a. Povandeniniai archeologiniai tyrimai<br />
Baltijos jūroje. In: ATL 2005 metais. Vilnius, 420-421.<br />
ŽULKUS, V., 2008. Baltijos jūros žvalgymai ties Smiltyne.<br />
In: ATL 2007 metais. Vilnius, 528-531.<br />
ŽULKUS, V., SPRINGMANN, M-J., 2002. Der Hafen<br />
Hailigenau-Šventoji und die Fremden Schiffer im Lichte<br />
historischer und archäologischer Forschung. In: Maritime<br />
Archäologie heute. Rostock, 160-176.<br />
ŽULKUS, V., BERTAŠIUS, M., 2009. Handelsplätze zwischen<br />
Danziger und Rigaer Bucht zur Zeit Wulfstans. Wulfstan’s<br />
Voyage. In: A. ENGLERT, A. TRAKADAS, eds.<br />
The Baltic Sea region in the early Viking Age as seen from<br />
shipboard. Maritime Culture of the North. 2. Roskilde,<br />
198-204.<br />
Received: 29 November 2010; Revised: 13 December 2010;<br />
Accepted: 28 December 2010.<br />
Vladas Žulkus<br />
Institute of Baltic Sea Region History and Archaeology<br />
Klaipėda University<br />
Herkaus Manto street 84,<br />
LT-92294 Klaipėda, Lithuania<br />
E-mail: vladas.zulkus@ku.lt<br />
LIETUVOS PAKRANTėSE<br />
SUDUŽĘ LAIVAI<br />
VLADAS ŽULKUS<br />
Santrauka<br />
1989–2010 m. Lietuvos Baltijos pajūryje, priekrantėje<br />
tarp Būtingės ir Klaipėdos, bei jūroje buvo registruota<br />
vienuolika medinių laivų korpusų radimviečių. Laivai<br />
išlikę labai nevienodai – vienų korpusų yra tik nedideli<br />
fragmentai, kiti išlikę visu ilgiu ir pločiu, yra ir laivas,<br />
nuskendęs su kroviniu. Šie radiniai yra labai skirtingose<br />
vietose: vienų korpusų fragmentai buvo audrų išmesti<br />
į krantą, kiti rasti paplūdimiuose po smėliu, kai<br />
kurie guli priekrantėje vos 2–3 m gylyje, vieno medinio<br />
laivo dalis yra panaudota krantinei sutvirtinti, dar<br />
kiti nuskendę 11–37 m gylyje. Medinių laivų korpusai<br />
buvo rasti įvairiais būdais: apie pakrantėje esančias<br />
audrų atplautas laivų liekanas pranešė žvejai, paplūdimiuose<br />
dirbantys gelbėtojai, poilsiautojai; kai kurie<br />
radiniai aptikti žvalgant seklumas iš lėktuvo, nuo vandens<br />
paviršiaus ir po vandeniu. Giliau nuskendę laivai<br />
buvo aptikti šoninės apžvalgos sonaru (angl. side scan<br />
sonar) įvairiais tikslais tyrinėjant jūros dugną (moksli-<br />
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
II<br />
UNDERWATER<br />
ARCHAEOLOGY<br />
45
Shipwrecks off<br />
the Coast of Lithuania<br />
VLADAS<br />
ŽULKUS<br />
46<br />
nių, mokslinių taikomųjų tyrimų metu, atliekant dugno<br />
gylių matavimus, karinių išminavimo operacijų metu).<br />
Datavimo ir identifikavimo problemos<br />
Visus straipsnyje aprašomus laivus apžiūrėjo, provizorinius<br />
matavimus atliko, nufotografavo bei vaizdo<br />
kamera nufilmavo ir suregistravo Klaipėdos universiteto<br />
Baltijos regiono istorijos ir archeologijos instituto<br />
Povandeninių tyrimų centro archeologai.<br />
Netiesioginiai, tačiau neabejotini laivybos rytinėse<br />
Baltijos pakrantėse įrodymai yra Lietuvos pajūrio<br />
gyventojų ryšiai su Baltijos jūros salų ir vakarinių<br />
pakrančių gyventojais nuo VI a. po Kr. Tarp 900 ir<br />
1000 metų rytinėje Baltijos pakrantėje yra buvę bent<br />
keli kuršių tolimosios prekybos centrai. XII–XIII a.<br />
laivyba palei rytines Baltijos pakrantes jau buvo gana<br />
aktyvi: skandinavų vikingų laivai per Kuršių lagūną<br />
pakildavo aukštyn Nemunu, o kuršių piratai kontroliavo<br />
Baltijos jūros rytinę dalį ir plėšikavo Danijos bei<br />
Švedijos pakrantėse (Žulkus, 2004; Žulkus, Bertašius,<br />
2009). Lietuvos vandenyse kol kas nerasta nei vikingų<br />
laikotarpiu, nei viduramžiais nuskendusių laivų, todėl<br />
ir žinių apie tai, kaip atrodė XI–XIII a. kuršių laivai,<br />
deja, dar neturime.<br />
Nors rašytinių šaltinių žinios yra nenuoseklios, faktų<br />
apie Lietuvos pakrantes nusiaubusius uraganus,<br />
nuskendusius, į pakrančių seklumas sudužusius ir<br />
pakrantėn išmestus laivus yra kelios dešimtys. Seniausios<br />
žinios siekia XIV a. pradžią. Iš viso straipsnyje<br />
pateikiami 25 istoriniuose šaltiniuose paminėti laivų<br />
sudužimo ir nuskendimo atvejai. Povandeninių archeologinių<br />
tyrimų metu nuodugniai išžvalgyta vienuolika<br />
nuskendusių laivų, fiksuota jų dabartinė būklė. Datuoti<br />
sudužusių ir nuskendusių medinių laivų korpusus dažniausiai<br />
yra sudėtinga. Apytikriai mediniai laivai gali<br />
būti datuojami pagal konstrukcijos ypatybes, tačiau<br />
nemaža dalis sudužusių laivų pakrantėje yra išlikę tik<br />
fragmentiškai, po vandeniu esantys laivai yra užnešti<br />
smėliu, kai kurie jų guli dugnu aukštyn, todėl laivo<br />
konstrukcija yra atpažįstama tik fragmentiškai. Ant<br />
kilio stovintys žinomi mediniai nuskendę laivai W-1<br />
ir W-14 dar tik pradėti detaliau tyrinėti, kiti – W-13,<br />
W-23 – žvalgyti tik paviršutiniškai. Be to, konstrukcinės<br />
ypatybės dažniausiai leidžia datuoti tik labai<br />
apytikriai. To priežastis yra didelė laivų statybos tradicijų<br />
įvairovė. Laivų statyklų yra buvę labai daug, jose<br />
pastatyti laivai, ypač mažose statyklose, nebūtinai atspindėdavo<br />
to laikotarpio laivų statybos konstrukcines<br />
madas, kurias diktavo didžiųjų jūrinių valstybių laivų<br />
statytojai. Mediniai laivai teikia daug galimybių dendrochronologiniam<br />
datavimui, tačiau ne visada iš karto<br />
gaunami geri rezultatai. Priežastys yra kelios:<br />
Mediena laivų statybai būdavo smarkiai apdorojama,<br />
paimti medienos pavyzdžiai dažniausiai neturi balanos,<br />
o dendrochronologiniams tyrimams gautų medienos<br />
bandinių skalės būna trumpos. Datuoti galima tik<br />
turint vienu metu augusių medžių rievių skalių grupę,<br />
nes tik tada išryškėja bendros medienos prieaugio tendencijos.<br />
Lietuvos pakrantėse sudužę laivai esti nedideliuose<br />
gyliuose, dėl to medinės konstrukcijos, kurios<br />
išliko virš jūros dugno, yra smarkiai apgludintos bangų<br />
ir srovių nešamo smėlio. Todėl net ir mažai apdorotoje<br />
medienoje neišlieka paskutinės rievės, todėl neįmanoma<br />
datuoti tiksliai.<br />
Dendrochronologinis tyrimų metodas, be datų nustatymo,<br />
teikia galimybę nustatyti miško kirtimo regioną.<br />
Ši galimybė taip pat yra ribota ir tinka beveik besąlygiškai<br />
tik ankstyviesiems viduramžiams. Vėlesniais<br />
laikais, ypač naujaisiais amžiais, labai išsivysčius laivų<br />
statybai, įvairių kraštų laivų statyklose vis plačiau pradėta<br />
naudoti importuota mediena, ir bandymai nustatyti<br />
laivo statybos vietą pagal medienos kilmės vietą<br />
gali sukelti daugiau painiavos nei aiškumo. Klaipėda<br />
kelis šimtmečius buvo miško medžiagos, skirtos laivų<br />
statybai, eksportuotoja, todėl straipsnyje pateikti duomenys<br />
gali būti aktualūs įvairių šalių povandeniniams<br />
archeologams.<br />
Ieškant, registruojant ir tyrinėjant sudužusius ir nuskendusius<br />
senovinius medinius laivus negalima apeiti<br />
jų liekanų išsaugojimo problemos. Šiuo metu jūriniam<br />
kultūros paveldui priskiriami medinių laivų korpusai<br />
yra saugomi blogiausiai. Tai iliustruoja laivo 17 (W-<br />
17) liekanų likimas. 2009 m. pabaigoje į muziejų buvo<br />
nugabentas tik mažas fragmentas 2007 m. pakrantėn<br />
išmesto korpuso, didesnė dalis buvo išardyta žmonių ir<br />
jūros bangų. Medinių laivų korpusų konservavimas ir<br />
eksponavimas yra labai sudėtingas ir brangus. Seklumose<br />
esančius ir bangų ardomus bei į krantą išmestus<br />
laivų korpusus būtų galima išsaugoti ir eksponuoti po<br />
vandeniu, perkėlus juos į 15–18 m gylį, kur nėra didesnių<br />
srovių ir bangų poveikio. Nuo suirimo apsaugotos<br />
laivų liekanos, sutelktos vienoje vietoje, galėtų būti<br />
tolesnių studijų ir povandeninio turizmo objektas, tai<br />
palengvintų ir jų apsaugą.
THE RESULTS OF UNDERWATER EXCAVATIONS<br />
AT SERTEYA II, AND RESEARCH<br />
INTO PILE-DWELLINGS IN NORTHWEST RUSSIA<br />
ANDREY MAZURKEVICH, EKATERINA DOLBUNOVA,<br />
YOLAINE MAIGROT, DARIA HOOKK<br />
Abstract<br />
In the Middle to Late Neolithic, pile-dwellings existed in Russia only in the Dnepr-Dvina basin and in the European region, in<br />
the Alpine zone, and probably in the western Baltic region. Investigations of sites in the Dnepr-Dvina region with underwater<br />
excavation methods have been conducted since the 1970s. The history of the development of these methods is presented here.<br />
The preliminary results of complex investigations of the Serteya II site are also covered in this article. An analysis of the<br />
remains of fauna, palynological analysis, and traceological analysis of bone tools, and modelling with GIS-technologies, allowed<br />
us to recreate the economic activities of the inhabitants of the Serteya II settlement. It had a complex character: it was a<br />
hunter-gatherer economy that existed alongside a small productive economy. The latter probably had a prestigious character,<br />
and did not play a significant role in the economy of ancient people. A comparison of data from typo-technological pottery<br />
inquiries with dendrochronological and radiocarbon dates allowed the determination of peculiarities of the material culture of<br />
every construction, and the distinguishing elements of local and newly arrived cultures. An analysis of types of wood allowed<br />
us to determine the areas of their origin, and to understand when and from what kind of forest repairs were made. Research<br />
shows that further investigation in this region will lead to uncovering other pile-dwellings.<br />
Key words: Middle and Late Neolithic, pile-dwellings, underwater archaeology, pottery technology, GIS-technology, traceology,<br />
dendrochronology.<br />
Introduction<br />
The Serteya II site is situated on the small River<br />
Serteyka, a left tributary of the River West Dvina in the<br />
Smolensk region (Fig. 1, see Plate III). Lake-glacial<br />
lowlands and fluvioglacial plains are mostly widespread<br />
in the upper reaches of the West Dvina. Their<br />
formation is connected with the reflux of slushy glacial<br />
water that carried away sandy-clastic material from the<br />
edge of a receding glacier (San’ko 1987, pp.122, 133).<br />
These areas, which are associated with glacial lake areas<br />
where lakes were formed in the Holocene, are rich<br />
in archaeological sites. They form districts that have<br />
been given the name of archaeological micro-regions<br />
(Serteya, Usviaty, Zhizhitsja, Sennica).<br />
The Serteya micro-region is situated in a valley in the<br />
shape of a canyon that was formed as a result of the<br />
activity of the Dvinsko-Kasplyansky tongue, a feature<br />
of the Lovat lobe, inside morainic formations. Consequently,<br />
there is not a flattened and smooth relief that<br />
is characteristic of areas of glacial lakes where the Usviaty<br />
and Sennica micro-regions are situated (Fig. 1,<br />
6, see Plate III). The Serteya micro-region constituted<br />
of a chain of palaeolakes joined by rivers in the Early<br />
and Middle Holocene. The glacial lake was located in<br />
a long (up to 4km) and narrow (200 to 600m) valley,<br />
occupied now by the Serteya peatbog. Its shores were<br />
covered with coarse-grained sand and pebbles, and a<br />
layer of aleurite formed on the bottom. Gyttja began to<br />
accumulate in the Holocene. Pile-dwellings appeared<br />
here at this time (Miklyaev 1982, p.25).<br />
In 1972, during explorations of the River Serteyka, the<br />
Serteya II and Serteya I settlements were discovered.<br />
A trench was dug along the left shore of an artificial<br />
channel. Two cultural layers were found in the trench:<br />
the upper one (A) a sandy lens, and the lower one (B)<br />
was in the layer of gyttja, with material from Middle<br />
Neolithic Usviaty culture. The excavations were very<br />
difficult to carry out, because of the high water content<br />
of the peat bog. Liquid gyttja was squeezed out from<br />
the trench walls due to the weight of the overlying layers,<br />
and they flooded the already cleaned parts. In the<br />
end, the excavation walls collapsed (Miklyaev 1982,<br />
p.20ff). These excavations showed that it would be<br />
better to investigate the site using underwater archaeological<br />
methods.<br />
Methods of excavation<br />
The discovery of peat bog sites in 1963, and their excavation,<br />
immediately raised the question of improving<br />
excavation methods. The search to develop methods<br />
continued all the time, and led to the development of<br />
3D methods of excavation on the Rudnya Serteya site<br />
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
II<br />
UNDERWATER<br />
ARCHAEOLOGY<br />
47
ANDREY<br />
MAZURKEVICH,<br />
EKATERINA<br />
DOLBUNOVA,<br />
YOLAINE MAIGROT,<br />
DARIA HOOKK<br />
The Results of<br />
Underwater Excavations<br />
at Serteya II,<br />
and Research into<br />
Pile-Dwellings<br />
in Northwest Russia<br />
Fig. 2. The location of pile-dwellings on Lake Sennica (Pskov region). A 3D reconstruction of the relief, with palaeolakes,<br />
at the end of the fourth to the third millennium BC (1m contour interval) (E. Dolbunova).<br />
48<br />
between 1984 and 1987. At the same time, underwater<br />
excavation methods were developed, the first of which<br />
were made on Lake Sennica in the Pskov region in<br />
1979. A long session of underwater excavations helped<br />
us to gain vast experience of organising underwater<br />
explorations in different conditions (Miklyaev 1982;<br />
1990; Mazurkevich et al. 2000).<br />
Sites situated underwater can be divided into several<br />
types. The first one is sites situated in lakes with zero<br />
visibility (the bottom of lakes Sennica and Usviaty)<br />
(Fig. 2). The whole area of the site on Lake Sennica<br />
was marked out in 20-metre grids, which was the basis<br />
for a topographical survey of the site and the surrounding<br />
area. The grid was oriented according to cardinal<br />
points. An adjacent part of the lake more than one<br />
hectare in area with the remains of pile-dwellings was<br />
also covered with a square grid 20 metres by 20 metres,<br />
based on the already elaborated grid. It served as a<br />
base for a topographical survey of this part of the site,<br />
as well as for the development of a more precise square<br />
grid for the more detailed measuring of material. The<br />
cultural layer of the site located on the bottom of the<br />
lake at a depth of 70 to 120 centimetres after an artificial<br />
water descent was destroyed by ice formations and<br />
waves. All the wooden constructions were destroyed.<br />
The visibility was almost zero (the maximum distance<br />
where a white circle was seen under water was 25 to<br />
30cm). These obstacles determined the methods of excavation<br />
on the site in 1979: the material and cultural<br />
layer was brought up to the surface for sieving. These<br />
methods were then used during the excavations of the<br />
Dubokrai II to VI sites located at the bottom of Lake<br />
Sennica (Fig. 3).<br />
The remains of an iron workshop dated to the middle<br />
of the first millennium AD were found in 1986<br />
in a deeper part (120 to 150 cm deep) of the lake. A<br />
square of 14 metres by 16 metres was excavated here,<br />
using underwater excavation methods. The construction<br />
remains consisted of a blockhouse divided inside<br />
into chambers of four by four metres. Slag was found<br />
inside and on the periphery of this construction. The<br />
most difficult task was to measure the locations of the<br />
objects, in conditions of near zero visibility. Firstly,<br />
divers found the external corners of the construction.<br />
Poles were placed by their external and internal parts.<br />
Details of the construction, as well as the accumulation<br />
of slag, were measured, and excavated levels were<br />
marked by cuts on these poles and marked on the site
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
Fig. 3. The first underwater excavations: A.M. Miklyaev (photograph by V. Konovalenko).<br />
plan. The position of pottery fragments was marked<br />
according to cuts on the nearest poles. The cleaning<br />
of the constructions and the cultural layer was made<br />
almost blind, by touch.<br />
After the successful experience of underwater excavation<br />
of this iron workshop, it was suggested to try<br />
to excavate part of the remaining cultural layer in the<br />
eastern part of the Dubokrai V site. A geological examination<br />
of the bottom sediment on the periphery of<br />
the site, on the slopes of the sandy butte, was made to<br />
determine the most informative part of the site. This<br />
allowed researchers to gain information about the character<br />
and the thickness of the layers, and to locate the<br />
place with the thickest cultural layer. A two-by-twometre<br />
square was made here, oriented according to the<br />
cardinal points. The bottom sediment was cleared from<br />
layer to layer: part of the already treated soil was lifted<br />
to the surface, and sifted through. The depth of the<br />
clearing process was measured, and large fragments of<br />
pottery were put on the plan. The soil was very liquid,<br />
and the walls leaked. This is why the square of the<br />
investigated part was narrower at the final stage, only<br />
one metre by one metre. However, this work allowed<br />
us to learn some very important information. The stratigraphy<br />
was determined here: a layer of silt 55 centimetres<br />
in thickness lay underwater at a depth of 110<br />
centimetres, then a cultural layer lying in peat with gyttja<br />
28 centimetres in thickness, then sand to aleurite.<br />
Fragments of pottery that belonged to the second phase<br />
of Usviaty culture were found in the lower part of the<br />
silt and the upper part of the peat. Fragments of pottery<br />
that belonged to the first phase of Usviaty culture were<br />
found in the lower part of the peat with gyttja. Fragments<br />
of pottery of Linearbandkeramik (LBK) culture<br />
were found on the border of the peat and the gyttja<br />
(Mazurkevich et al. 1998, p.19). An accumulation of<br />
Mesolithic materials located apart from the Late Neolithic<br />
materials were found on the Dubokrai VI site.<br />
A topographical survey of the lake bottom was made<br />
in order to reconstruct the relief of the lake; also, holes<br />
were bored which allowed researchers to determine<br />
sediments of Holocene lakes in several places. GISmodelling<br />
of the data attained allowed for the reconstruction<br />
of an ancient landscape, and to determine the<br />
location and distribution of sites in the past (Fig. 2).<br />
The second group represents sites located in rivers with<br />
medium visibility. The excavation of the Serteya II site<br />
was begun after the first attempts of underwater excavation<br />
on Lake Sennica (Fig. 4). Absolutely different<br />
conditions here allowed researchers to use other more<br />
precise methods, and to gain results comparable with<br />
excavations on the surface. However, here we faced<br />
several obstacles in determining the supplementary<br />
specificity of underwater excavations: poor visibility<br />
(0.1 to 1.5m), a low water temperature (11° to 14°C)<br />
and shallow depths (0.7 to 3m) (Miklyaev 1982; 1990;<br />
Mazurkevich et al. 2000). This made us develop excavation<br />
methods in such conditions on the basis of our<br />
experience and the experience of our colleagues. Firstly,<br />
we faced the problem of low water temperature,<br />
which meant divers could only stay underwater safely<br />
for 45 to 60 minutes each day. Furthermore, a diver<br />
has to stay almost motionless under the water so as not<br />
to disturb the silt, in order to maintain good visibility,<br />
which also leads to rapid cooling, whether he uses a<br />
diving wet suit or a dry suit. The first stage of the work<br />
consists of the organisation of a working platform for<br />
II<br />
UNDERWATER<br />
ARCHAEOLOGY<br />
49
The Results of<br />
Underwater Excavations<br />
at Serteya II,<br />
and Research into<br />
Pile-Dwellings<br />
in Northwest Russia<br />
Fig. 4. A view of the Serteya<br />
II site (photograph<br />
by A. Mazurkevich).<br />
ANDREY<br />
MAZURKEVICH,<br />
EKATERINA<br />
DOLBUNOVA,<br />
YOLAINE MAIGROT,<br />
DARIA HOOKK<br />
Fig. 5. The Serteya II site:<br />
the process of underwater<br />
excavation (photograph<br />
by A. Mazurkevich).<br />
50
divers, the preparation of a convenient approach to the<br />
water, the installation of a gangway, clearing the excavation<br />
site of vegetation, and the removal of recently<br />
accumulated silt with a hand-dredge. During the underwater<br />
excavations, the site area is marked with twometre<br />
grids from a base line situated on the shore. Our<br />
protocol for archaeological finds consists of reporting<br />
the character of an object, defining the perimeters of<br />
the object by washing out the ground around it, measuring<br />
the object’s location by fixed-point triangulation,<br />
and reporting this data to the surface (Fig. 5). The data<br />
is noted in the field inventory which is maintained by<br />
grid squares. Fixed piles and other elements of constructions<br />
are marked with labels with numbers, which<br />
are attached underwater and marked on the site plan.<br />
The clearing of the cultural layer is also conducted in<br />
grid squares, beginning downstream and going progressively<br />
from deeper to shallower. The dredge is<br />
applied to create a more intense stream in order to remove<br />
debris.<br />
technology are regarded as a marker of an inner transformation<br />
of family life, society, etc. This idea is based<br />
on a concept of the regularity of the technical process<br />
and its conditionality by traditions handed down from<br />
craftsman to apprentice.<br />
A functional approach is used to study bone and antler<br />
tools. It is based on traceological study, which is<br />
not yet well developed for tools made from hard animal<br />
materials. This approach consists of the identification<br />
and analysis of use-wear patterns registered on<br />
archaeological tools with the help of a comparative<br />
collection, constituting ethnographic tools, but also<br />
with reproduced and used experimental implements<br />
(Semenov 1964; Maigrot 2003). Bone work from the<br />
Serteya II site includes tools, waste and roughout. Such<br />
artefacts represent an important source of information<br />
for those who are interested in techniques, because<br />
they offer an opportunity to reconstruct the different<br />
steps in the manufacturing process.<br />
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
Methods of treatment of the materials<br />
The study of the materials from Serteya II included the<br />
analysis of typology, manufacture technique and functional<br />
use.<br />
Several main features consisting of the ‘chaine operatoire’<br />
are used to reconstruct the techniques of pottery<br />
making. We regarded all the main features, paste composition,<br />
ways of modelling different parts of a vessel,<br />
methods of forming, the surface treatment (polishing,<br />
using an additional layer of liquid clay, traces of<br />
combing), using the paddle and anvil technique. The<br />
morphological characteristics include a description of<br />
the construction and forms of constructive elements<br />
which constitute a vessel. This description is based<br />
on the idea that every vessel has definite points (‘critical<br />
points’) that mark places where the vessel profile<br />
changes direction (Shepard 1985, p.226). Thus, a vessel<br />
consists of several main constructive elements:<br />
edge, rim, neck, belly, bottom, tray, and a few additional<br />
elements (nose, bail, etc). They are described in<br />
geometric terms. The design as a system consists of<br />
several sub-systems which are analysed: graphic sign,<br />
element, motif and composition. The study of symmetrical<br />
transformations made on different levels of this<br />
system and described through a code system formed<br />
the basis of our analysis of the design.<br />
Ethnoarchaeological investigations by different authors<br />
showed the existence of lots of techniques that<br />
correspond with cultural differences. This is a fundamental<br />
model on which researchers base their study<br />
(Martineau 2000, p.6). All changes in pottery-making<br />
Natural-scientific methods<br />
Radiocarbon dating of piles of different constructions<br />
was carried out in order to develop an absolute chronology<br />
for this site. A total of 35 dates were obtained.<br />
These dates were statistically treated, and a mean age<br />
was obtained for the site and for the dwellings (Mazurkevich<br />
et al. 2009, p.151; Davison et al. 2009,<br />
p.197ff).<br />
The analysis of archaeological wood with the help of<br />
dendrochronological methods is well known (Bailly<br />
1982) and widely used. Consequently, there are a lot<br />
of possibilities to find specialised software and hardware,<br />
presented on professional websites. This is not<br />
very complicated for dry samples with a large number<br />
of tree-rings, preserved in good conditions such as permafrost,<br />
especially if there is additional proof of the<br />
dating (radiocarbon, archaeological typology and archives).<br />
Prehistoric time is another situation. The use<br />
of wood differs from modern times, and the time-series<br />
are local and floating (Bailly et al. 1997). Thus, archaeologists<br />
are not so interested in difficult work with inconclusive<br />
results.<br />
Any computer program using correlation procedures<br />
available for the correct dendroscale construction<br />
(software and hardware…) requires the length of the<br />
time-series to be more than 100 years, because it is a<br />
requirement of the statistical approach based on correlation<br />
methods. Our series are shorter, but that is<br />
not a reason to reject them. The proposal to use fuzzy<br />
logic (Hookk et al. 2007) appeared. A simple manual<br />
transformation of the tree-ring width to one of the six<br />
linguistic variables, without microscope use or any<br />
II<br />
UNDERWATER<br />
ARCHAEOLOGY<br />
51
The Results of<br />
Underwater Excavations<br />
at Serteya II,<br />
and Research into<br />
Pile-Dwellings<br />
in Northwest Russia<br />
ANDREY<br />
MAZURKEVICH,<br />
EKATERINA<br />
DOLBUNOVA,<br />
YOLAINE MAIGROT,<br />
DARIA HOOKK<br />
52<br />
statistical standardisation, allows the distinguishing of<br />
years of extreme growth. At the same time, we are able<br />
to measure all samples just in situ, taking them into<br />
the laboratory only for radiocarbon dating or some additional<br />
investigation. Thus we obtained 36 time-series<br />
in order to compare them in-between. The floating<br />
chronology with the ‘combs’ was proven by several<br />
radiocarbon dates (Hookk et al. 2007).<br />
An assessment of the kind of wood was made after the<br />
anatomical analysis of the wood in the Department of<br />
Scientific Examination and Authentication of Works of<br />
Art at the State Hermitage Museum. An analysis of the<br />
type of wood used for piles and objects was made in<br />
order to understand the logic followed by ancient inhabitants<br />
in their choice of wood.<br />
Palynological investigation was made using GIS-modelling,<br />
in order to reconstruct the palaeo-relief. Three<br />
palynological diagrams were obtained which showed<br />
changes in the vegetation in different parts of the valley,<br />
as well as peculiarities of the vegetation near the<br />
settlement. A geomorphological analysis of different<br />
sediments from the Serteya micro-region was also carried<br />
out. This allowed for the reconstruction of borders<br />
of palaeolakes and zones of different types of landscapes<br />
(Fig. 6, see Plate III). A hundred sondages and<br />
down-holes were made in order to obtain these results.<br />
A diatom analysis was carried out as well (Mazurkevich<br />
et al. 2009; Subetto et al. 2009, p.113).<br />
The results of the work<br />
Stratigraphy<br />
A layer of clay ten centimetres thick lies under a layer<br />
of peat 30 centimetres thick, then a layer of gyttja 150<br />
centimetres thick, gyttja with wooden remains, and<br />
nutshells (cultural layer) 30 centimetres thick. An aleurite<br />
layer lies lower down.<br />
The settlement (cultural layer B) was destroyed by the<br />
transgression of the lake. Some of the material was<br />
moved to the shore and developed the A1 cultural layer,<br />
which is not very thick. After the middle of the second<br />
millennium BC, a peat bog appeared on the site of the<br />
lake. However, its development was interrupted from<br />
time to time by returning to lake, which is marked by<br />
sand and clayey sediments. The site probably appeared<br />
here during one of these stages, which is marked by the<br />
layer ά (Miklyaev 1982, p.26). However, some of the<br />
material from this site is synchronous to materials of<br />
the Serteya II pile-dwelling.<br />
Constructions<br />
The remains of several constructions were found at the<br />
Serteya II site (Fig. 7). Construction No 1 was most<br />
fully excavated, and that is why the description of constructive<br />
features of the dwellings is made on its basis.<br />
The constructions consisted of rectangular platforms<br />
of about seven by 4.5 metres, attached to piles with<br />
the aid of ropes (pieces of rope made from bilberry<br />
rhizome are often found pressed in the piles) and supported<br />
from below by ‘horned’ piles. The basis of the<br />
platform consisted of logs nine to 12 centimetres in<br />
diameter, oriented west-east. Poles five to eight centimetres<br />
in diameter were densely laid on the logs in<br />
transverse position. Treated piny slabs about six centimetres<br />
thick were placed above at right angles to the<br />
poles. A layer of moss lay above, strewn with coarsegrained<br />
white sand eight centimetres thick. A hearth<br />
situated on sand was formed, with big stones laid out<br />
in a circle about 53 centimetres in diameter.<br />
Some of the piles were pillars serving as the basis of<br />
the walls. These pile-pillars were made of tree trunks<br />
eight, nine, ten, 12, 14, 16, 18 and more than 20 centimetres<br />
in diameter. The walls could have been made of<br />
branches cleaned from lateral branches. A large amount<br />
of the latter was found in the cultural layer, generally<br />
lying near rows of piles. Pile-pillars large in diameter<br />
were installed mainly at the corners of the platform,<br />
pairs of pile-pillars smaller in diameter were placed<br />
between them along the perimeter. Parts with sandy<br />
filling for hearths were strengthened with pile-pillars<br />
and supports. Spruce and ash were generally used to<br />
make the piles, more rarely pine, elm, maple, oak, willow,<br />
birch and poplar (Kolosova et al. 1998). Also,<br />
fragments of eaves and slabs with a lateral support for<br />
floors, and beams with holes, were found. The distribution<br />
of wild boar’s faeces suggests that boar were kept<br />
for some time on the site, not inside the constructions<br />
but apparently next to them, in a pen. Several piles are<br />
located near dumps forming a semi-circular construction<br />
that could have been a pen.<br />
The pile-dwellings were situated along the shore, and<br />
were joined by pathways (Miklyaev 1971; Mazurkevich<br />
1998a). The platforms were encircled by rubbish<br />
dumps full of kitchen waste located along one of the<br />
short walls and adjacent parts of long walls. There was<br />
probably a doorway here. This distribution of overlying<br />
dumps from different constructions makes it difficult<br />
to determine exactly which finds belong to which<br />
construction. These are common platforms that could<br />
have joined two synchronous dwellings, as a result of<br />
which their dumps were intermixed.<br />
Constructions No 4 and No 5 are situated in squares О-<br />
P-R/1, No 2 occupies squares N-O-P-R/III-IV, dwellings<br />
No 1 and No6 squares R-S-T/1-III, construction
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
II<br />
UNDERWATER<br />
ARCHAEOLOGY<br />
Fig. 7. A map of the constructions of the Serteya II site (compiled by A. Mazurkevich, D. Hookk, E. Dolbunova).<br />
No 3a squares О-P-R/VI-VII, and No 3b R-S-T/VI-<br />
VII.<br />
Most of the piles have a diameter of between six and<br />
eight centimetres (49% of the piles), the next size<br />
range is nine to 11 centimetres (39% of the piles), the<br />
piles from the bearing points of the constructions have<br />
a diameter of between 12 and 28 centimetres (12%<br />
of the piles). Types of wood of about 283 piles were<br />
determined over the last ten years. The distribution of<br />
kinds of wood shows that oak (Quercus sp.) was a very<br />
rare type of wood at that time, at only 6%. Other types<br />
(Pinus sp. 11%, Ulmus sp. 7%, Betula sp., Populus sp.,<br />
Acer sp., Almus sp., Salix sp., and Corilus sp. about<br />
1% or less) are not numerous either. Fir piles (Picea<br />
sp.) are more numerous, at approximately 50%. Ash<br />
(Fraxinus sp.) piles (18%) are numerous, but not typical<br />
for cross-dating scales, even though they have the<br />
longest time-series.<br />
The 44 specimens of all fir (Picea sp.) piles turned out<br />
to be the best for cross-dating. These samples can be<br />
divided into three groups. The first group belongs to<br />
secondary forest: the growth of the width of the rings<br />
consequently decreases from the first year to the last<br />
one, and there are no rings that represent extreme<br />
growth on which dendrochronological dating is based.<br />
The environmental conditions were permanent. The<br />
second group has a more dynamic growth, and belongs<br />
to trees influenced by changes in the water level; some<br />
natural cycles could be found. The third group has a lot<br />
of rings characterising years of a very intense or very<br />
depressive growth. These trees were possibly under<br />
the influence not only of natural factors like changes<br />
in water level or sunlight, but also artificial ones: the<br />
cutting of the forest by ancient inhabitants that led to<br />
changes in the conditions for the growth of trees. Thus,<br />
their progressive growth was reproduced (Baillie et al.<br />
1997).<br />
53
ANDREY<br />
MAZURKEVICH,<br />
EKATERINA<br />
DOLBUNOVA,<br />
YOLAINE MAIGROT,<br />
DARIA HOOKK<br />
The Results of<br />
Underwater Excavations<br />
at Serteya II,<br />
and Research into<br />
Pile-Dwellings<br />
in Northwest Russia<br />
Fig. 8. A dendrochronological scale for the Serteya II site (D. Hookk).<br />
54<br />
Broad-leaved forests were used for the construction<br />
settlements at the time of Usviaty culture. This is why<br />
we suppose that the settlement appeared here concurrently<br />
with the disappearance of ash trees as a building<br />
material. Later, when only fir-piles were used for<br />
construction, people continued to use the same dwellings,<br />
and only reconstructions and replacements can be<br />
fixed. The period of time between the first tree in the<br />
dendroscale and the last is equal to 34 years, probably<br />
two generations of the local human population. Construction<br />
No 1 consists mainly of trees growing in wet<br />
sites (so-called type 1, complacent tree-ring series).<br />
Examples of the same type from constructions No 2<br />
and No 6 are very rare. Examples sensitive to shortage<br />
in rainfall (type 2) belong to constructions No 2 and No<br />
6. Examples reflecting very intense or very depressive<br />
growth (type 3) and those influenced by anthropogenic<br />
factors (type 4) can be observed in all the constructions<br />
except construction No 2. According to the proposed<br />
hypothesis, the sequence of the appearance of<br />
constructions on the site is (Fig. 8): initially, construction<br />
No 2 was installed; then construction No 1; later
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
Fig. 9. The Serteya II site’s ‘imported’ vessels: 1, 2 construction No 3b; 4, 5, 8 construction No 1; 3 construction No 2; 6, 7<br />
construction No 3a (drawing by Ksenia Dubrovina).<br />
construction No 3 appeared, with simultaneous reconstructing<br />
near construction No 1; we gave No 6 to this<br />
new construction; at that time construction No 2 became<br />
uninhabited.<br />
Pottery<br />
Fragments of nine pots and one conical bottom were<br />
found in construction No 4. Thirty-six pots and fragments<br />
of five bottoms were found in construction No 1,<br />
and in construction No 2, 15 pots, fragments of one bottom,<br />
and fragments of approximately six vessels. Eight<br />
pots, fragments of two bottoms and of approximately<br />
four pots were found on the common platform of constructions<br />
No 1 and No 2. Ten vessels, three bottoms,<br />
and fragments of approximately four vessels were<br />
found in construction No 3a. Three pots, one bottom<br />
and fragments of one pot were found in construction<br />
No 3b. There were 16 pots, one bottom and fragments<br />
of approximately seven vessels on the common platform<br />
of constructions No 3а and No 3b. It is difficult<br />
to determine the exact distribution of fragments of approximately<br />
12 vessels. Only construction No 1 was<br />
excavated almost fully, part of construction No 2 was<br />
excavated, and even smaller parts of dwellings No3a<br />
and No 3b were investigated. Eight ‘import’ vessels<br />
were found, as well: in construction No 1, a fragment<br />
with a band (Fig. 9.8), a fragment with cord impressions<br />
(Fig. 9.5 ), and a small vessel with impressions<br />
(Fig. 9.4); in construction No 2, a fragment with large<br />
cord impressions (Fig. 9.3); in construction No 3а, a<br />
fragment with cord impressions (Fig. 9.7) and a fragment<br />
of a vessel of Middle-Dnepr culture (Fig. 9.6); in<br />
construction No 3b, fragments of two non-decorated<br />
vessels (Fig. 9.1, 2).<br />
In this research, typology is regarded as a system that<br />
consists of several sub-systems, including technological,<br />
morphological and ornamental types. Such an<br />
elaborate typology is a consequence of specificity of<br />
pottery that includes several characteristics, technological,<br />
morphological and ornamental. All of them are<br />
determined by definite features, each of which has its<br />
own meaning and value.<br />
Pottery from Late Usviaty culture was found in construction<br />
No 4. Shell was used as temper, and grass was<br />
used in three cases. Vessels were made in an ‘S’ technique,<br />
and also by several stretched short coils. Fragments<br />
of vessels of Usviaty culture were also found<br />
in constructions No 1 and No 2. Vessels made in the<br />
‘S’ technique and by several stretched short coils are<br />
represented in construction No 2. Here, vessels with<br />
mixed temper prevail: shell and grass. The tradition<br />
of using shell is predominant among pots from construction<br />
No 1; mixed temper, shell and grass, was<br />
also used here. Vessels were made by several stretched<br />
short coils, or coils put above each other and slightly<br />
stretched. The latter coil technique exists mainly in<br />
construction No 1. Grass as temper prevails among the<br />
pottery-making traditions of construction No 3. Vessels<br />
were made mainly by several stretched short coils.<br />
Thirteen different types of form (Fig. 10) were distinguished<br />
here, as well as several types of bottoms: conical<br />
with a hole in the bottom, pointed, roundish, and<br />
roundish with a detailed lower part (Fig. 10, 14-17).<br />
The following ceramic forms are represented almost<br />
equally in all the constructions: vessels with a belly in<br />
the form of a cylinder (No 5; Fig. 10.5), a belly in the<br />
form of a reduced bicone or an ellipse with a roundish<br />
and slightly turned-out rim (No 6; Fig. 10.6), a globeshaped<br />
belly and a turned-out rim (No 9; Fig. 10.9),<br />
vessels of a restricted form with a globe-shaped belly<br />
II<br />
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ARCHAEOLOGY<br />
55
ANDREY<br />
MAZURKEVICH,<br />
EKATERINA<br />
DOLBUNOVA,<br />
YOLAINE MAIGROT,<br />
DARIA HOOKK<br />
The Results of<br />
Underwater Excavations<br />
at Serteya II,<br />
and Research into<br />
Pile-Dwellings<br />
in Northwest Russia<br />
Fig. 10. The Serteya II site: morphological types (the number of vessels is equal to the number of forms)<br />
(drawing by K. Dubrovina).<br />
56<br />
(No 10; Fig. 10.10), and a belly in the form of two<br />
different cones with a large base (No 11 and No 12;<br />
Fig. 10-12). A vessel of the form No 12 can be reconstructed<br />
in construction No 4.<br />
Several forms are situated in some definite constructions.<br />
Vessels of forms of type No 2 (a belly in the<br />
form of a reduced and flattened globe, with a turnedout<br />
rim with a roundish edge; Fig. 10.2), No 3 (a belly<br />
in the form of a reduced globe with a roundish, slightly<br />
turned-in rim; Fig. 10-3), No 4 (a belly in the form of<br />
a converging cone with a turned-out flat/roundish rim;<br />
Fig. 10-4) are situated in constructions No 1 and No 2.<br />
Specific forms (No 13) characteristic of Usviaty culture<br />
are also represented in these constructions (Fig.<br />
10-13). Vessels of type No 7 (so-called plates; Fig. 10-<br />
7) are located probably only in construction No 1. Vessels<br />
with a globe-shaped belly with an element such<br />
as shoulders (No 1; Fig. 10-1) are represented in constructions<br />
No 1, No 2 and No 3а. Pots of the form of<br />
type No 8 (the surviving upper part represents a cylinder<br />
with concave walls; Fig. 10-8) are situated in constructions<br />
No 1 and No 3а.<br />
Large vessels 30 to 40 centimetres in diameter are represented<br />
only by morphological types No 1, No 2, No<br />
3, No 9 and No 11 (Fig. 10.1, 2, 3, 9, 11). The diameter<br />
of others lies in intervals between 20 and 30 centimetres;<br />
there are also small pots with diameters of up to<br />
15 centimetres.<br />
The compositions consisted of rows of impressions<br />
set at angles to each other, and horizontal rows of<br />
impressions prevail among the types of design (Fig.<br />
11.7). Vessels decorated with such compositions are<br />
represented in all constructions. There are fewer compositions<br />
that consist of impressions organised in staggered<br />
rows (Fig. 11.3), lines forming a net pattern<br />
(Fig. 11.6, 4), or impressions set at an angle to each<br />
other forming triangles (Fig. 11.1). Complicated forms<br />
of pottery might be underlined by ornamental means:<br />
by a combination of different motifs, the borders of<br />
which mark the places where the profile of the ves-
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
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ARCHAEOLOGY<br />
Fig. 11. The Serteya II site’s vessels decorated with different motifs: 1, 2, 5, 9 construction No 2; 4 construction No 3b; 3, 6,<br />
7, 8 construction No 1 (drawing by K. Dubrovina).<br />
57
The Results of<br />
Underwater Excavations<br />
at Serteya II,<br />
and Research into<br />
Pile-Dwellings<br />
in Northwest Russia<br />
ANDREY<br />
MAZURKEVICH,<br />
EKATERINA<br />
DOLBUNOVA,<br />
YOLAINE MAIGROT,<br />
DARIA HOOKK<br />
58<br />
sel changes its direction. There are also several motifs<br />
that play the same role: a horizontal row of round<br />
impressions (Fig. 11.2, 9) or impressions of nodules<br />
(Fig. 11.5), cord made of bark (Fig. 11.2, 5) or cord.<br />
It is notable that vessels decorated with impressions<br />
of cord made of bark (Fig. 11.2, 5) and imitations of<br />
them (Fig. 11.9) are represented only in construction<br />
No 2. Lots of vessels decorated with an additional element,<br />
such as a horizontal row of round impressions<br />
or impressions of nodules under the rim, are also represented<br />
here. Simple compositions, consisting of impressions<br />
set at an angle to each other (Fig. 11.7) or<br />
organised in horizontal rows, prevail in construction<br />
No 1. A combination of different types of composition<br />
is characteristic of vessels from construction No 3. A<br />
combination of different motifs and a homogeneous<br />
ornamental system probably represents two different<br />
decorative traditions. Their combination on one vessel<br />
might be a sign of a mixture of cultural traditions.<br />
Fully filling the surface with design is a characteristic<br />
of these vessels. Traditions of the alternation of empty<br />
zones and design are not widespread, and are represented<br />
only by vessels from constructions No 3а and<br />
No 1, and evidently have different origins. Pots with<br />
cord impressions were found in constructions No 1<br />
(Fig. 11.8) and No 3а.<br />
Almost all types of form, manufacture and design are<br />
represented in all the constructions. However, a prevalence<br />
of different types can be noticed.<br />
Artefacts made of hard animal<br />
materials, amber, flint and wood<br />
Antlers, bones and the teeth of wild animals (elk and<br />
boar) were used to produce tools. More precisely, the<br />
ulna, metacarpus and antlers of elk, as well as the<br />
teeth of boar, were used. Tools were made from whole<br />
bones or from broken bones. In the last case, bones<br />
were mainly reduced by percussion. Roughouts were<br />
shaped by scraping and grooving, and more rarely by<br />
abrading. Techniques such as grooving and scraping<br />
were carried out with flint tools. It is suggested that<br />
these lithic tools are to be found in the local flint industry.<br />
Thus, the range of tools used by Neolithic people<br />
for bone-working may be identified at some time in<br />
the future. Tools and decorations were produced very<br />
carefully. Neolithic people put lots of time and energy<br />
into producing tools and decorations, which might be<br />
evidence of the importance of bone implements in their<br />
life. Bone tools were widely used for various activities:<br />
for leather-working, for fish scaling, for woodwork,<br />
etc. Already finished implements (tools and pendants),<br />
as well as waste products, are represented among the<br />
collection from Serteya II. The existence on the site<br />
of blanks shows that at least a number of items were<br />
made on the spot.<br />
Two retouched diaphysis flakes, one cone-shaped arrowhead<br />
with birch tar remains, one bevel-ended elk<br />
ulna, one roughout of a tool made from a rib split in<br />
half, one broken diaphysis with traces of scraping and<br />
one fragment of elk antler are represented in construction<br />
No 1. One scraper made from a boar’s tusk and<br />
one knife from the ulna of an elk (Fig. 12.6) was found<br />
on a common platform of constructions No 1 and No 2.<br />
The following artefacts were found on a common platform<br />
of constructions No 3a and No 3b: one distal fragment<br />
of a bevel-ended tool made from a long bone of<br />
a big ruminant (probably elk), one pre-form of barbed<br />
point, one bevel-ended elk ulna, one spoon made from<br />
an elk antler, one knife made from a long bone splinter,<br />
one point from a long flake, two points made from<br />
metacarpus of elk, of which one was decorated with<br />
small transverse incisions (Fig. 12.7, 8), and one long<br />
and fine needle with a distal conical part and an indentation<br />
on the proximal part identified earlier as an<br />
arrowhead (Fig. 12.1). The use-wear analysis showed<br />
that the bevel-ended elk ulna was probably used to<br />
work leather; the point decorated by incisions to make<br />
perforations in leather; and the knife made from a long<br />
bone splinter to scale fish.<br />
The following articles were found in construction<br />
No 3a: two scrapers from a boar’s tusk (Fig. 12.4),<br />
one net weight made from a short cylinder of elk beam<br />
grooved on its circumference, one probable tool from a<br />
beaver incisor, one point on an elk metacarpus, and one<br />
proximal decorated fragment of indefinite tool made<br />
from elk metapodium. Traceological studies allowed<br />
us to determine that tools made from boar’s tusk could<br />
have been used as scrapers for woodwork.<br />
The following articles were found in construction<br />
No3b: one probable roughout of a long projectile point<br />
with a conical end, one pre-form of a spoon made from<br />
an elk antler, one bevel-ended elk ulna, one perforated<br />
pendant on an upper incisor (Fig. 12.3), one zoomorphic<br />
perforated pendant on bone (Fig. 12.2), one mesial<br />
fragment of a metapodium with traces of scraping,<br />
and one fragment of a comb pre-form (Fig. 12.5). The<br />
bevel-ended ulna was probably a kind of chisel used to<br />
carve wood.<br />
Flint tools are also represented on the Serteya II site.<br />
The following articles were found in construction No<br />
2: knives on blade-like flakes, an end-scraper on a flake<br />
with a rounded edge, a triple side-scraper on a rectangular<br />
flake, an oblique end-scraper, an oval heavy duty<br />
tool with an oval back and traces of grinding on the
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
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Fig. 12. The Serteya II site’s tools and decorations made from hard animal materials: 1, 7, 8 common platform of constructions<br />
No 3a and No 3b; 2, 3, 5 construction No 3b; 4 construction No 3a; 6 common platform of constructions No 1 and No<br />
2 (drawing by K. Dubrovina).<br />
59
ANDREY<br />
MAZURKEVICH,<br />
EKATERINA<br />
DOLBUNOVA,<br />
YOLAINE MAIGROT,<br />
DARIA HOOKK<br />
The Results of<br />
Underwater Excavations<br />
at Serteya II,<br />
and Research into<br />
Pile-Dwellings<br />
in Northwest Russia<br />
Fig. 13. The Serteya II site’s amber pendants and wooden artefacts: 1 construction No 1; 2, 3, 5 common platform<br />
of constructions No 3a and No 3b; 4 construction No 2 (drawing K. Dubrovina; photograph by A. Mazurkevich).<br />
60<br />
blade, a point, and a three-cornered arrowhead with a<br />
concave base. Knives on blades, end-scrapers on flakes<br />
with a rounded edge were found in construction No 1.<br />
An oval heavy-duty tool with an oval back and traces<br />
of grinding on the blade, an end-scraper on an oval<br />
flake with a rounded edge, a pre-form of a tool, and a<br />
reamer were found on a common platform of constructions<br />
No 3. A scraper on a flake with a straight blade,<br />
a scraper on a rectangular flake with a convex blade,<br />
fragments of composite tools on flakes, and a fragment<br />
of a knife were found in construction No 4.<br />
Two trapezoid amber pendants made of Baltic amber<br />
with longitudinal drilling were found near the eastern<br />
wall of construction No 1 (Shedrinsky et al. 2004)<br />
(Fig. 13.1).<br />
Artefacts made of wood were found only in constructions<br />
No 1 and No 3. A piece of a spoon was found in<br />
construction No 1. Three pieces of the bent handles of<br />
axes (Fig. 13.3), a fragment of a scaphoid bowl (Fig.<br />
13.5), and a fragment of a dish (Fig. 13.2) were found<br />
in construction No 3. One sinker made from bark was<br />
found in construction No 2 (Fig. 13.4). Two pieces of<br />
rope were found in construction No 1, and three in<br />
construction No 3. They were woven from two threads<br />
made of lime-bast that were intertwined with thread<br />
made from bilberry roots. A piece of a fishing net made<br />
from bilberry roots fastened to a viburnum trap net<br />
was found in dumps in the eastern corner of construction<br />
No 1. The mesh size is four by four centimetres. A<br />
piece of mat or textile woven from thread made from<br />
willow bark was found in construction No 3a.<br />
Discussion<br />
An analysis of the material allows us to suggest the<br />
following ideas. Grass and sand were used as temper<br />
to produce the pottery of Zhizhitsian culture, which<br />
is distinct from the pottery of Early Usviaty culture.<br />
The shell admixture is characteristic of the latter. The<br />
Serteya II site was found evidently by bearers of traditions<br />
of Usviaty culture. The small amount of pottery<br />
of this culture is represented in constructions No<br />
1, No 2 and No 4. It is represented by vessels made<br />
by coils or several stretched short coils, with biconical<br />
bellies, made with a shell admixture. Morphological<br />
types No 11 and No 12 might be regarded as a continuation<br />
of the development of forms of Usviaty culture.
A definite dynamic of change in the technical process<br />
can be traced. Pottery from constructions No 1, No<br />
2 and No 4 was made predominantly of paste with a<br />
shell admixture, whereas pottery from construction No<br />
3 was made mainly of paste with grass used as temper.<br />
Pots from construction No 1 were made of coils, put<br />
above each other and slightly stretched, from construction<br />
No 2 in the ‘S’ technique and by several stretched<br />
short coils, and from constructions No 3 by several<br />
stretched short coils. The greater complexity and combination<br />
of different geometric figures in one vessel<br />
indicate the changes in dynamics of forms.<br />
This tendency towards complication is also traced in<br />
the design, which began to combine different motifs.<br />
Former motifs were reinterpreted. The Usviatian motif,<br />
impressions set at an angle to each other forming a row<br />
of triangles in combination with empty zones situated<br />
usually on the belly marking changes in the vessel’s<br />
form, was preserved. This motif continued to be used<br />
later, but empty zones began to be filled with design<br />
(Fig. 11.1).<br />
All these processes are not only chronological markers,<br />
but reflect different historical events, seen by<br />
changes, as well as the appearance of new techniques<br />
of pottery-making and choice of forms. For example,<br />
pottery decorated by cord made of bark, and its imitation<br />
from construction No 2, reflects the appearance<br />
of new cultural traditions in this region, and existed<br />
here for a short period of time. On the other hand, it<br />
shows a change in the initial ornamental tradition and<br />
its distinctive interpretation. The loss of tradition may<br />
have occurred during the lifetime of two generations,<br />
which is proven by the absence of pottery of this type<br />
in other constructions, and the dates of construction No<br />
2 which existed for 50 to 60 years. The appearance of<br />
this type of pottery is connected with cultural impulses<br />
from the region of the Dnepr basin, the area of the<br />
distribution of Dnepr-Donets culture. The tradition of<br />
decorating pottery with impressions set at an angle to<br />
each other, or in staggered rows, can be connected with<br />
areas in the Dnepr region, as well as the River Upper<br />
Oka. The appearance of pottery decorated by cord impressions<br />
is another example of cultural contacts or the<br />
infiltration of new groups of people. Besides, there are<br />
several types of cord impressions differing from their<br />
chronological position. This could mark the existence<br />
of firm relations with groups that bore the traditions of<br />
Corded Ware culture.<br />
An analysis of the pottery revealed cultural relations<br />
with different areas and gradual processes of change<br />
in the initial traditions of pottery-making. Radiocarbon,<br />
dendrochronological analysis and the analysis<br />
of pottery have allowed us to develop a chronological<br />
scheme of constructions and reconstructions on the<br />
Serteya II site and to explain the identified diversity<br />
of cultural relations. The following succession of constructions<br />
may be proposed: construction No 4 was<br />
the earliest one, due to radiocarbon dates (4150+/-80<br />
BP, 4120+/-60 BP) and pottery analysis. Construction<br />
No1 appeared later, which corresponded with the<br />
date 2304+/-113 BC. Construction No 3 was made<br />
five years later (2295+/-123 BC). At the same time<br />
(2372+/-82 BC), construction No 2 was either installed<br />
or reconstructed. The reconstruction of dwelling No 1<br />
was made 17 years later, and five years later the repair<br />
of construction No 2. Concurrently, construction No 1<br />
was enlarged, and thus turned into construction No 6<br />
(2219+/-184 ВС). The latter existed for a long time,<br />
and was reconstructed every five years. It is notable<br />
that the period between repairs is about five years. The<br />
character of the use of wood is more evidence of this<br />
fact, as stated above. The time of the dwellings’ existence<br />
comes to 100 years, thanks to radiocarbon analysis.<br />
However, according to the preliminary results of<br />
dendrochronological analysis, the constructions existed<br />
for 30 to 40 years, i.e. one and a half or two generations<br />
of people. Continuous existence of two dwellings<br />
can be observed.<br />
Bearers of local traditions lived in dwelling No 4 (Usviatian<br />
culture pottery). People with a later alien tradition<br />
that did not influence local people greatly lived in<br />
construction No 2 (pottery decorated by cord made of<br />
bark and the imitation of it). Traditions of decoration<br />
by cord existed in constructions No1 and No3a. The<br />
appearance of new technical and decorative traditions<br />
could not be explained only by marriage ties, because<br />
at the same time new types of weapons, such as threecornered<br />
arrowheads with a concave base, battle-axes<br />
and imitations of them, tanged axes and oval axes with<br />
a wedged cross-section, and several types of scrapers,<br />
also appeared. It was a complex process of interrelations<br />
between local and newly arrived people, when<br />
the latter were assimilated at the same time as preserving<br />
prestigious elements of their culture.<br />
An analysis of faunistic remains allows us to suppose<br />
that ancient inhabitants lived on this site all year round.<br />
The majority of the bones found on the pile-dwellings<br />
belonged to elk, with fewer examples coming from<br />
bear, boar, hare, sable, marten, otter, beaver, wolf, roe<br />
deer and mink. These animals represent a complex of<br />
species adapted to life in broad-leaved and mixed forests<br />
(Kuz’mina 2003). Judging from the age groups,<br />
elk was hunted throughout the year. The number of<br />
fishbones indicates the considerable economic significance<br />
of fishing. There are bones of large catfish, pike,<br />
perch and sander, as well as small fish. Birds were also<br />
hunted (Sablin, Siromyatnikova 2009, p.153ff). Boar’s<br />
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61
The Results of<br />
Underwater Excavations<br />
at Serteya II,<br />
and Research into<br />
Pile-Dwellings<br />
in Northwest Russia<br />
ANDREY<br />
MAZURKEVICH,<br />
EKATERINA<br />
DOLBUNOVA,<br />
YOLAINE MAIGROT,<br />
DARIA HOOKK<br />
62<br />
faeces were found in the base of the cultural layers,<br />
filled with small fishbones and scales. This fact testifies<br />
to the fact that at the beginning of the existence of<br />
the pile-settlement, a number of caught boar were not<br />
killed immediately, but were kept for some time on the<br />
settlement, and these animals were fed with fish. Thus,<br />
we can observe the initial stage of the domestication<br />
of pigs in this area. Another situation can be observed<br />
on other sites of the region. The bones of already domesticated<br />
pig and the bones of a cow and a dog were<br />
found on the Usviaty IV settlement, dating from the<br />
end of the fourth millennium BC. The teeth of a horse<br />
were found as well on the Serteya XI site, dating from<br />
the beginning of the third millennium BC. The small<br />
sizes, thin enamel and weak painting indicated that<br />
these teeth belonged to an old domesticated horse E.<br />
Caballus L. (Kuz’mina 2003).<br />
The gathering of food was of considerable importance<br />
as well: a great number of shells from nuts and<br />
acorns were recovered, as were cockleshells from the<br />
lake. At least 30 edible wild plants were used for food.<br />
Processed hazelnut and water chestnut (Trapa natans)<br />
became the surrogate of bread and the main source of<br />
plant protein.<br />
A palynological diagram showed that the inhabitants<br />
of the Serteya II site practised agriculture. This is indicated<br />
in the early Subboreal (Sb-1), when we observe<br />
the spread of agriculture. Judging from palynological<br />
data, it is not the first evidence of the appearance of agriculture;<br />
but all previous attempts were discontinued,<br />
i.e. agriculture did not adapt to the local environment,<br />
for unknown reasons. On the palynological diagram,<br />
during the same time, a high content of grassy vegetation<br />
is shown, which marks the spread of open spaces,<br />
which could be used for agriculture and cattle rearing.<br />
Furthermore, an analysis of the palaeolandscape at<br />
the beginning of the Subboreal allows us to suppose<br />
that fertile soil in coastal parts of the lakes could have<br />
been used as fields for crops and cattle rearing. This<br />
soil appeared as a result of the coast being swamped.<br />
Data of the chemical compounds of gyttjas and coastal<br />
sandy-argillaceous sediments could also testify to the<br />
appearance of agricultural activity (Mazurkevich 2003;<br />
Dolukhanov еt al. 2004).<br />
The Serteya II site is situated on the border of different<br />
types of landscape. Such features are characteristic of<br />
pile-dwellings in the region. The spatial analysis of the<br />
economically favourable zone surrounding the settlement<br />
reveals a definite pattern. It includes three distinct<br />
landscape types: a lake plus low-lying terraces and offshore<br />
mires; end-morainic formations with predominantly<br />
clayey soils covered with broad-leaved species;<br />
and glaciofluvial plains with podzolic sandy soils covered<br />
with pine forests (Dolukhanov et al. 1986). We<br />
suggest that this preference for particular types of landscape<br />
might be regarded as a cultural sign.<br />
The Serteya II site was situated on the shore of an island<br />
like other pile-dwellings of the Middle and Late<br />
Neolithic of this region. It became clear after GISmodeling<br />
of Serteya valley and other archaeological<br />
microregions (Fig. 2). There are also synchronous materials<br />
on an upper part, some 60 metres away (layer ά).<br />
Ancient inhabitants probably moved here when transgressions<br />
took place. This was due to small cyclical<br />
changes occurring every ten years, rather than global<br />
changes in the water level.<br />
In the Middle Neolithic, only the territory of the<br />
lake basin was controlled by inhabitants of one piledwelling.<br />
Kitchen debris, including a large number of<br />
non-edible parts (hooves, teeth, caudal vertebra, etc)<br />
represented in the faunal remains, and the absence of<br />
small hunting camps, proves that in the Middle Neolithic<br />
whole carcasses of large animals were brought<br />
to the site where the butchering was done. The remains<br />
of animals and birds hunted all year round testify to<br />
the long-term life of pile-dwellings in one place. The<br />
latter is also proven by an analysis of the lighting of<br />
pile-dwellings: sites were situated in places lit to the<br />
maximum in any season.<br />
All this data has changed our conceptions about the<br />
economic system of the inhabitants of pile-dwellings.<br />
The economy of the builders of pile settlements was<br />
complex, with the prevalence of appropriating strategy:<br />
hunting prevailed over fishing and the known<br />
share of food gathering. The combination of different<br />
types of landscape with rich natural resources made<br />
the hunter-gatherer economy so effective that people<br />
began to live in one site during the whole year, and<br />
the formation of a productive economy was delayed<br />
for rather a long time. Settlements were inhabited all<br />
the year round, and the population became more settled<br />
and started to store food and water. At this particular<br />
time, on the boundary of the Atlantic and the Subboreal,<br />
high-capacity vessels appeared. The population<br />
increased. The system of food distribution changed,<br />
which inevitably resulted in a change to the social<br />
structure (Mazurkevich 2003).<br />
The appearance of pile-dwellings in the fourth millennium<br />
BC was a common European event the eastern<br />
border of which was the Dnepr-Dvina basin. It was<br />
probably a specific form of adaptation by ancient inhabitants<br />
living in particular landscape and climatic<br />
conditions.<br />
Climatic changes occurred everywhere at the Atlantic/<br />
Subboreal boundary (3700–3200 BC), and led to the
water level falling, and in these places marshes appeared.<br />
Hence, ancient people tried to settle near water,<br />
by small eutrophic stagnant lakes surrounded by<br />
marshes. The dwellings had to be constructed on the<br />
marshes along the shores; pile-dwellings could not be<br />
erected in the lake because of freezing-over in winter.<br />
According to the analysis, the Atlantic and the Subboreal<br />
were characterised by frequent changes of the<br />
water level in the lakes. The building of pile-dwellings<br />
ensured the settlement was not affected by the large<br />
seasonal and gradual small changes in the water level<br />
which were caused by climatic changes. At this time,<br />
pile-dwellings also appeared in southern Germany and<br />
Switzerland in the same sort of landscape: they were<br />
situated on the shores of lakes in front of moraine formations<br />
of the Wurm Glaciation.<br />
The mapping of finds in lakes and peat bogs has allowed<br />
us to suppose the existence of a ‘passage’ in<br />
front of moraine formations of the Vepsy stage of Valdai<br />
glaciation included in the second ‘district of lakes’<br />
(Miklyaev 1995, p.26). Probably, people bearing the<br />
traditions of Globular Amphora and Funnel Beaker,<br />
Corded Ware and Bell Beaker cultures appeared along<br />
this ‘passage’ in the upper Dvina region (Mazurkevich<br />
1998a). The further investigation of pile-dweller culture<br />
will allow researchers not only to find new sites in<br />
the zone of this ‘passage’, but also to determine more<br />
precisely the processes of adaptation and ancient history.<br />
Acknowledgements<br />
This work was supported by the projects ECO-NET n°<br />
16333YJ, NEST No 028192 FEPRE and РГНФ 10-01-<br />
00553а/Б.<br />
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UNDERWATER<br />
ARCHAEOLOGY<br />
63
The Results of<br />
Underwater Excavations<br />
at Serteya II,<br />
and Research into<br />
Pile-Dwellings<br />
in Northwest Russia<br />
ANDREY<br />
MAZURKEVICH,<br />
EKATERINA<br />
DOLBUNOVA,<br />
YOLAINE MAIGROT,<br />
DARIA HOOKK<br />
oblastjah. Drevnie pamjatniki kul’tury na territorii SSSR.<br />
Leningrad: Iskusstvo, 6-29.<br />
MIKLYAEV, A.M., 1990. Podvodnye arheologicheskie<br />
issledovanija ozera Sennica v 1982–1987 gg. Soobwenija<br />
Gosudarstvennogo Jermitazha: LIV. Leningrad: Iskusstvo,<br />
17-21.<br />
MIKLYAEV, A.M., 1995. Kamennyi-zheleznyi vek v<br />
mezhdurech’e Zapadnoi Dviny i Lovati. Peterburgskii Arheologicheskii<br />
Vestnik. No9. St Petersburg, 5-39.<br />
MARTINEAU, R., 2000. Poterie, techniques et société.<br />
Études analytiques et expérimentales à Chalain et Clairveaux<br />
(Jura) entre 3200 et 2900 av. J.-C., Thèse de doctorat<br />
de l’Université de Franche-Comté.<br />
SABLIN, M.V., SIROMYATNIKOVA, E.V., 2009. Animal<br />
Remains from Neolithic Sites in Northwestern Russia. In:<br />
P.M. DOLUKHANOV, G.R. SARSON, A.M., SHUKU-<br />
ROV, eds. The East European Plain on the Eve of Agriculture,<br />
BAR International Series 1964: Oxford, 153-158.<br />
SAN’KO, A.F., 1987. Neopleistocen Severo-Vostochnoi Belorussii<br />
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Moonracker Press.<br />
SHEDRINSKY, A.M., WAMPLER, T.P., MAZURKEVICH,<br />
А.N., 2004. Jantar’ i jantarepodobnye smoly v kul’ture<br />
stroitelej svajnyh poselenij Verhnego Podvin’ja. Soobwenija<br />
Gosudarstvennogo Jermitazha LXII. Sankt-Peterburg:<br />
Izdatel’stvo Gosudarstvennogo Ermitazha, 74-80.<br />
SHEPARD, A., 1985. Ceramics for the archaeologist. Washington:<br />
Carnegie Institution of Washington.<br />
SOFTWARE AND HARDWARE USED IN DENDRO-<br />
CHRONOLOGY. Ultimate Tree-Ring Web Pages. Available<br />
from: http://web.utk.edu/~grissino/software.htm<br />
[Accessed 10 August 2010].<br />
SUBETTO, D.A., ARSLANOV, KH.A., DAVYDOVA,<br />
D.A., N.N., ZAITSEVA, G.I., DJINORIDZE, E.N.,<br />
KUZNETSOV, D.D., LUDIKOVA, A.V., SAPELKO,<br />
T.V., SAVELIEVA, L.A., LAVENTO, M., DOLUKH-<br />
ANOV, P.M., 2009. The Holocene History of the Baltic<br />
Sea and the Ladoga Lake. In: P.M. DOLUKHANOV, G.R.<br />
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Plain on the Eve of Agriculture. BAR International Series<br />
1964: Oxford, 123 – 139.<br />
Received: 28 August 2010; Revised: 7 December 2010;<br />
Accepted: 28 December 2010.<br />
Andrey Mazurkevich<br />
St Petersburg 190000<br />
State Hermitage Museum<br />
Department of Archaeology<br />
of Eastern Europe and Siberia<br />
Dvortsovaya Naberezhnaya, 34, Russia<br />
E-mail: a-mazurekvich@mail.ru<br />
Ekaterina Dolbunova<br />
St Petersburg 190000<br />
The State Hermitage Museum<br />
Department of Archaeology of Eastern Europe and Siberia<br />
Dvortsovaya Naberezhnaya, 34, Russia<br />
E-mail: katjer@mail.ru<br />
Daria Hookk<br />
St Petersburg 190000<br />
State Hermitage Museum<br />
Department of Archaeology<br />
of Eastern Europe and Siberia<br />
Dvortsovaya Naberezhnaya, 34, Russia<br />
E-mail: dariahookk@yahoo.com<br />
SERTĖJOS II IR ŠIAURĖS<br />
RYTŲ RUSIJOS POLINIŲ<br />
GYVENVIEČIŲ POVANDENINIŲ<br />
TYRIMŲ REZULTATAI<br />
ANDREY MAZURKEVICH,<br />
EKATERINA DOLBUNOVA,<br />
YOLAINE MAIGROT,<br />
DARIA HOOKK<br />
Santrauka<br />
Vidurinio–vėlyvojo neolito polinių gyvenviečių aptinkama<br />
ne tik Rusijos Dniepro–Dauguvos upių baseinuose,<br />
bet ir Alpių bei vakariniuose Baltijos jūros<br />
regionuose. Dniepro–Dvinos upių regione polinės gyvenvietės<br />
buvo pradėtos tyrinėti nuo 1970 metų.<br />
Šiame straipsnyje pateikiama šių polinių gyvenviečių<br />
tyrimų metodika ir preliminarūs kompleksiniai archeologiniai<br />
povandeniniai Sertėjos (Pietų Pskovo sritis)<br />
II gyvenvietės tyrimai, vykdomi jau nuo 1972 metų.<br />
Sertėjos II gyvenvietės radinių archeoosteologinių, palinologinių,<br />
traseologinių tyrimų duomenis suderinus<br />
su GIS tyrimais, nustatyta ir rekonstruota ūkinė čia gyvenusių<br />
bendruomenių veikla: gyventojai čia daugiausia<br />
vertėsi medžiokle, rinkiminiu ūkiu, į kurį palengva<br />
skverbėsi gamybinio ūkininkavimo šakos. Gamybinis<br />
ūkininkavimas, nors, matyt, laikytas prestižiniu, vėliau<br />
netapo svarbia ūkio šaka. Technologiniai keramikos,<br />
dendrochronologiniai medienos ir radiokarboniniai<br />
visų radinių tyrimai įgalino nustatyti kiekvieno Sertėjos<br />
II gyvenvietėje aptikto kultūrinio sluoksnio, kaip<br />
atskiros polinių statinių statybos konstrukcijos, ypatumus,<br />
išryškinti vietinės kultūros raidą ir požymius,<br />
kurie buvo perimti iš kaimyninių kultūrų. Detalus medienos<br />
tyrimas įgalino nustatyti, iš kokių medžių rūšių<br />
ir kokiu laikotarpiu buvo statomi poliniai statiniai.<br />
Ateityje tikimasi Sertėjos regione aptikti daugiau vidurinio–vėlyvojo<br />
neolito laikotarpio polinių gyvenviečių.<br />
64<br />
Yolaine Maigrot<br />
Equipe Protohistoire europeenne UMR 7041 du CNRS<br />
MAE Nanterre F - 92023; 21 allee de l’Universite, France<br />
E-mail: yolaine.maigrot@mae.u-paris10.fr<br />
Vertė Algirdas Girininkas
FRESHWATER ARCHAEOLOGY IN LITHUANIA:<br />
INVESTIGATIONS AND PROSPECTS<br />
ELENA PRANCKĖNAITĖ<br />
Abstract<br />
The survey and research of underwater archaeological objects in Lithuania is already in its third decade; therefore, it would<br />
be inaccurate to say that the field is new. This article discusses objects that have been found and investigated in inland waters<br />
in Lithuania. It is devoted to a discussion of the beginnings of this branch of science, and the stages in its development; and<br />
also to a presentation of the main tendencies in underwater research and the results of completed surveys.<br />
Key words: underwater archaeology in Lithuania, inland waters, underwater objects, research, prospects.<br />
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
Introduction<br />
The term ‘underwater archaeology’ is usually associated<br />
with seas and oceans, and in particular with the<br />
mysterious remains of sunken ships and their cargoes.<br />
The archaeological heritage of inland waters (lakes and<br />
rivers) is not well known, although its contribution to<br />
the knowledge of history is no less significant. From<br />
the earliest times, the shores of lakes and the confluences<br />
of rivers were inhabited, because of the easy access<br />
they provided to water and food resources, safety,<br />
communication and trade routes. There are objects that<br />
lie at the bottoms of these lakes and rivers which, over<br />
time, either fell there or were lost by accident. Water<br />
was also a place where offerings were made and bodies<br />
were buried. As a result of the exceptional qualities of<br />
water and silt in conserving objects, they can survive<br />
up to the present day.<br />
In Lithuania, the systematic survey and investigation<br />
of underwater archaeological objects is now in its third<br />
decade, so it can hardly be considered to be a new field<br />
of science. Although there are references made to and<br />
speculation concerning objects and finds lying in Lithuanian<br />
waters that can be traced to the 19th century,<br />
investigations were not carried out until the 1980s. The<br />
slow evolution (or beginning) of underwater archaeology<br />
in Lithuania was conditioned by various factors.<br />
First of all, by factors which may be related to the limitations<br />
of the technical possibilities that were available,<br />
and to a lack of knowledge. The wide-scale underwater<br />
archaeological investigations that have been conducted<br />
in Lithuania during the last few decades, and the discoveries<br />
of new underwater archaeological objects,<br />
however, have proven that the inland waters of Lithuania<br />
are rich in a heritage that has yet to be discovered.<br />
This article deals with underwater archaeology, but will<br />
not cover marine archaeology. As a result, it is only<br />
objects which at the moment are still under water, and<br />
which are to be surveyed or investigated by underwater<br />
archaeology methods, which will be mentioned. The<br />
article does not aspire to be an in-depth analysis of the<br />
underwater heritage of Lithuania. Its aim is to discuss<br />
the beginning of the field and the stages of its evolution,<br />
and to present the basic tendencies in underwater<br />
exploration, accompanied by the results and prospects<br />
gained from completed surveys of new objects.<br />
The evolution of underwater<br />
archaeology in Lithuania<br />
The history of underwater archaeological exploration<br />
is rather short, and since it is based on material which<br />
has been collected so far, the most appropriate approach<br />
would be to divide its evolution into two stages:<br />
from the first mention of the likelihood of the existence<br />
of underwater objects in writing until the beginning of<br />
underwater archaeological exploration, and from those<br />
first investigations up to the present day. The scattered<br />
information that was available in various literary and<br />
periodical sources was gathered together, with the aim<br />
of tracing the development of underwater archaeology<br />
and its beginnings. This information bears witness to<br />
the fact that the subject of underwater objects and finds<br />
is a great source of interest to both researchers and lovers<br />
of history.<br />
Information about objects under water or stray finds<br />
can be traced back to the 19th century. For instance,<br />
in 1836, A. Jucevičius (Ludwik Adam Jucewicz<br />
1813–1846) mentions stone deities that remained under<br />
water, while E. Tiškevičius (Eustachy Tyszkiewicz<br />
1814–1873) proposed a riverbed search for stone pagan<br />
idols that were included in a list of archaeological<br />
objects (Tyszkiewicz 1850, pp.81-82). One exceptional<br />
example of information relating to the underwater<br />
II<br />
UNDERWATER<br />
ARCHAEOLOGY<br />
65
Freshwater Archaeology<br />
in Lithuania: Investigations<br />
and Prospects<br />
ELENA<br />
PRANCKĖNAITĖ<br />
66<br />
archaeological heritage of Lithuania is provided in<br />
archaeological maps of the Vilnius, Hrodna and Kaunas<br />
provinces by F. Pokrovski (Pokrovski 1893; 1895;<br />
1899). On these maps, the locations of underwater objects,<br />
or objects lying partially submerged, are clearly<br />
marked. These markings were probably based on locations<br />
where solitary finds had previously been discovered.<br />
As completed surveys or discovered objects<br />
do not exist from this period, we must unfortunately<br />
presume that the information provided in these maps<br />
was confined to speculation.<br />
Interest in underwater archaeological objects began to<br />
develop from the beginning of the 20th century. This<br />
was related to the investigations of the remains of<br />
lake dwellings discovered by F. Keller in Switzerland<br />
in 1854, and to ‘the fever of lake settlements’ which<br />
spread throughout Europe at that time (Ruoff 2004,<br />
pp.9-10). Information on the unique objects found in<br />
Lake Zurich and the Alps region reached Lithuania after<br />
more than 40 years had passed since their discovery.<br />
In an article published in a periodical in 1891, the finds<br />
from Lake Zurich were described in detail as evidence<br />
of an unheard-of and slightly ‘strange’ way of living<br />
over water (Andriulaitis 1891, p.93ff). In this way, a<br />
few lake dwellings were marked on the archaeological<br />
maps compiled by F. Pokrovski, and the remains of a<br />
settlement discovered in Lake Rybnica (now in Belarus)<br />
were distinguished by a most impressive description<br />
(Pokrovski 1893, pp.47-48).<br />
The earliest reference to the search for lake settlements<br />
in Lithuania is to be found at the beginning of<br />
the 20th century. The literature from this period calls<br />
them trobos ant svajų (houses on piles) or ‘houses of<br />
beam construction’. In an article in the daily Lietuvos<br />
žinios (Lithuanian News) in 1914, it was written that<br />
no lake dwellings had been discovered yet in Lithuania,<br />
although it speculated that people had lived in such<br />
dwellings in the Stone Age, and, on the grounds of the<br />
investigations conducted by F. Keller, that they could<br />
also have existed in Lithuania (Jurkūnas 1914, p.2).<br />
With the aim of discovering underwater objects of this<br />
type in Lithuania, scientific discussions concerning the<br />
peculiarities of lake dwellings developed in the 1920s<br />
(Paunksnis 1931, p.503). Although by the mid-20th<br />
century, investigations had yet to take place, archaeologists<br />
and interested parties had no doubt that such a<br />
peculiar mode of construction over water had existed<br />
in Lithuania, and made efforts to pinpoint places, by<br />
referring to ethnographic sources and archaeological<br />
finds discovered near water.<br />
The largest amount of information available relating to<br />
separate underwater objects that were mentioned before<br />
the Second World War in Lithuania can be found<br />
in the files of the State Archaeological Commission.<br />
In those files, references to bridges, scattered solitary<br />
finds, settlements and logboats can be found. The files<br />
are also evidence of the first attempt made to conduct<br />
an investigation into underwater archaeological objects.<br />
Professor E. Volteris, writing to the minister of<br />
education, appealed for funds so that he might mount<br />
an investigation of the settlement on Lake Dobilė<br />
(KPCA, F.1, Ap.I, b.84, p.75). Unfortunately, information<br />
on whether the investigation was carried out has<br />
not been found. Work discussing separate types of objects<br />
appeared in the 1920s. In L. Kšivickis’ Žemaičių<br />
senovėje (In the Old Age of the Samogitians), information<br />
was presented concerning kūlgrindas (secret<br />
underwater stone roads across swamps and swampy<br />
areas) and bridges (Kšivickis 1928). J. Basanavičius,<br />
referring to historical sources and scattered solitary archaeological<br />
finds, described the bridges and means of<br />
water transport used by the Balts (Basanavičius 1970,<br />
p.109ff). P. Tarasenka, in his ‘Lithuanian Archaeological<br />
Material’, identified a separate group of objects,<br />
fords and ancient roads, and categorised them as yet<br />
undiscovered, and thus at that time hypothetical underwater<br />
objects and solitary finds according to the<br />
knowledge of the day (Tarasenka 1928).<br />
Until the mid-20th century, the process of underwater<br />
archaeology consisted simply of the recovery and<br />
collection of objects from lakes, without any supplementary<br />
registration, due to the inability to breathe and<br />
thus move freely under water. Various methods were<br />
created for the extraction of finds: a member of the<br />
party, connected to a boat by a hose which provided<br />
air, would, by using an iron hoe with a long handle,<br />
collect finds into a basket (Hafner 2004, p.178). Tongs<br />
or a small rake with a long handle would also be used.<br />
With the aid of these instruments, the sediment of the<br />
lake would be raked into a pile, which was then sifted<br />
through in the search for ceramic and metal finds<br />
(Kola, Wilke 1985, p.26). Under the auspices of the<br />
German archaeologist J. Heydeck, investigations of<br />
pile-settlements had already been carried out in the<br />
19th century (1895) in the Masurian Lake District in<br />
the former territory of East Prussia (Gackowski, 2000,<br />
p.10ff). The methods of investigation were similar to<br />
those mentioned above: a cultural layer was dragged<br />
out on to the surface, and then investigated. The usage<br />
of caissons can be considered as the first attempts to<br />
conduct a scientific investigation, i.e. by sucking the<br />
water from the area under investigation, and then performing<br />
a typical archaeological investigation afterwards.<br />
Such experiments were also conducted in Lake<br />
Zurich under the guidance of Schwab in the late 19th<br />
century, and by Vougo in the 1910s and 1920s (Kola,<br />
Wilke 1985, p.27).
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
II<br />
Fig. 1. The Lake Plateliai underwater survey (1986–1987) (photograph by expedition members).<br />
UNDERWATER<br />
ARCHAEOLOGY<br />
We can only speculate as to why such inventive underwater<br />
archaeological methods of investigation were<br />
not adopted in Lithuania, and why objects were not<br />
investigated, even though their existence was beyond<br />
question. However, we may rejoice at the fact that, in<br />
the case of Lithuania, the immense desire for knowledge,<br />
and the curiosity of the investigators of the past,<br />
did not destroy the heritage through non-methodical<br />
(according to the present-day understanding) investigations.<br />
A completely new stage in the field of underwater archaeology<br />
started in 1943, when the oceanologist J.<br />
Cousteau and engineer E. Gagnan invented an autonomous<br />
apparatus that enabled underwater breathing by<br />
way of the adjustment of a pressure regulator attached<br />
to a cylinder of compressed air. This apparatus allowed<br />
a person to move with relative ease under water, and<br />
made archaeological investigations much less difficult.<br />
It also meant that methods of underwater archaeological<br />
investigation could be more closely aligned with<br />
the more common methods of archaeological investigation<br />
on dry land.<br />
In Lithuania, the first underwater exploration to be aided<br />
by aqualung was attempted only in 1959. Under the<br />
initiative of Trakai Museum, hired professional divers<br />
surveyed the shores of Lake Galvė. The explorations<br />
were unsuccessful, and this is why they were discontinued<br />
for a time (Ušinskas 1981, p.4).<br />
Underwater investigation was then taken up some time<br />
later by the archaeologist V. Ušinskas, who also initiated<br />
the founding of Agaras, an underwater archaeologists’<br />
club (Valatka 1984, p.6). Under the guidance of<br />
Ušinskas, diving was carried out in various east Lithuanian<br />
lakes from 1978. An archaeological survey expedition<br />
was organised in the Telšiai, Alytus and Lazdijai<br />
districts in 1980, in order to find new underwater archaeological<br />
sites. During this expedition, special attention<br />
was paid to the search for lake settlements.<br />
Unfortunately, due to both a lack of knowledge and a<br />
lack of a sufficient technical basis, the survey did not<br />
yield any results (Ušinskas 1981, p.4).<br />
The investigation of the water burial site that was<br />
discovered at a depth of one metre in Lake Obeliai<br />
(in the Ukmergė district) can be considered as one<br />
more attempt to conduct underwater exploration<br />
(Urbanavičius, Urbanavičienė 1988). Although this<br />
was a unique attempt in terms of its intention to be both<br />
a methodical and a systematic underwater investigation,<br />
because of the small depth and the rather limited<br />
visibility of the lake, and for a variety of other reasons,<br />
the underwater investigation did not take place.<br />
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Fig. 2. The Lake Plateliai underwater survey (1986–1987) (photograph by expedition members).<br />
68<br />
The first successful underwater investigation was undertaken<br />
by a group led by the archaeologist V. Žulkus<br />
in Lake Plateliai (in the Plungė district) in 1987. In<br />
this lake, the remains of a bridge and a logboat were<br />
discovered (Žulkus 1988, pp.187-189). From 1995, a<br />
systematic investigation of the Lake Plateliai bridge<br />
was carried out (Žulkus 1996, p.296; 2003). V. Žulkus,<br />
the archaeologist in charge of these expeditions, can,<br />
without any doubt, be called the father of underwater<br />
archaeology in Lithuania (Figs. 1, 2).<br />
In 1997, an investigation of the eastern lakes of Lithuania<br />
and accompanying underwater surveys was begun.<br />
The ruins of the Lake Galvė bridges were explored in<br />
collaboration with Toruń University (Baubonis 1997,<br />
p.256ff). Together with his team, Z. Baubonis, the<br />
initiator of these explorations, began a new stage in<br />
underwater archaeology in inland waters of east Lithuania.<br />
The first underwater objects were discovered in the<br />
1980s. The improvement of technical means and the<br />
personal initiatives of those involved determined the<br />
beginning of underwater archaeology in Lithuania.<br />
Underwater research in Lithuania<br />
Underwater research using not only methods for inventorising<br />
objects but also methods of excavation with<br />
the use of an ejector has been completed in four sites in<br />
Lithuania: in lakes Plateliai and Galvė, where bridges<br />
were found, and the site of the Merkinė boat and in the<br />
settlements of Lake Luokesai.<br />
The first underwater archaeological explorations were<br />
begun in Lake Plateliai under the guidance of V. Žulkus.<br />
Between 1986 and 1988, the remains of a bridge dating<br />
back to the 16th or 17th centuries were discovered in<br />
the lake, and subsequently inventorised (Žulkus 1988,<br />
p.188). This almost 300-metre-long bridge is thought<br />
to have been located between the Šventorkalnis peninsula<br />
and Castle Island. In 1995, a systematic investigation<br />
of the bridge and its environs was begun in<br />
collaboration with Toruń University. This investigation<br />
continued until 2003, while the survey of the lake<br />
has continued until now, with more and more underwater<br />
objects being discovered (Žulkus, 2007, p.503).<br />
By adapting exploratory methods from neighbouring<br />
countries and employing the latest sonar equipment, a<br />
methodology for underwater archaeological research<br />
was developed during the investigation of the Plateliai<br />
bridge (Žulkus 2005, pp.319-230). These explorations<br />
not only laid the foundations for the methodology of<br />
underwater archaeology in Lithuania; they were also<br />
of great importance in terms of training: students and<br />
young specialists received their first basic instruction<br />
there on how to carry out underwater research. Almost<br />
all underwater archaeologists working today in Lithuania<br />
trained at the ‘Lake Plateliai school’.
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
Fig. 3. The process of removing the Merkinė boat (photograph by W. Szulta).<br />
A further investigation of bridges inspired by the results<br />
of the research in Plateliai was conducted in Lake<br />
Galvė, which surrounds the castle at Trakai. For a<br />
long time, what we knew about the bridges of Trakai<br />
Castle had been based on iconographical evidence (an<br />
engraving by T. Makowski). However, an underwater<br />
survey led by Z. Baubonis alongside the same Toruń<br />
University team which had previously worked at Plateliai<br />
found different evidence. During research conducted<br />
between 1997 and 1999, the remains of three<br />
bridges which used to connect the castle and Karaite<br />
Island, Karaite and Little Church islands, and Karaite<br />
Island with the shore, were discovered. A preliminary<br />
dating of the bridges dates them to the 16th century<br />
(Baubonis et al. 1999, pp.553-554). In the environment<br />
of the bridges, a more thorough study was conducted<br />
using a water pump. The finds discovered during this<br />
study confirmed that there had been extensive human<br />
activity in and around the castle. This archaeological<br />
material was also complemented by solitary finds that<br />
were also discovered, which appeared to have fallen<br />
into the water accidentally.<br />
Underwater research in the River Nemunas was undertaken<br />
between 2000 and 2001, after the discovery of<br />
the wreck of a wooden boat. The boat was called the<br />
Merkinė boat (WM-1) (Baubonis 2001, pp.231-232).<br />
The remains of the boat were first excavated, and then<br />
inventorised. This work was again carried out with the<br />
assistance of Toruń University. With the aim of protecting<br />
the find from decaying, the boat was taken out of<br />
the river and preserved (Fig. 3). At present, its remains<br />
can be viewed in Panemuniai Regional Park. According<br />
to the most recent data, the boat can be dated to the<br />
18th century.<br />
One further exploration, of Lake Luokesai, which began<br />
in 2000 and is still continuing today, has so far<br />
uncovered two lake dwellings which have been dated<br />
to the Late Bronze Age or Early Iron Age. Since 2004,<br />
research has been conducted in association with foreign<br />
scientists (from Switzerland and the United Kingdom).<br />
The remains of the settlements in Lake Luokesai<br />
were found in the shoals of the lake at a depth of 1.5<br />
to two metres, and were located on opposite shores of<br />
the lake (Baubonis et al. 2001, pp.228-231) (Fig. 4).<br />
The first settlement in the northern part of the lake<br />
was composed of a quadrangular complex of dwellings,<br />
covering an almost 900-square-metre area, and<br />
was surrounded by two defensive bowed fences. The<br />
second settlement differed significantly in its structure<br />
from the first settlement: it was formed from a solid<br />
platform of about 190 square metres in area, and is<br />
presumed to have been connected to the shore by a<br />
bridge. During the underwater investigation of the first<br />
settlement, a 40 to 95-centimetre-thick cultural layer<br />
was discovered. This settlement was formed of a horizontal<br />
wooden construction, arranged in seven to eight<br />
layers, and by approximately 350 vertical piles, and<br />
the various archaeological finds discovered at the site<br />
suggest that the area was densely inhabited (Baubonis<br />
et al. 2002, pp.268-270; Baubonis et al. 2009, pp.519-<br />
521). The remains of the second settlement consist of<br />
the remains of a horizontal wooden platform arranged<br />
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Fig. 4. The excavation of the Lake Luokesai dwelling (photograph by G. Krakauskas).<br />
in one layer, and about 300 vertical piles (Menotti et<br />
al. 2005). During these ten years of investigations, a<br />
particular methodology has been used and perfected<br />
based on the experience of other countries. The study<br />
of the dwellings of Lake Luokesai has required a complex<br />
inter-disciplinary approach, as thorough research<br />
of the lake dwellings would be unimaginable without<br />
dendronchronology, sedimentology, archaeobotany,<br />
micromorphology, palynology, and other branches of<br />
science.<br />
All of the objects under investigation are of different<br />
types (bridges, boats, settlements); and the sites (river,<br />
lake) and the depth of their discovery (from 2m to<br />
13m) are also different. To investigate them, different<br />
methods were developed and adapted. Aside from the<br />
settlements at Luokesai, which date from prehistoric<br />
times, the majority of the objects date from the Middle<br />
Ages or the modern era. It is worth emphasising<br />
once more the importance of experience and influence,<br />
and also the help provided by researchers from foreign<br />
countries, during these underwater archaeological investigations.<br />
As has already been mentioned, none of<br />
the investigations were conducted without the contribution<br />
of scientists from other countries.<br />
The search for new underwater<br />
objects and the results<br />
One of the main aims of Lithuanian underwater archaeology<br />
is to locate and inventorise new finds. Such lakebound<br />
surveys have been under way since 1998. The<br />
locations for these surveys were chosen on the basis<br />
of various sources, such as folklore, ethnographic and<br />
mythological material, and knowledge gained from<br />
studies of local lore or encyclopedias. Since 2001,<br />
these surveys have also been made by referring to ortophotography<br />
(using, as an example, the lake settlements<br />
discovered in Lake Luokesai). A large amount of<br />
information was gained from the files of the State Archaeological<br />
Commission and the Index of Lithuanian<br />
Land. Water reservoirs, next to which may have existed<br />
archaeological objects (hill-forts, ancient settlements,<br />
estates and other objects), were also surveyed.<br />
Information concerning the existence of underwater<br />
objects has also been provided by private persons and<br />
members of diving clubs. These surveys were initially<br />
conducted at the request of state institutions (the Centre<br />
for the Lithuanian Cultural Heritage), and also at<br />
the initiative of museums (Kaišiadorys Museum), although<br />
many of the surveys were accomplished thanks<br />
to personal initiatives. So far, one particular method<br />
has prevailed: most of the investigations have been<br />
70
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
II<br />
Map 1. Lakes where underwater archaeological surveys have been conducted:<br />
1 Lake Siesartis (Molėtai district); 2 Lake Baltieji Lakajai (Molėtai district); 3 Lake Stirniai (Molėtai district); 4 Lake Ančia<br />
(Lazdijai district); 5 the River Nevėžis (Kaunas district); 6 Lake Gabys (Kaišiadorys district); 7 Lake Liminas (Kaišiadorys<br />
district); 8 Lake Statkūniškės (Kaišiadorys district); 9 Lake Daugiškiai (Kupiškis district); 10 Lake Širvėna (Biržai district);<br />
11 Lake Sagardas (Ignalina district); 12 Lake Ūkojas (Ignalina district); 13 Lake Dviragis (Rokiškis district); 14. Lake<br />
Sartai (Rokiškis district); 15 Lake Kurėnų (Ukmergė district); 16 Lake Vaikesas (Utena district); 17 Lake Bedugnis (Varėna<br />
district); 18 Lake Liškiavos (Varėna district); 19 Lake Želva (Molėtai district); 20 Lake Daugai (Alytus district); 21 Lake<br />
Čedasai (Rokiškis district); 22 Lake Gelvanė (Širvintos district); 23 Lake Vilkokšnis (Trakai district); 24 Lake Snaigynas<br />
(Lazdijai district); 25 Lake Kretuonas (Švenčionys district); 26 Lake Janava (Biržai district); 27 Lake Asveja (Molėtai<br />
district); 28 Lake Dumbliukas (Vilnius district); 29 Lake Mergežeris (Varėna district); 30 the River Nemunas (Varėna district);<br />
31 Lake Aisetas (Švenčionys district); 32 Lake Galvė (Trakai district); 33 Lake Luokesai (Molėtai district); 34 Lake<br />
Luokesaitis (Molėtai district); 35 Lake Zarasas (Zarasai district); 36 Lake Baltas (Zarasai district); 37 Lake Jagomantas<br />
(Švenčionys district); 38 Lake Rašia (Švenčionys district); 39 Lake Obeliai (Ukmergė district); 40 Lake Plateliai (Plungė<br />
district); 41 Lake Liminas, the River Šventoji (Rokiškis district); 42 Lake Suvingis (Alytus district); 43 Lake Uosintas<br />
(Rokiškis district); 44 Lake Vainežeris (Lazdijai district); 45 Lake Žąsliai (Kaišiadorys district); 46 the River Neris (Vilnius<br />
district); 47 Lake Širvis (Vilnius district); 48 Lake Perkaliai (Molėtai district).<br />
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carried out by diving and visually surveying the bottom<br />
of a lake.<br />
From 1998 until 2010 (with short breaks), 44 lakes and<br />
sections of four rivers were surveyed (Map 1). In 13 of<br />
the locations, new archaeological objects were discovered,<br />
while in eight of the sites, single archaeological<br />
finds were discovered (Map 2).<br />
By examining the results of the completed underwater<br />
investigations, we can affirm that the most reliable<br />
information has been provided by private divers. In<br />
all inland waters in which the existence of unknown<br />
objects was indicated by divers, archaeological artefacts<br />
have been discovered. Through the search for<br />
new archaeological objects, and with reference to the<br />
ethnographic material collected by the State Archaeological<br />
Commission, a few problems arose. First of all,<br />
it became obvious that it is quite difficult to establish<br />
the exact location of a previously inventorised object,<br />
due to the frequency of name changes in the areas studied.<br />
Secondly, land reclamation work that took place<br />
during the Soviet period changed the landscape: many<br />
lakes became boggy, with the result that there was zero<br />
visibility in them.<br />
At present, we can distinguish a few groups of underwater<br />
archaeological material which need to be studied:<br />
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Map 2. Lakes where underwater archaeological objects or archaeological artefacts have been found.<br />
□ - rare archaeological artefacts<br />
o - archaeological objects (including logboats)<br />
1 Lake Plateliai (Plungė district); 2 Lake Vainežeris (Lazdijai district); 3 Lake Suvingis (Alytus district); 4 Lake Mergežeris<br />
(Varėna district); 5 the River Neris (Vilnius district); 6 Lake Dumbliukas (Vilnius district); 7 Lake Žąsliai (Kaišiadorys<br />
district); 8 Lake Širvis (Vilnius district); 9 Lake Jagomantas (Švenčionys district); 10 Lake Asveja (Molėtai district); 11<br />
Lake Luokesai (Molėtai district); 12 Lake Luokesaitis (Molėtai district); 13 Lake Siesartis (Molėtai district); 14 Lake Rašia<br />
(Švenčionys district); 15 Lake Aisetas (Švenčionys district); 16 Lake Perkaliai (Molėtai district); 17 Lake Obeliai (Ukmergė<br />
district); 18 Lake Zarasas (Zarasai district); 19 Lake Baltas (Zarasai district); 20 Lake Liminas, the River Šventoji (Rokiškis<br />
district); 21 Lake Uosintas (Rokiškis district).<br />
1. bridges<br />
2. dwelling places<br />
3. burial places, offerings, treasures<br />
4. vessels<br />
5. harbours, jetties<br />
6. fishing equipment<br />
Bridges make up one of the most abundant groups<br />
(Szulta 2007, p.115ff). The remains of bridges<br />
have been located in lakes Aisetas (Baubonis et al.<br />
2009, p.522ff), Asveja (Fig. 7, see Plate II), Zarasas<br />
(Baubonis, Kraniauskas, 1999, pp.555-560), and Plateliai<br />
(Žulkus 1988, p.187ff); while the remains of three<br />
bridges have been discovered in Lake Galvė (Baubonis<br />
1997; 1999).<br />
The dwelling places group consists of the two lake<br />
dwellings discovered in Lake Luokesai, and a dwelling<br />
place discovered in the River Šventoji (Baubonis et al.<br />
2009, p.522ff).<br />
Vessels, which consist of logboats and boats, are the<br />
most numerous group, in relation to the number of<br />
finds. Until now, there have been the following discoveries:<br />
two boats in Lake Asveja, one boat in Lake<br />
Rašia (Fig. 5), and the already mentioned Merkinė<br />
boat, which was found in the River Nemunas and removed<br />
and conserved (Baubonis et al. 2002, pp.270-<br />
271). Logboats constitute the largest group of water<br />
vessels found in Lithuania, and date from a range of<br />
historical periods. Overall, more than 20 logboats have<br />
been found. The majority of them are kept in museums,<br />
while others decorate farmsteads or still remain under<br />
water. More than ten logboats were found during underwater<br />
surveys (Fig. 6, see Plate II).<br />
72
the surveys that have been conducted in that area are<br />
rather limited.<br />
This extensive palette of object types shows once more<br />
the abundance and variety of underwater archaeological<br />
finds in the inland waters of Lithuania. The<br />
majority of the objects have not yet been thoroughly<br />
investigated, and not all the information on them has<br />
so far been gathered.<br />
During these surveys, not only underwater archaeological<br />
objects but also solitary archaeological finds<br />
were discovered, and these finds confirm that certain<br />
water-related activities took place during the prehistoric<br />
period.<br />
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
Fig. 5. The Rašia boat (photograph by G. Krakauskas).<br />
The burial ground at Lake Obeliai is the only object<br />
which has been attributed to the burial places group,<br />
while the area of Merkinė harbour and the four jetties<br />
discovered in the River Merkys (Baubonis et al. 2001,<br />
pp.231-232) have been attributed to the harbours and<br />
jetties group. A find relating to fishing which was attached<br />
to a sunken island in Lake Luokesai has been<br />
attributed to the fishing equipment group (Baubonis et<br />
al. 2006, p.416-419).<br />
One more object, of which there are two types, should<br />
be mentioned: a kūlgrindas is a secret stone road across<br />
a swamp or a swampy area; and a medgrindas is a<br />
similar secret road made primarily of wood and earth.<br />
As the most frequently mentioned locations of these<br />
objects are swamps and damp places (in rare cases<br />
lakes), they can be ascribed to wetland archaeology,<br />
but investigated by applying methods of land-based<br />
archaeology.<br />
The majority of underwater archaeological objects discovered<br />
date from the medieval and modern eras. The<br />
number of objects ascribed to other periods is, unfortunately,<br />
fairly insubstantial. The lake district of eastern<br />
Lithuania, which constitutes the largest concentration<br />
of lakes in the country, is, unsurprisingly, the area most<br />
abundant in finds. As the amount of information concerning<br />
the lakes of western Lithuania is still small,<br />
Problems and prospects of underwater<br />
archaeology<br />
The finds gathered from the underwater work that began<br />
in the 1980s have enriched the country’s archaeological<br />
material. Although underwater archaeological<br />
exploration came late to Lithuania, it has accelerated<br />
rapidly in recent years. Projects that have been conducted<br />
together with foreign researchers from institutions<br />
that have a large body of knowledge have<br />
contributed significantly to the development of methods<br />
for underwater exploration, and the technical basis<br />
of these methods is of sufficiently high quality to allow<br />
methodical research to be conducted here.<br />
One of the most important factors that has benefitted<br />
the development and successful completion of archaeological<br />
surveys is the level of water visibility, which<br />
distinguishes Lithuania from its Baltic neighbours<br />
(Ilves 2010).<br />
Not enough information has been gathered yet to justify<br />
the search for objects that we may reasonably assume<br />
to exist but, as yet, lie undiscovered. For this reason,<br />
special attention has to be given to the files of the State<br />
Archaeological Commission, material collected by<br />
local lore societies, finds housed in the collections of<br />
museums, and previously conducted investigations of<br />
ethnographic and mythological material.<br />
A thorough analysis of sources and a reconstruction of<br />
the palaeogeographical situation, in addition to an investigation<br />
into changes in water levels, are extremely<br />
important when conducting surveys.<br />
Regarding the present tendencies of non-destructive<br />
methods, and having analysed earlier underwater surveys,<br />
methodological improvements are of crucial importance<br />
in the continuation of underwater research.<br />
Sonar surveys are especially important when aiming<br />
to pursue a more effective search: they allow for the<br />
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prospecting of large areas of water during a shorter period,<br />
and make it possible to conduct searches in conditions<br />
of poor visibility. A survey using an echo sounder<br />
during the summer season of 2009 was successfully<br />
tested. In both Western Europe and the Baltic States,<br />
this method has already been used for a couple of decades<br />
(Koponen, Grönhagen 1994, p.103; Ilves 2010).<br />
With reference to the experience of foreign countries,<br />
in conditions of zero visibility, information can be<br />
gathered through the lifting of silt bores, which allows<br />
researchers to ascertain the traces of a cultural layer<br />
or human activity. The taking of samples allows for<br />
the establishment of preliminary or potential places for<br />
investigation, especially in locations where lake water<br />
levels and their environment have been altered by land<br />
reclamation.<br />
Archaeological objects that have been discovered close<br />
to water require complex investigation (whether they<br />
are water or dry land finds). Archaeological objects of<br />
a similar nature are often investigated separately, because<br />
of the application of different methods; or they<br />
are analysed using specific criteria which artificially<br />
categorise the objects. Thanks to underwater investigations,<br />
information can be obtained about activities<br />
related to lakeside dwellings, such as fishing, hygiene<br />
and transport. As a result, complex investigations are<br />
more beneficial, as they provide more universal information<br />
about the lifestyle of communities of the past.<br />
Underwater entertainment pursuits, such as fishing, as<br />
well as the growing number of divers, threaten underwater<br />
objects. Nonetheless, these pursuits also create<br />
an opportunity for the discovery and open sharing of<br />
information concerning objects that lie under water.<br />
Collaboration and constant contact with members of<br />
private diving clubs provides invaluable information,<br />
and at the same time assistance in regulating the divers<br />
diving near the locations of underwater objects.<br />
One of the main factors preventing the development<br />
of underwater archaeology in Lithuania is the preparation<br />
of new specialists. At present, the only course<br />
devoted to this branch of science is taught at Klaipėda<br />
University. However, if we wish to aim for more active<br />
student interest in our underwater heritage, the systematic<br />
teaching, i.e. the establishment of a specialisation<br />
in the field, is necessary. The preparation of students at<br />
university level has been emphasised as an important<br />
necessary contribution to the development of underwater<br />
archaeology (Kola 1983, p.41; Urtans, Rains 2003,<br />
p.111).<br />
Concluding remarks<br />
The inland waters of Lithuania undoubtedly contain a<br />
large amount of undiscovered cultural heritage which<br />
has yet to be researched. Through the application of<br />
improved and more effective surveys, and by using<br />
the large number of sources that refer to underwater<br />
objects, as well as information gained from new and<br />
ongoing investigations of objects, research into prehistoric<br />
Lithuania and its connection with the common<br />
European historic heritage will be furthered.<br />
Translated by Ignė Aidukaitė<br />
Abbreviation<br />
ATL – Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje (Archaeological<br />
investigations in Lithuania). Vilnius, from 1967.<br />
References<br />
Manuscript<br />
Kultūros paveldo centro archyvas, F.1, Ap.I, b.84, p. 75.<br />
Literature<br />
ANDRIULAITIS, J., 1891. Senovybiniai žmogaus gyvenimai.<br />
Vienybė lietuvninkų, 8. 25 February, 5.<br />
BASANAVIČIUS, J., 1970. Kaip lietuvių senovėje vandenimis<br />
keliauta. In: Rinktiniai raštai. Lituanistinė biblioteka.<br />
Vilnius: Vaga, 109-124<br />
BAUBONIS, A., KOLA, A., SZULTA, W., 2002. Merkinės<br />
laivo povandeniniai archeologiniai tyrimai. In: ATL 2001<br />
metais. Vilnius, 270-271.<br />
BAUBONIS, Z., 1997. Povandeniniai žvalgomieji tyrimai<br />
Trakuose, Galvės ežere. In: ATL 1996–1997 metais. Vilnius,<br />
256-258.<br />
BAUBONIS, Z., 1999. Povandeniniai žvalgomieji tyrimai<br />
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552-554.<br />
BAUBONIS, Z., KRANIAUSKAS, R., 1999. Naujų archeologijos<br />
objektų paieškos po vandeniu. In: ATL 2001<br />
1998–1999 metais. Vilnius, 555-560.<br />
BAUBONIS, Z., KRANIAUSKAS, R., 2001. Neries upės<br />
povandeniniai archeologiniai tyrinėjimai. In: ATL 2000<br />
metais. Vilnius, 233-234.<br />
BAUBONIS, Z., KRANIAUSKAS, R., KVEDARAVIČIUS,<br />
M., 2001. Luokesų ežero gyvenvietės povandeniniai archeologiniai<br />
tyrinėjimai. In: ATL 2000 metais. Vilnius,<br />
228-231.<br />
BAUBONIS, Z., KRANIAUSKAS, R., KVEDARAVIČIUS,<br />
M., 2001. Merkinės uosto povandeniniai archeologiniai<br />
tyrinėjimai. In: ATL 2000 metais. Vilnius, 231-232.<br />
BAUBONIS, Z., KRANIAUSKAS, R., MOTUZAITĖ,<br />
G., PRANCKĖNAITĖ, E., 2006. Luokesų ežero polinė<br />
gyvenvietė II. In: ATL 2005 metai. Vilnius, 416-419.<br />
BAUBONIS, Z., KVEDARAVIČIUS, M., KRANIAUS-<br />
KAS, R., PRANCKĖNAITĖ, E. 2009. Povandeniniai archeologiniai<br />
žvalgymai Rytų Lietuvos ežeruose ir upėse.<br />
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BAUBONIS, Z., KVEDARAVIČIUS, M., PRANCKĖNAI-<br />
TĖ, E., 2009. Luokesų ežero polinė gyvenvietė. In: ATL<br />
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BAUBONIS, Z., MOTUZAITĖ, G., PRANCKĖNAITĖ, E.,<br />
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3 povandeniniai archeologiniai žvalgymai. In: ATL 2001<br />
metais. Vilnius, 268-270.<br />
GACKOWSKI, J., 2000. On the dating and Cultural Aspects<br />
of the West Baltic Barrow Culture lake dwellings. In: Studies<br />
in the lake Dwellings of the West Baltic Barrow Culture.<br />
Torun, Uniwersitet Mikołaja Kopernika, 9-64.<br />
HAFNER, A., 2004. Underwater archaeology. Lake-dwellings<br />
below the water surface. In: F. MENOTTI, ed. Living<br />
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ILVES, K., 2010. Searching for sunken legends in dark waters<br />
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žinios, 23 March.<br />
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resaerch in inland waters of Poland. In: Acta Universitatis<br />
Nikolai Copernici Archeologia IX-Underwater archaeology<br />
1.<br />
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Uniwersitet Mikołaja Kopernika<br />
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with Ground Penetrating Radar. In: I. VUORE-<br />
LA, ed. Scientific Methods in Underwater Archaeology<br />
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Povandeniniai archeologiniai žvalgymai Rytų Lietuvos<br />
ežeruose. In: Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 2005<br />
metais. Vilnius, 419-420.<br />
KVEDARAVIČIUS, M., PRANCKĖNAITĖ, E., 2006. Rytų<br />
Lietuvos ežerų povandeniniai archeologiniai žvalgymai.<br />
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316-317.<br />
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PRANCKENAITE, E., 2005. The first lake-dwellers of<br />
Lithuania: Late Bronze pile settlements on Lake Luokesai.<br />
Oxford Journal of Archaeology, 24.4, 381-403.<br />
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Naujoji Romuva, 21, April, 503-504.<br />
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gubernii. Vil’na.<br />
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lake in prehistoric Europe. Routledge, 9-22.<br />
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6, 9-63.<br />
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321.<br />
Received: 20 July 2010; Revised: 10 October 2010;<br />
Accepted: 28 December 2010.<br />
Elena Pranckėnaitė<br />
History Department, Faculty of Humanities<br />
Klaipėda University<br />
Herkaus Manto street 84<br />
LT-922294 Klaipėda, Lithuania<br />
E-mail: elenapranckenaite@yahoo.com<br />
VIDAUS VANDENŲ<br />
ARCHEOLOGIJA LIETUVOJE:<br />
TYRIMAI IR PERSPEKTYVOS<br />
ELENA PRANCKĖNAITĖ<br />
Santrauka<br />
Archeologinis vidaus vandenyse (ežeruose ir upėse)<br />
esantis paveldas yra ne taip gerai žinomas ir ištirtas palyginti<br />
su jūriniu paveldu, nors tai anaiptol ne mažiau<br />
svarbu istorijos pažinimo prasme. Ežerų pakrantėse ir<br />
upių santakose nuo pat ankstyviausių laikų apsigyvendavo<br />
žmonės dėl vandens ir maisto išteklių, saugumo,<br />
susisiekimo, prekybos kelių. Ežerų ir upių dugne glūdi<br />
ir atsitiktinai įkritusių ar pamestų daiktų. Vandenyje<br />
buvo aukojama ir laidojama. Išskirtinės vandens ir<br />
dumblo konservacinės savybės sudarė galimybes radiniams<br />
ir objektams išlikti iki šių dienų.<br />
Sistemingos povandeninių archeologinių objektų<br />
paieškos ir tyrimai Lietuvoje jau skaičiuoja trečią dešimtmetį,<br />
todėl nebūtų tikslu šią mokslo šaką vadinti<br />
vis dar nauja. Užuominų ir spėjimų apie Lietuvos<br />
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
II<br />
UNDERWATER<br />
ARCHAEOLOGY<br />
75
Freshwater Archaeology<br />
in Lithuania: Investigations<br />
and Prospects<br />
ELENA<br />
PRANCKĖNAITĖ<br />
76<br />
vandenyse esančius objektus ar radinius atsekama jau<br />
nuo XIX a., tačiau iki pat XX a. 9-ojo dešimtmečio<br />
jų tyrimai nebuvo atliekami. Lėtą povandeninės archeologijos<br />
raidą (ar jos pradžią) Lietuvoje lėmė įvairūs<br />
aspektai, pirmiausia, manytina, siejami su techninių<br />
galimybių ribotumu ir žinių stoka. Tačiau paskutiniais<br />
dešimtmečiais Lietuvoje vykdomi plataus masto povandeniniai<br />
archeologiniai tyrimai ir atrandami vis<br />
nauji povandeniniai archeologiniai objektai įrodo, kad<br />
Lietuvos vidaus vandenys yra turtingi dar neatrasto paveldo.<br />
Straipsnis skirtas povandeninei archeologijai, neįtraukiant<br />
jūrinės archeologijos aspekto. Jame minimi<br />
tik tie objektai, kurie šiuo metu yra po vandeniu, o jų<br />
paieškoms ar tyrimams taikomi povandeninės archeologijos<br />
metodai. Straipsnis nepretenduoja į visapusišką<br />
povandeninio paveldo Lietuvoje išnagrinėjimą, jo tikslas<br />
– aptarti šios mokslo srities pradžią ir vystymosi<br />
etapus, pateikti pagrindines povandeninių tyrimų tendencijas<br />
ir vykdytų naujų objektų paieškų rezultatus<br />
bei perspektyvas.<br />
Nuo 1998 m. vykdomos naujų objektų paieškos Lietuvos<br />
ežeruose. Žvalgymams vietos pasirenkamos<br />
remiantis įvairiais šaltiniais: tautosaka, etnografine ir<br />
mitologine medžiaga, žiniomis iš kraštotyrinių veikalų,<br />
enciklopedijų. Taip pat nuo 2001 m. žvalgoma<br />
ir remiantis ortofotografijomis (siekiant rasti ežerų<br />
gyvenviečių, remiantis Luokesų ežero pavyzdžiu).<br />
Daug informacijos žvalgymams naudojama iš Valstybinės<br />
archeologijos komisijos bylų ir Lietuvos žemės<br />
vardyno. Žvalgomi vandens telkiniai, šalia kurių yra<br />
archeologijos objektų (piliakalnių, senovės gyvenviečių,<br />
dvarviečių ir kt.). Informacijos apie po vandeniu<br />
esančius objektus teikia ir privatūs asmenys, nardymo<br />
klubų narai.<br />
Šiuo metu Lietuvos archeologinėje medžiagoje galima<br />
išskirti kelias povandeninių objektų, kurių tyrimams<br />
reikia taikyti povandeninių tyrimų metodiką, grupes:<br />
1. Tiltai;<br />
2. Gyvenamosios vietos;<br />
3. Laidojimo vietos, aukojimai, lobiai;<br />
4. Vandens transporto priemonės;<br />
5. Uostai, prieplaukos;<br />
6. Žvejybos įrenginiai.<br />
Povandeniniai darbai, prasidėję XX a. 9-ajame dešimtmetyje,<br />
praturtino Lietuvos archeologinę medžiagą<br />
rastais naujais įvairių tipų objektais. Nors ir vėlyva<br />
povandeninių archeologinių tyrimų pradžia, jie įgauna<br />
didelį pagreitį dabartiniu metu. Lietuvoje išvystyta<br />
povandeninių tyrimų metodika. Tam didelę įtaką turėjo<br />
bendri projektai su patirties ir žinių turinčiais užsienio<br />
valstybių institucijoms atstovaujančiais mokslininkais;<br />
Lietuvoje sukurta gana gera techninė bazė, leidžianti<br />
atlikti metodiškus tyrimus.<br />
Vienas iš svarbių veiksnių, lemiančių sėkmingą povandeninių<br />
archeologinių žvalgymų ir tyrimų vystymąsi<br />
Lietuvoje, yra gana geras vandens matomumas, kuo<br />
Lietuva išsiskiria iš kitų Baltijos šalių.<br />
Neabejotinai Lietuvos vidaus vandenyse yra gausybė<br />
neatrasto ir netirto kultūros paveldo. Pritaikius patobulintas<br />
ir dar efektyvesnes paieškas bei remiantis<br />
gausiais po vandeniu esančius objektus mininčiais šaltiniais<br />
ir tęsiant objektų tyrimus bei atliekant naujus,<br />
dideliu indėliu bus prisidėta prie Lietuvos priešistorės<br />
ir istorijos kaip bendraeuropinio paveldo tyrimų.
BETWEEN CLINKER AND CARVEL: ASPECTS<br />
OF HULLS BUILT WITH MIXED PLANKING<br />
IN SCANDINAVIA BETWEEN 1550 AND 1900<br />
NIKLAS ERIKSSON<br />
Abstract<br />
Half-carvels are vessels on which the lowest part of the hull is built with overlapping strakes of planking, referred to as clinker<br />
construction, and the uppermost parts of the hull are constructed with the planks laid side by side, in the carvel fashion. These<br />
mixed planking constructions first occurred in the 16th century (as far as we know), but became very common in later centuries.<br />
The aim of this article is to highlight the existence of different versions of clinker construction, and to discuss some<br />
reasons behind the selection of the technique.<br />
Key words: clinker, carvel, shipbuilding, 17th century, 18th century, naval architecture, wreck, Baltic Sea.<br />
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
Introduction<br />
To sort out if a hull is built using the clinker or carvel<br />
construction technique is one of the first things an archaeologist<br />
will try to assess when confronting a new<br />
wreck. The two techniques form a kind of basic perception,<br />
as they signify different concepts, not only<br />
technically, but also socially. From the 16th century<br />
onwards ‘clinkers’ were the vessels of peasants, while<br />
‘carvels’ were the ships of merchants, noblemen and<br />
the state. To an extent, clinker and carvel are understood<br />
and defined in the light of the other.<br />
In Scandinavia, some ships were built using both these<br />
techniques: the bottom and the lowest parts of the hull<br />
in clinker, and the uppermost in carvel. These are referred<br />
to as ‘half-carvels’ (in Swedish Halvkravell;<br />
Hasslöf 1970). Besides the half-carvels, there have<br />
been some almost forgotten variants of clinker construction.<br />
The aim of this text is to discuss the possible<br />
motives behind different technical solutions. What<br />
does mixed planking, half-carvel/half-clinker signify?<br />
What dwells in the sphere between clinker and carvel?<br />
What do these constructions say about hulls as a materiality?<br />
Clinker, carvel, shell and skeleton<br />
On a clinker-built hull, the strakes of planking are<br />
laid overlapping, so that the higher strake is fastened<br />
outside the underlying strake. This technique is often<br />
described as a Scandinavian tradition, in use since the<br />
Iron Age. On a carvel-built hull, the strakes of planking<br />
are placed side by side, resulting in a smooth hull side.<br />
The origin and evolution of this technique, as well as<br />
its introduction into northern European shipbuilding,<br />
have been the subject of much research throughout the<br />
years (Adams 2003; Lemée 2006). There are several<br />
ways to construct a carvel hull. In order to distinguish<br />
the different techniques, the concepts ‘shell’ or ‘skeleton’<br />
construction are commonly used (Hasslöf 1970).<br />
The term ‘shell construction’ is used to describe shipbuilding<br />
techniques where the planking of the hull is<br />
laid first, and the strengthening frames are inserted afterwards.<br />
The method is commonly found in clinker<br />
constructions, but several carvel-built ships were built<br />
in this way as well. Perhaps the best-known of these<br />
shell-built carvel hulls are the Dutch method, described<br />
by Nicolaes Witzen at the end of the 17th century,<br />
where the strakes of planking are held together with<br />
clamps (Lemeé 2006). But other methods for holding<br />
the strakes together existed (Maarleveld 1994, pp.153-<br />
163; Pobst 1994, pp.143-152). We can also distinguish<br />
these shell constructions as being ‘bottom-based’: as<br />
the bottom of the hull serves as the shape of the hull,<br />
a lot is determined by the lowest parts (Hocker 1991;<br />
Hocker, Vlierman 1996, p.37ff)<br />
The opposite of shell construction is referred to as<br />
‘skeleton construction’. The term is used to describe<br />
shipbuilding on pre-erected frames, which may be<br />
thought of as ribs on a skeleton. This means that the<br />
cross-sectional shape of the hull must be determined in<br />
advance, before the frames are cut, shaped and erected.<br />
For this reason, skeleton construction is connected to<br />
the use of drawings, or other measures enabling a predestined<br />
shape. In northern Europe in the 17th century,<br />
the use of drawings is associated with English<br />
and Scottish shipbuilders among others (Lemeé 2006;<br />
Landström 1980). However, skeleton-built carvel hulls<br />
had been built in the Mediterranean for several hundred<br />
years by this point.<br />
II<br />
UNDERWATER<br />
ARCHAEOLOGY<br />
77
Between Clinker and Carvel:<br />
Aspects of Hulls Built with<br />
Mixed Planking in Scandinavia<br />
Between 1550 and 1900<br />
NIKLAS<br />
ERIKSSON<br />
78<br />
Societal connection and strakes of<br />
planking?<br />
When discussing the different concepts of shell/skeleton<br />
and clinker/carvel, we may try to reflect upon<br />
what they represent. The use of one technique over<br />
another could be discussed from a functional point of<br />
view. The selection of technique can be regarded as<br />
the result of a response to different outer parameters.<br />
But the selection of technique and design may also be<br />
the result of a more or less conscious decision within<br />
a specific group, made in order to reflect upon certain<br />
social aspirations. At the same time, the ability to create<br />
a specific construction puts the stress on know-how.<br />
If you do not know the technique, you can imitate the<br />
look of it. Material culture is full of these imitations.<br />
We could mention 18th-century Swedish houses, and<br />
reveal that the red imitated brick, the grey around the<br />
windows imitated stone, and the yellow ochre on the<br />
doors and window frames imitated oak. The same goes<br />
for vernacular furniture: red-painted chairs with black<br />
seats were painted in this fashion to give the impression<br />
of mahogany and leather. Wealthy farmers built<br />
their wooden houses with architectonical elements<br />
imitating stone architecture.<br />
The distinction between the academic and the vernacular<br />
building tradition has been stressed by terrestrial archaeologists<br />
(and anthropologists). Vernacular houses<br />
are built by their occupants; or, if not, by someone who<br />
is well within the occupant’s immediate community.<br />
James Deetz has pointed out that vernacular structures<br />
are the products of their users, and form a sensitive indicator<br />
of these people’s inner feelings, their ideas of<br />
what is or is not right for them. Changes in attitudes,<br />
values and world-view are very likely to be reflected<br />
in changes in vernacular architectural forms. Academic<br />
architecture is designed by architects who were trained<br />
in the trade, and reflects contemporary styles that relate<br />
to formal architectural order (Deetz 1977, p.92ff).<br />
The distinction between academic and vernacular architecture<br />
in housing may to an extent be applied to<br />
naval architecture, where carvel forms the academic,<br />
and clinker the vernacular. The use of drawings for the<br />
shaping of pre-erected frames puts a demand on different<br />
abstract skills. In this sense, carvel construction<br />
may be regarded as the academic form of shipbuilding.<br />
It is no coincidence that the 17th-century Swedish<br />
writer Åke Clason Rålamb dedicates one whole book<br />
to the subject of shipbuilding when writing a series for<br />
the education of noblemen (Rålamb 1943). A learned<br />
person should be able to converse on fundamental matters<br />
of naval architecture.<br />
Ships and values<br />
The Dutch to a large extent shell-dominated carvel<br />
construction proved very successful. The ships were<br />
less expensive than skeleton constructions, and the<br />
design relied very much on repeating successful ships<br />
and in mass-production. In contemporary accounts,<br />
especially by those who spoke in favour of English<br />
shipbuilding, we may detect judgements on the disadvantages<br />
of Dutch ships (Schama 1989, p.44). Where<br />
the English master shipbuilders used rules and calculations,<br />
Rålamb also saw shortcuts and fiddling in the<br />
Dutch designs (Rålamb 1965, p.44). In spite of these<br />
bitter comments by backbiters on Dutch shipbuilding,<br />
the fluit and the other ship-types proved very successful,<br />
even though their design relied on craftsmanship<br />
rather than on abstract calculation and drawings.<br />
The clinker tradition goes parallel with the various<br />
ways of putting a carvel-built hull together. Clinkerbuilt<br />
vessels belonged to peasants. From the 17th<br />
century onwards and with the introduction of carvel<br />
construction for big ships, clinker vessels, being built<br />
and used by peasants, may be regarded as the vernacular<br />
form of shipbuilding. The state helped in carving<br />
this image by giving privileges to carvel-built hulls.<br />
In wartime, carvels that could be used by the navy,<br />
achieved some specific fiscal privileges. Another fiscal<br />
coincidence is that peasants were not allowed to<br />
sail fully decked boats, a condition that helped to keep<br />
these vessels very boat-like (for a thorough description<br />
of these circumstances, see G-son Berg 1984).<br />
In conclusion, several techniques existed in parallel<br />
from the 17th century onwards. These techniques were<br />
evaluated by contemporary society in different ways,<br />
and formed preconceptions regarding different shipbuilding<br />
techniques. Technique and tradition became<br />
associated with different groups of people or with<br />
specific stereotypes. The Dutch constructions were associated<br />
with profit-chasing merchants, while clinker<br />
vessels belonged to peasants.<br />
In order to break this up further, we might list the following<br />
preconceptions associated with clinker and<br />
carvel. What do the terms clinker and carvel signify in<br />
a wider sense?<br />
Carvel<br />
Academic<br />
Nobleman<br />
Plans and drawings<br />
Designed by naval architect<br />
Ship<br />
Privileges<br />
Armed 1<br />
Clinker<br />
Vernacular<br />
Peasant<br />
Freehand<br />
Designed by user<br />
Boat<br />
Unprivileged<br />
Unarmed<br />
1<br />
Carvel-built ships could be used by the navy in wartime.
Half-carvels<br />
In an article from 1970, Olof Hasslöf describes the<br />
concepts of clinker, carvel, shell and skeleton. But he<br />
also describes what he refers to as ‘half-carvels’. These<br />
ships have a clinker-built lower hull, which is built using<br />
the shell method. When the bottom planking is finished,<br />
strengthening frames are inserted. The futtocks<br />
rise above the completed clinker bottom of the hull,<br />
and form a skeleton for the sides of the hull. The uppermost<br />
four strakes of planking are then carvel-laid,<br />
side by side, forming a smooth hull side (Hasslöf 1970,<br />
1986, p.51ff; Humbla 1934, p.100).<br />
The Swedish ethnologist Kerstin Berg has written a<br />
dissertation dealing with shipping in Roslagen in the<br />
middle of Sweden from various points of view. Although<br />
the main source material consists of written<br />
records, she describes some conditions regarding halfcarvels.<br />
According to Berg, half-carvels were introduced<br />
to the parish of Vätö in the 1830s, and became<br />
very popular. However, towards the middle of the century,<br />
many of these ships were rebuilt as full-carvels.<br />
The half-carvels/half-clinkers were regarded as obsolete,<br />
old-fashioned and backward (G-son Berg 1984,<br />
pp.131, 188ff). The evolution of half-carvels, and the<br />
vessels rebuilt into carvels, as well as the techniques<br />
used during their construction, should be viewed as the<br />
materialisation of the changing conditions among the<br />
people who built and used them. The local seafaring<br />
community in the Vätö area, as well as in Sweden in<br />
general, underwent important changes in the 19th century.<br />
Among others, the fiscal privileges such as those<br />
requiring peasants not to use decked boats sprung out<br />
of broader changes in society. Should the appearance<br />
of new shipbuilding techniques be understood as a result<br />
of changing attitudes regarding social equality?<br />
The development of opportunities to carry out trade<br />
and shipping not only created a demand for bigger and<br />
more appropriate vessels, it also affected the identity of<br />
the people who used and built these vessels. Boats are<br />
clinker-built, while ships are carvel-built. If you are to<br />
become a ‘ship-owner’, your vessel should look like a<br />
ship, and have smooth planking. If you only have the<br />
know-how to build a clinker, but you have the social<br />
ambitions of the owner of a carvel ship, the technique<br />
of the former and the look of the latter form a perfect<br />
compromise: you make the ship a half-carvel!<br />
Fig. 1. The beak of the Märsman as it appeared in the 1960s.<br />
The timber now rests on the seabed (photograph by<br />
S. Lövstrand).<br />
of Rödlöga in the Stockholm archipelago, called the<br />
Märsman 2 (Fig. 1). The ship has not undergone any<br />
thorough archaeological survey, but from a brief diving<br />
visit at the site a couple of years ago, it is possible<br />
to make some small comments. Although the ship has<br />
disintegrated, it seems to be more or less complete. The<br />
two masts have fallen out from the hull and rest outside<br />
the starboard side. The location of the mast-steps suggests<br />
that she carried gaff rather than square-sails. Contemporary<br />
society would probably have recognised the<br />
ship as a schooner. The hull measures approximately<br />
23 metres between the stemposts.<br />
The lowest part of the hull is clinker-built. The frames<br />
are made out of compass timbers, and the species<br />
seems to be pine. They are attached to the planking<br />
with wooden pegs. The clinker strakes of planking are<br />
nailed to each other with iron nails. The construction of<br />
the lowest part of the hull is built in the same manner<br />
that clinker-built vessels had been built since the medieval<br />
period. Probably the planking is of sawn planks,<br />
rather than from split logs.<br />
But from above the bilge, the construction changes<br />
character. The side planking is carvel-built, and there<br />
are still the clearly visible remains of a massive deck<br />
construction. The tiller points aft, which indicates that<br />
the ship was steered by a wheel, but also that the stern<br />
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
II<br />
UNDERWATER<br />
ARCHAEOLOGY<br />
Archaeological remains<br />
The 19th-century development of vernacular clinkerbuilt<br />
small boats into ‘real’ ships has left one interesting<br />
remain. It is an unidentified wreck, located south<br />
2<br />
There is an oral tradition regarding a ship that sank at<br />
this very spot on a stormy night in the 19th century. The<br />
following morning only the masts were sticking out of the<br />
water. On one of the tops, a member of the crew was tied<br />
to the mast and survived. The Swedish word for mast top is<br />
märs. As the wreck has been associated with this tradition,<br />
it has been given the working name the Märsman.<br />
79
Between Clinker and Carvel:<br />
Aspects of Hulls Built with<br />
Mixed Planking in Scandinavia<br />
Between 1550 and 1900<br />
NIKLAS<br />
ERIKSSON<br />
80<br />
had an overhang. Together with the small beakhead<br />
in the bow (Fig. 1.), the profile appearance of the hull<br />
would not have differed from any carvel-built schooner<br />
or brig from the period.<br />
The wreck has been dated, through coins and other<br />
artefacts, to the first half of the 19th century, and it<br />
may be used to illustrate the conditions described by<br />
Kerstin Berg during this particular period. You use the<br />
material and the techniques that you are familiar with,<br />
even though you try to build up something completely<br />
different. The Märsman wreck may be regarded as a<br />
large boat dressed up as a ship. One of the ships mentioned<br />
in Berg’s study is the schooner Victor. She was<br />
also built during the heyday of ‘half-carvels’, in 1852.<br />
She was later rebuilt, and converted into a full-carvel<br />
in 1877. In 1898, she sank outside Ornö in the Stockholm<br />
archipelago. As a diver visiting the wreck of the<br />
Victor, it is impossible to see that the ship was originally<br />
clinker-built. Perhaps the Märsman would have<br />
been rebuilt in the same way if she had still been afloat<br />
in the 1870s?<br />
When did the first half-carvels<br />
appear?<br />
The oldest carvel-built ship that has yet been found<br />
in the Baltic Sea is the Kravel. This ship, loaded with<br />
wrought-iron guns, may be regarded as an expression<br />
of early 16th-century high tech. It was the top of the<br />
line in warfare at that time, and the owner was probably<br />
none other than the Swedish king Gustav Vasa<br />
(Adams, Rönnby 1996; 2009). In the early 16th century,<br />
carvel-built ships were probably quite an unfamiliar<br />
sight, and many fighting ships were still clinkers.<br />
The Riddarholmsskeppet, dated to the 1520s, that was<br />
found during construction work in the 1930s and is<br />
now in the permanent exhibition of the Stockholm Medieval<br />
Museum, is an example of this (Fischer 1983).<br />
Clinker-built ships were used by the navy later on as<br />
well, for carrying provisions and so on, but they did<br />
not carry guns.<br />
The oldest half-carvel built vessel that has yet been<br />
found is the Åkroken wreck, dated dendro-chronologically<br />
to 1577. The provenance of the timbers suggests<br />
that the ship was built in Jämtland, which is located<br />
in the north of Sweden. Only a minor excavation of<br />
this wreck has been carried out. The estimated original<br />
length of the hull should have been approximately<br />
16 to 17 metres from stem to stern (Eriksson 2008a;<br />
2008b). The Åkroken wreck is one of the few properly<br />
dated wrecks from the early modern period, and<br />
it is interesting to note that what we may call ‘traces’<br />
of carvel construction started to occur in vernacular<br />
shipbuilding quite rapidly after the first big ships were<br />
becoming carvel-built.<br />
From the 17th century onwards, half-carvels seem to<br />
become quite common, and the size seems to vary. The<br />
so-called Gröna Duvan (the Green Dove, after a plate<br />
with a bird that was recovered from the site) unidentified<br />
wreck, dated from coins to the 1730s, has a length<br />
from stem to stern of 16 metres (Fornsök), while the<br />
Bockolmen wreck, located on Åland, dendro-dated to<br />
1788–1790, has a length of 24 metres (Lindholm 2002,<br />
p.4ff).<br />
Half-carvels and the confusion they<br />
cause<br />
In the 17th century, big merchant ships of robust construction,<br />
such as fluits, East Indiamen and so on, had<br />
certain fiscal rights. Their taxes were lower if they<br />
could be equipped with artillery and used by the navy<br />
in wartime. This tax reduction was known as the Halva<br />
friheten (half-freedom). The other half was reduced if<br />
the ship was built and equipped in Sweden. In reality,<br />
clinker-built vessels could not benefit from these<br />
fiscal rights. The argument put forth was that they<br />
were simply regarded to weak for war use. In a letter<br />
from the taxation authorities to the Swedish king,<br />
dated September 1687, the fiscal status of half-carvels<br />
is stated: ‘no vessels [...] built in clinker should receive<br />
the half Swedish freedom in the tolls payment, even<br />
though they may be good and strong enough, or if they<br />
in the waterline in clinker and above in carvel-built are’<br />
(Kommerskollegium. Main archive, main ser. B1a:26,<br />
Swedish Public Record Office).<br />
Written sources that describe the circumstances of<br />
half-carvels and their status in between clinker and<br />
carvel are scarce, but there are some interesting exceptions.<br />
One is a letter dated May 1777 from the toll<br />
director in Underslev in Finland (at that time still a<br />
part of Sweden) to all the toll offices in the rest of the<br />
country. It is a warning, because it has come to his notice<br />
that: ‘Owners of ships built using clinker construction,<br />
partly under the practice of rebuilding [to carvel],<br />
partly where the hull was half-carvel and half-clinker<br />
built, have received a certificate from certain officials<br />
[...] revealing incorrect information regarding [the vessels’]<br />
displacement, construction and strength.’ As a<br />
consequence, some of these ships received privileges<br />
originally intended only for carvel-built ships.<br />
Rebuilding hulls built in clinker fashion into carvel<br />
hulls has a long tradition and has been done for various<br />
reasons. The schooner Victor has already been<br />
mentioned. Early examples are the English Souvereign<br />
(1487–1488) (Adams/Rönnby 1996), and the so-called
Maasilinna wreck, dated to the 16th century (Mäss<br />
1994). Conversions seem to have been quite common<br />
in Sweden up to the 20th century, sometimes in combination<br />
with lengthening the ship. The clinker-built<br />
hull was simply cut in two, the ends were pulled apart,<br />
and a carvel construction was then built around these<br />
separated ends (Hasslöf 1970, p.59ff). The quotation<br />
above from the toll director suggests that half-carvels,<br />
or conversions from clinker to carvel, not only resulted<br />
in the sought-after visual effect. It implies that the bluff<br />
was sometimes swallowed, and resulted in some fiscal<br />
privileges. Which was the primary aim and which was<br />
the spin-off effect, is, of course, difficult to say.<br />
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
Other facades<br />
A hull side may be compared to the façade of a house.<br />
The wooden wall is articulated by different construction<br />
elements, which reveal the techniques used when<br />
building the ship. These construction elements, however,<br />
are often designed and modelled in order to appear a<br />
certain way. The profiled gunwales seen on ships from<br />
the 17th to the 19th centuries add nothing to the function.<br />
They are shaped in that way in order to make the<br />
shadows fall in a desired way, articulating the side of<br />
the hull to achieve a visual effect. In some cases, wide<br />
planks have been divided by longitudinal lines graven<br />
into the surface (Hocker 1991, p.197ff). The aesthetic<br />
aspect of the hull side in itself has not drawn as much<br />
attention as, for instance, the carved decorations of<br />
ships (Carr, Soop 1986; 2007). It is obvious, however,<br />
that the shaping of the outside could include stylistic<br />
aspects. As an example, 19th-century merchant ships,<br />
from brigs to clippers, were equipped with painted<br />
gunports, just for the look of it. The half-carvels should<br />
also be seen as an expression of such intentions. But<br />
there are other odd kinds of clinker construction that<br />
might have derived from a similar mindset regarding<br />
stylistic, aesthetic and architectonical ambitions.<br />
The kind of clinker I have in mind has a conventional<br />
clinker-built lower hull, but on the side the landing alternates<br />
(Fig. 2). Instead of placing the upper strake<br />
of planking on the outside of the lower, every second<br />
strake is placed on the inside. This technique is known<br />
from some wreck finds. The oldest might be the Melböda<br />
wreck from Öland, surveyed by Carl Ekman and<br />
Harald Åkerlund in 1951 and 1952. The wreck was<br />
dated on the basis of topography and layers to the late<br />
medieval period or the 16th century (Ekman 1954,<br />
pp.5-42). This technique has also been noted in the<br />
Danish area. The ‘Sandskude’ seems to have been built<br />
using this technique as well (Göthche 1985, p.299ff;<br />
1991, p.85ff). Carl Ekman estimated the original<br />
length of the Melböda ship to be approximately 16 or<br />
Fig. 2. A sketch showing the configuration of the planking on<br />
the Björns wreck (by Eriksson).<br />
17 metres. The Danish find is a bit smaller, estimated<br />
to have been ten to 12.5 metres from fore-stem to stern.<br />
The best-preserved example of a hull built in this fashion<br />
is located at Villinge in the Stockholm archipelago.<br />
The vessel is almost 19 metres between the stem-posts,<br />
and 5.2 metres wide (Fig. 3). It has a full deck, the<br />
galley was located between the bilge pump and the<br />
stern cabin (Eriksson 2004). The layout is quite similar<br />
to the orientation of these rooms found in small fluitships<br />
of the 17th century (Eriksson, forthcoming). The<br />
water depth here is a mere seven metres, and the explanation<br />
for the coherence of the hull structure is to a<br />
large extent a matter of its cargo. It consisted of burnt<br />
limestone. When the ship sank, the limestone reacted<br />
with the water and formed a massive support for the<br />
ship’s interior. The wood has been dendrochronologically<br />
dated to the 1740s, with its provenance pointing<br />
towards the island of Gotland, the limestone island that<br />
was an extensive producer and exporter of burnt limestone<br />
from the 18th century onwards. 3<br />
The Björns wreck originally had two masts. The location<br />
of the foremasts suggests square sails for both<br />
of the masts, in a similar fashion to the Stinesmindes<br />
wreck. This ship, however, is of a completely different<br />
nature when it comes to its construction. It is a robust<br />
carvel construction, with three so-called whales,<br />
thicker strakes of planking, strengthening the hull<br />
3<br />
More ship timbers originating from a hull built in the<br />
same way as the Björns wreck have been found at Gotland<br />
(Jonsson 2009).<br />
II<br />
UNDERWATER<br />
ARCHAEOLOGY<br />
81
NIKLAS<br />
ERIKSSON<br />
Between Clinker and Carvel:<br />
Aspects of Hulls Built with<br />
Mixed Planking in Scandinavia<br />
Between 1550 and 1900<br />
Fig. 3. A plan and side elevation sketch of the Björns wreck, a small 18th-century vessel loaded with burnt limestone<br />
(by N. Eriksson).<br />
82<br />
sides. Even if the Björns wreck is clinker-built, the<br />
ship originally would have appeared very much like<br />
the ship from Stinesminde when viewed from the side.<br />
The whales of the Stinesminde ship (Göthche/Rieck<br />
1990, pp.157-171) correspond to the side planking of<br />
the Björns wreck, something I do not want to view as<br />
a coincidence.<br />
Between clinker and carvel, a parting<br />
shot<br />
The shipbuilding techniques so briefly described here,<br />
the half-carvels, but also the vessels built with alternating<br />
strakes of clinker planking, may be regarded as a<br />
compromise between technology (clinker) and an aesthetic<br />
ambition (carvel). There may, of course, be other<br />
motives behind the selection of one technique over<br />
the other. The alternating strakes of clinker planking<br />
may well be a necessity of the shell-based shaping of<br />
the hull. Building the ship with conventional clinker<br />
planking up to the gunwhale would have widened the<br />
ship considerably. However, the parallel hull sides and<br />
the slight tendency of tumble-home, seen at the Björns<br />
wreck, is a borrowing from carvel ship architecture.<br />
References<br />
ADAMS, J., 2003. Ships, Innovation and Social Change.<br />
Aspects of Carvel Shipbuilding in Northern Europe 1450-<br />
1850. In: Stockholm Studies in Archaeology 24, Stockholm<br />
Marine Archaeology Report, 3. Stockholm.<br />
ADAMS, J., RÖNNBY, J., 1996. Furstens Fartyg – Marinarkeologiska<br />
undersökningar av en renässanskravell. In:<br />
Sjöhistoriska museets rapportserie, 32. Stockholm.<br />
ADAMS, J., RÖNNBY, J., 2009. Kraveln – Marinarkeologiska<br />
undersökningar av ett skeppsvrak från tidigt<br />
1500-tal i Nämndöfjärden, Stockholms skärgård. In: C.<br />
SCHOERNER, ed. Skärgård och örlog, Nedslag i Stockholm<br />
skärgårds tidiga historia, KVHAA, Konferenser, 71.<br />
Stockholm.<br />
LAUGHTON, L.G.C., 2006 (1925). Old Ship Figure-Heads<br />
& Sterns: With Which are Associated Galleries, Hancing-<br />
Pieces, Catheads and Divers Other Matters That Concern<br />
the Grace and Countenance of Old Sailing-Ships. Ontario.<br />
DEETz, J., 1977. In Small Things Forgotten. The Archaeology<br />
of Early American Life. New York.<br />
EKMAN, C., 1954. Melbödaskeppet. Unda Maris.<br />
ERIKSSON, N., 2004. Vraket som Björn hittade. In: Marinarkeologisk<br />
tidskrift, 1. Stockholm.<br />
ERIKSSON, N., 2008a. An early “half-carvel” in the Northern<br />
Baltic. In: Maritime Archaeology Newsletter from<br />
Denmark. Esbjerg.<br />
ERIKSSON, N., 2008b. En fartygslämning från slutet<br />
av 1500-talet i Selångersån, Arkeologisk förundersökning.<br />
In: Statens Maritima museer, Arkeologisk Rapport,<br />
2008:6. Stockholm.<br />
ERIKSSON, N., (forthcoming, 2011). Tapping into the<br />
Potential of Baltic Sea Shipwrecks – an Archaeology of<br />
Space. In: J. RÖNNBY, ed. Archaeological Interpretations<br />
of Shipwrecks. Stockholm.<br />
FISCHER, A., 1983. Riddarholmskeppet – en skeppsarkeologisk<br />
beskrivning och bedömning. Stockholm.<br />
G-SON, BERG, K., 1984. Redare i Roslagen: segelfartygsrederier<br />
och deras verksamhet i gamla Vätö socken.<br />
Stockholm.<br />
GÖTHCHE, M., 1985. Sandskuder – vessels for trade between<br />
Norway and Denmark in the 18th and 19th centuries.<br />
In: C.O. CEDERLUND, ed. Postmedieval Boat and<br />
Ship Archaeology. BAR Intern. Ser. 256. Oxford.
GÖTHCHE, M., 1991. Three Danish 17th-19th-century<br />
wrecks as examples of clinker building techniques versus<br />
carvel building techniques in local shipwrightry. In:<br />
R. REINDERS, P. KEES, eds. Carvel Construction Technique,<br />
Fifth International Symposium on Boat and Ship<br />
Archaeology. Oxford.<br />
GÖTHCHE, M., RIECK, F., 1990. Skuden er ladet med? Et<br />
1600-tals vrag fra Mariager Fjord, Nationalmuseets arbejdsmark.<br />
Köpenhamn.<br />
HASSLÖF, O., 1970. Huvudlinjer I skeppsbyggnadskonstens<br />
teknologi. In: O. HASSLÖF, H. HENNINGSEN,<br />
A.E. CHRISTENSEN, eds. Sömand, fisker, Skib och Vaerf.<br />
Introduktion till Maritim Etnologi. Köpenhavn.<br />
HASSLÖF, O., 1986 (1939). Bankskutor och sjöbåtar i Bohuslän,<br />
facsmile Båtdokumentationsgruppen. Skärhamn.<br />
HOCKER, F., 1991. ‘The development of a bottom-based<br />
shipbuilding tradition in Northwestern Europe and the new<br />
world’, dissertation. Texas A&M, Texas.<br />
HOCKER, F., VLIERMAN, K., 1996. A small cog wrecked<br />
on the Zuiderze in the early fifteenth century, Excavation<br />
report 19, NISA. Lelystad.<br />
HUMBLA, P., 1934. Klink och kravell. In: Svenska kryssarklubbens<br />
årsskrift 1934. Stockholm.<br />
JONSSON, M., 2009. Rapport vrakfynd. Lauters hamn, Fårö<br />
socken, Gotland.<br />
LEMEé, C., 2006. The Rennaissance Shipwrecks from<br />
Christianshavn. An archaeological and architectural study<br />
of large carvel vessels in Danish waters 1580-1640. In:<br />
Ships and boats of the North, Vol. 6. Roskilde.<br />
LINDHOLM, M., 2002. Bockholmenvraket-en allmogeskuta<br />
från 1700-talet. In: Marinarkeologisk tidskrift, 2.<br />
Stockholm.<br />
MAARLEVELD, T.J., 1994. Double Dutch Solutions in<br />
Flush-Planked Shipbuilding: Continuity and Adaptations<br />
at the Start of Modern History. In: C. WESTERDAHL,<br />
ed. Crossroads in Ancient Shipbuilding. ISBSA 6, Roskilde<br />
1991. Oxbow Monograph 40. Oxford.<br />
MäSS, V., 1994. A Unique 16 th Century Estonian Ship Find.<br />
In: C. WESTERDAHL, ed. Crossroads in Ancient Shipbuilding.<br />
ISBSA 6, Roskilde 1991. Oxbow Monograph 40.<br />
Oxford.<br />
PROBST, N., 1994. The Introduction of Flush-Planked Skin<br />
in Northern Europe and the Elsinore wreck. In: C. WEST-<br />
ERDAHL, ed. Crossroads in Ancient Shipbuilding. ISBSA<br />
6, Roskilde 1991. Oxbow Monograph 40. Oxford.<br />
RÅLAMB, Å.C., 1943 (1691). Skeps Bygerij eller Adelig Öfnings<br />
Tionde Tom, Sjöhistoriska museet, facsmile. Stockholm.<br />
SOOP, H., 1986. The power and the glory: the sculptures of<br />
the warship Wasa. Stockholm.<br />
SOOP, H., 2007. Flytande palats, Utsmyckning av äldre<br />
svenska örlogsfartyg. Stockholm.<br />
SHAMA, S., 1989. Mellan Gud och Mammon, Nederländerna<br />
under guldåldern 1570-1670. Uddevalla.<br />
Received: 20 September 2010; Revised: 12 December 2010;<br />
Accepted: 28 December 2010.<br />
Niklas Eriksson<br />
Maritime Archaeological Research Institute<br />
at Södertörn University<br />
SE-141 89 Huddinge, Sweden<br />
E-mail: niklas.eriksson@sh.se<br />
TARP KLINKERINĖS IR<br />
KARAVELINĖS LAIVŲ KORPUSŲ<br />
STATYBOS – MIŠRŪS LAIVŲ<br />
KORPUSŲ STATYBOS ASPEKTAI<br />
SKANDINAVIJOJE 1550–1900 M.<br />
NIKLAS ERIKSSON<br />
Santrauka<br />
Mediniai laivų korpusai galėjo būti gaminami karaveline<br />
technika, korpuso lentas jungiant vieną prie kitos<br />
ir taip formuojant vientisą laivo korpuso šoną. Vėliau<br />
laivo korpusas buvo formuojamas perdengiant lentas.<br />
Nuo XVII a. tarp karo ir prekybos laivų aptinkami<br />
karavelinio tipo laivai. Priešingai, klinkerinis laivo<br />
korpuso sujungimo būdas buvo naudojamas statant<br />
neprestižinio tipo laivus, t. y. prasčiokų laivus. Klinkerinis<br />
laivų korpusų statybos būdas niekada nebuvo<br />
finansuojamas iždo.<br />
Karaveliniu būdu laivų korpusai Baltijos jūros areale<br />
pradėti statyti XVI a. pirmojoje pusėje. Jie reprezentavo<br />
aukštą to meto laivų statybos technologiją. Tačiau<br />
greitai karavelinės laivų korpusų statybos elementų<br />
pradėta pastebėti klinkerinės laivų korpusų statybos<br />
technologijoje. Šie laivai įvardijami kaip „pusiau karaveliniai“,<br />
jų apatinėje korpuso dalyse buvo naudojama<br />
klinkerinė konstrukcija, o viršutinėje – karavelinė.<br />
Pavyzdžiui, statant pusiau karavelinį laivo korpusą<br />
buvo naudojama keletas technologinių variantų. Statant<br />
tokio tipo laivų korpusus, buvo naudojama paprastesnė<br />
technologija, bet tai galėjo turėti keletą funkcinių<br />
ypatumų. Be to, galėjo būti ir pamėgdžiojimas. Karavelinė<br />
laivų korpusų technologija naudota statant valstybinius<br />
ir prekybos laivus. Dekoravimu pasiekta, kad<br />
klinkerinė technologija atrodė kaip karavelinė. Pusiau<br />
karavelinė technologija buvo idealus kompromisas,<br />
kai buvo norima pastatyti laivo korpusą, kad jis atrodytų<br />
kaip karavelinis. Tokie laivai buvo visapusiška<br />
karavelinių laivų statybos imitacija. Tuo metu tokiu pat<br />
būdu pasiturintys fermeriai mediniuose namuose naudojo<br />
akmens imitacijas, ir tai nebuvo blaškymosi, bet<br />
greičiau estetinis technologijos panaudojimo būdas.<br />
Pusiau karavelinė laivų statybos technologija atrodė<br />
kaip plati to meto jūrinės architektūros visuma. Pavyzdžiui,<br />
XIX a. pusiau karavelinė technologija buvo<br />
susijusi su denio struktūra, suformuojant snapo formą<br />
laivagalyje ar panašiai. Faktiškai pusiau karavelinio<br />
tipo laivus tapo sunku atskirti nuo karavelinių. Iš rašytinių<br />
šaltinių žinoma, kad pusiau karavelinio tipo<br />
laivai buvo laikomi karaveliniais. Tuo buvo siekiama<br />
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
II<br />
UNDERWATER<br />
ARCHAEOLOGY<br />
83
Between Clinker and Carvel:<br />
Aspects of Hulls Built with<br />
Mixed Planking in Scandinavia<br />
Between 1550 and 1900<br />
NIKLAS<br />
ERIKSSON<br />
mokestinių nuolaidų, kurios būdavo taikomos karavelinio<br />
tipo laivams.<br />
Pusiau karaveliniu korpusu laivai nuo XVII a. nebuvo<br />
tik vienas iš variantų, pereinant iš klinkerinio tipo<br />
laivų prie karavelinio. Lentų klojinys klinkerinio laivo<br />
korpuse buvo kaitaliojimas. Apatinėje laivo korpuso<br />
dalyje lentų klojinio briauna buvo iš išorės, bet viršutinėje<br />
laivo korpuso dalyje – iš vidaus. Todėl susidaro<br />
įspūdis, kad laivo korpuso šonas iš išorės, iki vandens<br />
grimzdės linijos, yra karavelinės technologijos.<br />
Vertė Algirdas Girininkas<br />
84
THE RAŠIA BOAT: FROM LOG-BOAT TO BOAT<br />
(A CASE STUDY)<br />
ROKAS KRANIAUSKAS<br />
Abstract<br />
Lithuanian boat and ship archaeology is a field of studies that is still in its very early stages. This paper is presented as a case<br />
study of a solitary watercraft found during underwater prospecting. The subtitle ‘From log-boat to boat’ is intended not only<br />
to stress technical innovations and transitions in boat-building techniques, but also to open a new chapter in Lithuanian inland<br />
underwater archaeology, with an emphasis on boat and ship archaeology. Some technical features of this boat, such as the bottom<br />
made from a single piece of pine, links it to more archaic log-boats. In eastern Lithuanian woodlands, archaic watercraft<br />
remained relatively unchanged up to modern times. From appearances, the Rašia boat can be taken as originating during the<br />
change from log-boat to boat, reflecting some features that can be retrospective in time to earlier periods of history.<br />
Key words: underwater archaeology, underwater prospecting, ship and boat archaeology, log-boat, plank boat, boat-building,<br />
caravel-built, eastern Lithuania, Lake Rašia.<br />
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
This article is based on a recent (2009) boat find at<br />
Lake Rašia in the Labanoras Regional Park in the<br />
east Lithuanian lakes region. For more than a decade,<br />
a team of young archaeologists have been diving and<br />
prospecting rinic lakes of glacial origin, searching for<br />
still little-known archaeological objects underwater.<br />
This has enabled them to discover a number of logboats,<br />
interpreted as a very archaic and at the same<br />
time a very typical means of water transport on Lithuanian<br />
lakes and rivers. The Rašia boat is the first find<br />
of plank-built watercraft of its type to be discovered on<br />
the lake bed. The title of the article ‘From Log-Boat to<br />
Boat’ has the intention not only of stressing technical<br />
innovations and transitions in the boat-building technique,<br />
but also of opening a new chapter in Lithuanian<br />
inland underwater archaeology, with the emphasis on<br />
boat and ship archaeology.<br />
To date, there are only a few publications concerning<br />
inland plank boats, mainly research done from an<br />
ethnographic point of view. The first attempt to describe<br />
fishermen’s boats used in the Vilnius region was<br />
made by the Polish ethnographer M. Znamierowska-<br />
Prufferowa in the early 1930s (Znamierowska 1930).<br />
She documented the building of a boat named ‘the<br />
bat’. This was a boat with frames made from a single<br />
curved tree branch, and side planks joined in clinker<br />
style. A few pictures were taken of men making a boat<br />
on the shore of Lake Skaistis (in the Trakai district).<br />
Another ethnographer, V. Vitauskas, described the<br />
whole process of boat-building by River Dubysa fishermen,<br />
from curving the boat’s flat bottom, and joining<br />
planks with iron nails, to covering the hull with<br />
resin pitch (Vitauskas 1939). In 1966, 17 log-boat and<br />
plank boat types were published in an attempt to systematise<br />
data gathered by the Ethnographic Museum<br />
of Lithuania (Bernotienė 1966). A. Butrimas in 1993<br />
published an article about the first plank boats used in<br />
the Lake Biržulis area, pointing to water-powered sawmills<br />
as the main impulse for the appearance of these<br />
boats (Butrimas 1993). The extensive study of fishing<br />
history by L. Piškinaitė-Kazlauskienė deals with rafts,<br />
log-boats and plank boats used up to modern times<br />
(Piškinaitė-Kazlauskienė 1998). However, all the<br />
above-mentioned publications are more of a descriptive<br />
nature, based on oral interviews or photographic<br />
material. The discovery of the Rašia boat enables us to<br />
take a more comprehensive view.<br />
The site of the boat (Fig. 1, see Plate IV) was indicated<br />
by a diving enthusiast. The boat was lying bottom down<br />
at seven metres depth, on an underwater slope, coming<br />
from a small lake island. Being half-submerged in silt,<br />
it was full of sand and fine gravel. Before making the<br />
documentation, some of this sand was removed.<br />
The Rašia boat (Fig. 2) is made from pine, and is 5.6<br />
metres long and up to 1.6 metres wide in the central<br />
part. The bottom is formed from a single five-centimetre-thick<br />
plank, 32 centimetres wide in the middle,<br />
and narrowing at the front and back to 12 centimetres<br />
wide. Five frames of a rectangular diameter seven by<br />
eight centimetres, each curved from a single piece of<br />
pine, are joined to the bottom every 60 centimetres.<br />
The bow is carved from a rectangular trunk 12 by 12<br />
centimetres in diameter, and 80 centimetres high. The<br />
stern is made from a trapezium-shaped plank, widening<br />
upwards from 12 to 48 centimetres. It has a semicircular<br />
notch on the edge.<br />
Three planks on each side some 20 centimetres wide<br />
and two or three centimetres thick are joined in caravel<br />
style, fixed with frames using treenails of 2.5 centime-<br />
II<br />
UNDERWATER<br />
ARCHAEOLOGY<br />
85
ROKAS<br />
KRANIAUSKAS<br />
The Rašia Boat:<br />
from Log-Boat to Boat<br />
(a Case Study)<br />
Fig. 1. Lake Rašia (Labanoras Regional Park) and the site of the boat find (by R. Kraniauskas).<br />
86<br />
tres in diameter. Rectangular-shaped iron nails were<br />
used only to join the side planks with the bow and the<br />
stern. The caulking between the planks was made by<br />
filling the gaps with moss. The first three frames on<br />
the edges of both the boat’s sides are joined by semicircular<br />
12.5 centimetres in diameter, 140-centimetrelong<br />
trunks. The upper planks have rectangular-shaped<br />
holes in the front and at the back of the boat. The hull is<br />
impregnated with a thick layer of brown organic resin<br />
pitch that helped to preserve the boat in very good condition.<br />
Overall, it seems that the boat was used very<br />
little, and foundered on one of its first voyages.<br />
The first technical feature that draws our attention is<br />
the bottom. The single massive plank contrasts with<br />
the later well-known flat-bottomed multi-planked inland<br />
watercraft. Log-boats, as some of the most archaic<br />
and widespread watercraft, are frequently interpreted<br />
as being the direct forerunners of plank-built boats in<br />
culturally and historically different regions (Hornell<br />
1946, p.189; Johnstone 1989, p.45). Although evolution<br />
theories in the transition of boat-building are criticised,<br />
it is hard to deny the influence of the experience<br />
and customs of older techniques in newly appearing<br />
watercraft. In the east-southeast Baltic Sea area, two<br />
major factors led to radical changes in navigation and<br />
boat-building techniques.<br />
The first of them was the Viking era, and the influences<br />
of Scandinavian boat-building traditions. There are a<br />
number of boat finds in the west Slavic trading centres<br />
of Ralswiek and Wolin linking log-boats directly with<br />
plank boats. The technical transition of the boat-building<br />
technique is evidenced by adding additional planks<br />
to log-boat sides, and the gradual reduction of the logboat<br />
hull (Springmann 2009, p.190). During this evolution,<br />
specific types of V-shape ship keels emerged<br />
(Indruszewski 2004, p.207). Relict log-boats as hollowed<br />
keels have been used in even bigger framed and<br />
clinker-built Slavic ships (Smolarek 1981, p.51).<br />
The second factor took place in the Middle Ages with<br />
the introduction of higher draught cog ships, when a<br />
strict line was drawn between seagoing sailing ships<br />
and inland watercraft. In the eastern Baltic area, it is<br />
almost impossible to find continuity in boat-building<br />
traditions, as the Viking-era style of navigation, routes<br />
and trade centres disappeared. The early Middle Ages<br />
were marked by a change in the socio-economic model<br />
and led to the change and adaptation of watercraft suitable<br />
for new purposes for trade and provision between<br />
inland ports and seaports, or medieval towns and their<br />
hinterland. In the early stages of this transition, logboats<br />
were again enhanced and modified to suit the<br />
needs of transport. A huge log-boat up to 14.3 metres<br />
long with clinker-built planking and separate frames<br />
from the end of the 14th century was found in Gdansk<br />
(Ossowski 1999, p.125). Expanded log-boats with side<br />
planks and frames, able to carry horses, were common<br />
in the northwest Slavic lands of Novgorod and Pskov<br />
(Voronin 1951, p.282). For a while, these hybrids must<br />
have coexisted with flat-bottomed boats. Unfortunately,<br />
in Lithuania there are no archaeological finds or direct<br />
evidence of transitional types of boats from the<br />
Viking or medieval periods.
Despite all the changes and innovations, log-boats<br />
were in use up to the mid-20th century in Slavic and<br />
Baltic lands on a smaller scale, mainly in fishing. Even<br />
at the beginning of the 21st century they were used for<br />
fishing in southern Lithuania (Perminas 2008, p.38).<br />
Small country communities indulging in fishing as an<br />
alternative economic activity along Lithuanian lake<br />
shores maintained this tradition for hundreds of years.<br />
At this level, the introduction of plank-built boats occurred<br />
only in modern times, somewhere at the turn<br />
of the 19th and 20th centuries, though it is possible to<br />
notice a continuity from the log-boat building tradition<br />
to eventually changing them into plank boats.<br />
The Rašia boat is considered one of the very first plank<br />
boats to appear in the eastern Lithuanian lakes, and<br />
shares some common features with a log-boat. The<br />
long and narrow bottom made from a single thick<br />
plank resembles a relict log-boat, and invokes the relative<br />
instability of the watercraft. To enhance stability,<br />
the central part of the boat is widely spread. Rectangular<br />
holes in the upper planks look like positions for<br />
stabilising wings used in log-boats (Perminas 2009,<br />
p.51). There are no fixed positions for oars on the sides<br />
of the boat. The semi-circular notch on the stern suggests<br />
that the boat was propelled as a log-boat by one<br />
long rudder. All later-known plank boat types have at<br />
least three bottom planks, fixed oar positions, and seats<br />
inside the hull.<br />
It was designed for fishing: two trunks of a semi-circular<br />
cutaway on the sides of the boat were used to<br />
slide fishing nets. Lake Rašia is connected with the Lakajai<br />
lake system, giving access for fishing in a huge<br />
water basin. These lakes are situated in the biggest<br />
Lithuanian woodlands, around Labanoras, surrounded<br />
by sandy hills, where pine trees grow abundantly. The<br />
woodlands form a poorly accessible area for rapid<br />
cultural or technical innovations from other regions.<br />
Because of the poor soil, fishing and hunting played<br />
a very important role in the economies of small local<br />
communities.<br />
In comparison with ethnographic boat descriptions and<br />
documented log-boats rarely exceeding five metres, the<br />
Rašia boat is relatively long and has an extra capability<br />
for carriage. This kind of boat can have been used for<br />
the transport of hay, which was common among farmers<br />
living by a waterfront and cutting grass on islands<br />
or lake shores (Piškinaitė-Kazlauskienė 1998, p.165).<br />
In the Lake Rašia landscape, the only terrain suitable<br />
for grass cutting is on the southwest bank. For a wooded<br />
area with sandy soil, hay transport was of essential<br />
importance to local farmsteads.<br />
It is hard to say where the boat was built. Lake Rašia’s<br />
shores were thinly populated. Probably the boat was<br />
brought here by waterways, maybe from the nearby<br />
larger lakes of Lakajai. It is made of local materials,<br />
and by a local carpenter, who did his best in combining<br />
the deep traditions of log-boat hollowing with a modern<br />
knowledge of the planking technique.<br />
Was it a fishing or transport accident that led to the boat<br />
foundering? Its site and position suggest that somebody<br />
was fishing around the island, or carrying something<br />
from it, although the cargo looks strange. The<br />
boat is slightly inclined to the left, and full of sand and<br />
gravel. In surrounding sites, it is impossible to accumulate<br />
such an amount of ballast by any hydrodynamic<br />
forces. It is evident that its foundering was intentional,<br />
filling the boat with sand and gravel from the island.<br />
According to the boat’s technical features, the level of<br />
preservation, the site and the local traditions of boat<br />
building, it can be dated to the end of the 19th century.<br />
In an archaeologial sense, this is a modern find, but<br />
interpreted as very representative of east Lithuanian<br />
woodlands and lakes, noting the region’s late transition<br />
from some representations of its archaic past. The<br />
Rašia boat appears to date from the change from logboat<br />
to boat, reflecting some features that may be retrospective<br />
in time to earlier periods of history.<br />
References<br />
Manuscripts<br />
PERMINAS, K., 2009. XIV-XX a. Luotai iš dabartinių Lietuvos<br />
ir Latvijos teritorijų (doctoral dissertation), defended<br />
at Klaipėda University.<br />
Literature<br />
BERNOTIENĖ, S., 1966. Vandens susisiekimo priemonės.<br />
Etnografinių tyrimų anketa, No. 6. Vilnius.<br />
BUTRIMAS, A., 1993. Biržulio ir Lūksto valtys (laiveliai).<br />
Mūsų kraštas, 1 (2), 99-100.<br />
HORNELL, J., 1946. Water transport – origins & early evolution.<br />
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.<br />
INDRUSZEWSKI, G., 2004. Man, Ship, Landscape. Ships<br />
and seafaring in the Oder mouth area 400-1400 AD. A<br />
case study of an ideological context. Publications from the<br />
National Museum, Studies in Archaeology & History 9.<br />
Copenhagen.<br />
JOHNSTONE, P., 1989. The sea-craft of prehistory. London:<br />
Routledge.<br />
OSSOWSKI, W., 1999. Studia nad Łodziami jednopiennymi<br />
z obszaru Polski. Gdansk: Marpress.<br />
PERMINAS, K., 2008 Ežeriniai Lynežerio ir Marcinkonių<br />
apylinkių luotai. Liaudies kultūra, 4, 38-45.<br />
PIŠKINAITĖ-KAZLAUSKIENĖ, L., 1998. Žvejybos istorijos<br />
apybraižos. Vilnius: Diemedis.<br />
SMOLAREK, P., 1981. Ships and ports in Pomorze. In: G.<br />
MILNE, B. HOBLEY, eds. Waterfront archaeology in Britain<br />
and northern Europe. London, 51-60.<br />
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
II<br />
UNDERWATER<br />
ARCHAEOLOGY<br />
87
The Rašia Boat:<br />
from Log-Boat to Boat<br />
(a Case Study)<br />
ROKAS<br />
KRANIAUSKAS<br />
SPRINGMANN, M.J., 2009. Frühe Schifffahrt und Shiffbau<br />
in den Haffgebieten. In: H. MEYER, M.J. SPRIN-<br />
GMANN, H. WERNICKE, eds. Die Lagomar Haffe. The<br />
Lagomar Lagoons. Friedland: Steffen verlag, 180-206.<br />
VITAUSKAS, V., 1939. Žvejyba Padubysio valsčiuje. Gimtasai<br />
kraštas, 1 (21), 462-471.<br />
VORONIN, N.N., 1951. Istoriia kultury drevney Rusy. Moscow.<br />
ZNAMIEROWSKA-PRUFFEROWA, M., 1930. Rybołówstwo<br />
jezior trockich. Wilno.<br />
Received: 19 August 2010; Revised: 14 October 2010;<br />
Accepted: 28 December 2010.<br />
Rokas Kraniauskas<br />
Klaipėda University<br />
Herkaus Manto street 84,<br />
LT-92294 Klaipėda, Lithuania<br />
E-mail: rokidze@yahoo.com<br />
RAŠIOS VALTIS – PERĖJIMAS<br />
NUO LUOTŲ PRIE VALČIŲ<br />
Rokas Kraniauskas<br />
Kyla klausimas, ar galima įžvelgti Rašios valties<br />
konstrukcijoje tęstinumą tarp gerai pažįstamų luotų<br />
ir naujai atsirandančių lentinių valčių. Vandens transporto<br />
priemonių evoliucijos teorijos įžvelgia tiesioginį<br />
perėjimą nuo luotų prie lentinių laivų – degraduojant<br />
luotui iki kylio ir laipsniškai atsirandant papildomoms<br />
bortų lentoms. Tam įrodyti pasitelkiami laivų su reliktiniais<br />
luotais – kiliais radiniai, žinomi iš vakarų slavų<br />
gyventų teritorijų. Rašios valties atveju jos dugną<br />
būtų galima taip pat interpretuoti kaip reliktinį luotą.<br />
Šis konstrukcijos elementas valties meistro buvo pasirinktas<br />
kaip jam turbūt gerai pažįstama dugno technologija,<br />
naudota skobiant luotus. Taip pat valtyje<br />
pastebėta dar keletas detalių, būdingų luotams: nėra<br />
aiškios pozicijos irklams, laivagalyje padaryta pusapvalė<br />
išpjova, naudota vienam vairiniam irklui, abiejų<br />
šonų viršutinėse borto lentose padarytos keturkampės<br />
skylės, primenančios luotuose naudotų stabilizacinių<br />
sparnų poziciją.<br />
Nesant radinių ir aiškios tipologijos, Rašios valtį sunku<br />
datuoti. Turint omenyje bendrą radimvietės aplinkos<br />
kultūrinį kontekstą ir įvertinant tai, kad perėjimas<br />
nuo luotų prie lentinių valčių mažose Labanoro girios<br />
kaimo bendruomenėse įvyko gan vėlai – XIX–XX a.<br />
sandūroje, Rašios valtį galėtumėme datuoti XIX a. pabaiga<br />
ir interpretuoti kaip vieną iš pavidalų pereinant<br />
nuo archajiškų luotų prie modernių vandens transporto<br />
priemonių. Nors galutinis virsmas įvykęs vėlai, techniniai<br />
valties bruožai atskleidžia panašius perėjimo procesus,<br />
vykusius daug ankstesniais laikais.<br />
88<br />
Santrauka<br />
Šio straipsnio idėja gimė 2009 m., kai Rašios ežere<br />
(Labanoro regioninis parkas) povandeninių archeologinių<br />
žvalgymų metu buvo rasta nuskendusi neįprasta<br />
lentinė valtis. Daugiau kaip dešimtmetį žvalgant rininius<br />
Rytų Lietuvos ežerus įprastu radiniu tapo luotai.<br />
Šios archajiškos vandens transporto priemonės, naudotos<br />
nuo akmens amžiaus iki pat XXI a., ne kartą atkreipė<br />
tyrinėtojų dėmesį. Tuo tarpu apie lentines valtis<br />
žinoma tik iš pavienių etnografinių aprašymų.<br />
Rašios valtis rasta 7 m gylyje gulinti ant povandeninio<br />
šlaito, einančio nuo ežero salos. Valtis yra pušinė,<br />
5,6 m ilgio, 1,6 m pločio, bortai suformuoti iš trijų lentų,<br />
kurios viena su kita sujungtos karavelės stiliumi.<br />
Karkasas sudarytas iš 5 vientisų špantų, išdėstytų kas<br />
60 cm. Valtis gerai impregnuota ruda organine derva,<br />
o tarpai tarp lentų užkišti samanomis. Įdomiausias valties<br />
konstrukcijos elementas yra dugnas, suformuotas<br />
iš vienos lentos, 32 cm pločio per vidurį, siaurėjančios<br />
į priekį ir galą.
THE EARLY MEDIEvAL BRIDGES AT OSTROW<br />
LEDNICKI IN THE LIGHT OF UNDERWATER<br />
ARCHAEOLOGICAL STUDIES<br />
Andrzej KolA<br />
Abstract<br />
Ostrow Lednicki, an island situated in Lake Lednica between Gniezno and Poznań, is an important archaeological site from<br />
the period of the beginnings of the Polish state. In the tenth and 11th centuries, apart from Gniezno, Poznań and Giecz, the<br />
town, which has been preserved together with the remains of a stone palace, was one of the main towns of the state of Mieszko<br />
I and Bolesław I the Brave. The significance of Ostrow Lednicki in the Early Middle Ages is also emphasised by two bridges<br />
leading to the island, the Gniezno bridge from the east, and, the Poznań bridge from the west, which mark an important communication<br />
route in that period between Poznań and Gniezno. With the exception of towns, bridges like this were the largest<br />
engineering constructions of the epoch in the Slavic world. Systematic underwater studies of the remains of the bridges were<br />
undertaken in 1982, and have been carried out with intervals until today. In 2000 and 2001, the exploration of the west bridge<br />
was supported financially by the Foundation for Polish Science. It was concerned in particular with building a special apparatus<br />
for the conservation of movable monuments after excavating them during underwater studies in the area of the bridge’s<br />
location and found by means of metal detectors used in the close vicinity of the west bridge. These studies yielded a large<br />
number of artefacts, enriching our knowledge of the material culture of the Early Middle Ages. The military finds, consisting,<br />
so far, of over 150 axes and several dozen spearheads and javelins, are exceptionally important. This unique collection of<br />
military objects has no counterpart in European archaeology.<br />
Key words: bridge, Early Middle Ages, underwater archaeology, Ostrow Lednicki, Poland.<br />
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
II<br />
Ostrow Lednicki, an island measuring a few hectares in<br />
Lake Lednica situated between Gniezno and Poznań,<br />
has been an object of archaeological interest for over<br />
150 years. The island has revealed the well-preserved,<br />
clearly outlined Early Medieval earthen ramparts of a<br />
town, the ruins of the oldest stone-built construction in<br />
Poland, a palace with a residential function, combined<br />
with a chapel originating from the times of the first Piast<br />
dynasty of Poland of Mieszko I and Bolesław I the<br />
Brave. Our present state of knowledge regards Ostrow<br />
Lednicki, along with Gniezno, Poznań and Giecz, as<br />
one of the most significant Piast towns from the period<br />
of the formation of the state in the second half of the<br />
tenth and the beginning of the 11th century (Kurnatowska<br />
2000, p.108ff). The Early Medieval settlement<br />
complex of Ostrow Lednicki also consisted of a settlement<br />
located on the island, a vast cemetery on the eastern<br />
shore of the lake, and two huge bridges connecting<br />
the island with the lake shores (Fig. 1).<br />
Systematic studies on the Ostrow Lednicki settlement<br />
complex and its widespread supply base were undertaken<br />
at the beginning of the 1980s, within the framework<br />
of an interdisciplinary scientific programme,<br />
following the inspiration and coordination of historic,<br />
archaeological and geographical-environmental research<br />
supervised by the Museum of the First Piasts in<br />
Lednica. The museum also initiated underwater studies<br />
in Lake Lednica, which were a continuation, and<br />
simultaneously a verification, of underwater work carried<br />
out in the lake in the vicinity of the island in the<br />
years 1959 to 1961. This was when the remains of two<br />
bridges were found in the lake on the east and west<br />
sides of Ostrow Lednicki. These bridges marked communication<br />
routes towards Poznań (the west one was<br />
called the Poznań bridge) and towards Gniezno (the<br />
Gniezno bridge). It was stated then that the length in<br />
the water of the west bridge amounted to 438 metres,<br />
and the east one 187 metres (Kola, Wilke 1977). During<br />
these three underwater excavation seasons, which<br />
were limited by time and their reconnaissance character,<br />
attention was focused solely on the west bridge’s<br />
remains (Mikołajczyk 1961; Anderszowa et al., 1963).<br />
Since 1982, underwater research of Ostrow Lednicki<br />
has been carried out first by the Archaeology Department<br />
(at present the Institute of Archaeology) of Nicolas<br />
Copernicus University in Toruń. The studies are an<br />
element of the longstanding research programme entitled<br />
‘West Slavic Water Communication Devices in<br />
the Middle Ages’. These studies have continued, with<br />
some intervals, until the present day. The first years of<br />
the excavations were devoted to the remains of the east<br />
bridge; and their results, apart from the current reports<br />
(Kola, Wilke 1985; 1991), were presented in a separate<br />
collective monograph (Wczesnośredniowieczne mosty<br />
..., 2000). Since 1986 (Kola, Wilke 1989), the studies<br />
have concentrated, with some intervals, on the remains<br />
UNDERWATER<br />
ARCHAEOLOGY<br />
89
Andrzej<br />
KolA<br />
The Early medieval bridges at<br />
Ostrow Lednicki in the light of<br />
underwater archaeological studies<br />
Fig.1. Ostrow Lednicki: a sketch showing the situation of the island and the bridges (after W. Szulta 2008, p.113).<br />
90<br />
of the west bridge and the lake zone situated in the<br />
western part of the island.<br />
The remains of both bridges (Fig. 2) are manifested<br />
at present as sections of poles stuck into the bottom,<br />
slightly jutting out from the alluvion, being the remnants<br />
of supporting parts of the bridge, pillars (piers)<br />
and buttresses (Fig. 3, see Plate Iv). Numerous remains<br />
of poles from the upper bridge construction,<br />
as well as other small wooden parts of this material<br />
from the period of building or repairing the bridge or<br />
the adjoining constructions, are scattered around them<br />
(Figs. 4, 5). The task of the underwater research was to<br />
retrieve from the bottom silt all the deposited wooden<br />
remnants, and all accompanying movable historical<br />
objects, to compile an underwater inventory of the excavated<br />
historic structures, and to take them from the<br />
water for a complete laboratory examination. To date,<br />
some wood samples from the bridge structures were<br />
taken for dendrochronological analysis, which is indispensable<br />
for defining the dates of particular stages of<br />
the construction and repairs to the bridge within the<br />
framework of a planigraphical-chronological analysis.<br />
Movable artefacts, in turn, were subjected to conservation<br />
treatment, and after the conservation process they<br />
were delivered to the Museum of the First Piasts in<br />
Lednica; whereas underwater studies outside the zone<br />
of the remains of the bridge focused on searching for<br />
numerous movable artefacts appearing in the zone,<br />
particularly military objects deposited in the water as<br />
a result of human activity during the settlement’s use.<br />
A suitable method for the exploration and underwater<br />
documentation was specially prepared in order to fulfil<br />
the study programme while excavating the remains of<br />
both bridges (Kola 2000). The area of the poles, that is,<br />
the remains of the bridge, was divided into two strips<br />
four metres wide, in a transverse composition towards
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
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Fig. 2. Ostrow Lednicki: the Early Medieval bridges. The situation of the remains of the west bridge (3a) and the east bridge<br />
(3b), together with the exploration sectors (in accordance with the research from 2000) (after A. Kola, G. Wilke 2000, p.13).<br />
Fig. 4. Ostrow Lednicki: the east bridge.<br />
A projection of the remains of the bridge<br />
in sections of strips 6-9<br />
(after A. Kola, G. Wilke 2000, p.40).<br />
91
Andrzej<br />
KolA<br />
The Early medieval bridges at<br />
Ostrow Lednicki in the light of<br />
underwater archaeological studies<br />
92<br />
Fig. 5. Ostrow Lednicki: the west bridge. A projection of the remains of the bridge by the island (strips 4-8), and in the<br />
central part of the lake (strips 15-17) (after G. Wilke, archives of the Underwater Archaeology Department of the Institute<br />
of Archaeology of NCU).
Fig. 6. Ostrow Lednicki: the remains of the Early Medieval<br />
bridges. A scheme of the exploration of the culture layers<br />
(after A. Kola, G. Wilke 2000, p.29).<br />
the longitudinal axis of the bridge. These strips in turn<br />
were divided into four-by-four-metre sections, treating<br />
them as fundamental exploration and documentation<br />
units. The exploration of the bottom stratification was<br />
led by means of an accordingly constructed injector, a<br />
special appliance for cleaning archaeological structures<br />
of silt (Fig. 6). The exploration work was performed<br />
by divers, mainly students specialising in underwater<br />
archaeology at Toruń University. After completing the<br />
cleaning process, a drawing (scheme) was made under<br />
the water of all the wooden constructions revealed<br />
within the range of the section marked, and then transformed<br />
on the surface on to the collective scheme<br />
(Figs. 4, 5). The scheme was also equipped with places<br />
marked where movable artefacts were excavated in the<br />
course of exploration.<br />
The exploration of the west bridge, which is still not<br />
completed, concentrated primarily on studying the island<br />
side. Here, seven strips were explored, and a complete<br />
documentation of the remains of the bridge was<br />
drawn up (strips II–vIII, from four to 32 metres from<br />
the island) on a total of 35 study section surfaces. In<br />
this area, the remains of the bridge appeared at a depth<br />
of 1.5 metres to over six metres. Next, two strips inside<br />
five units were studied at a distance of 24 metres<br />
west of the former area (strips XvI and XvII), where<br />
the depth of the deposition of the remains amounted to<br />
over ten metres. The examined fields in the area of the<br />
last two strips did not include, however, all the range<br />
of the width of deposition of the remains of the bridge.<br />
This last area revealed a big sunken dugout boat over<br />
ten metres long, dated undoubtedly to the times of the<br />
use of the bridge. The boat is still awaiting lifting,<br />
which is connected with the technically and financially<br />
complicated process of its conservation. A dugout boat<br />
similar in size was excavated near the same bridge in<br />
1960, which after being lifted found a place in the local<br />
Museum of the First Piasts (Mikołajczyk 1961a).<br />
A crucial point in the attempt at reconstructing the west<br />
bridge is defining the number of subsequent stages of<br />
building or rebuilding (repairs). Analysing the planigraphy<br />
of pole relics of both the east and the west bridges,<br />
it can be noted that the remnants of bridge poles,<br />
being elements of pillars and buttresses in a horizontal<br />
projection in its construction, consist of two rows in the<br />
longitudinal composition of the bridge. Therefore, the<br />
imprecise rows outline the width of the bridge, where<br />
suitable poles in those rows joined by sway braces and<br />
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Fig. 7. Ostrow Lednicki: the exploration of the east bridge. A reconstruction of the deck levels of the bridge in subsequent<br />
stages, on the basis of planigraphy of the remains of pillars and dendrochronological studies (after G. Wilke, archives of the<br />
Underwater Archaeology Department of the Institute of Archaeology of NCU).<br />
93
The Early medieval bridges at<br />
Ostrow Lednicki in the light of<br />
underwater archaeological studies<br />
Andrzej<br />
KolA<br />
94<br />
Fig. 8. Ostrow Lednicki: an attempt at the reconstruction<br />
of the east bridge (after A. Kola, G. Wilke 2000, p.46).<br />
Fig. 10. Ostrow Lednicki: the east bridge. Axes ‘in situ’ from the bridge area<br />
(photograph by W. Szulta).<br />
Fig. 11. Ostrow Lednicki: the east bridge. A selection of axes found in the<br />
area of the bridge (photograph by W. Szulta).<br />
strengthened by buttresses from outside created the<br />
bridge pillar. Such bracing with joggle holes for inserting<br />
poles was excavated among the studied remains in<br />
the zones of both the east and the west bridge. In the<br />
case of the east bridge, the span between the joggle<br />
holes in the bracing was about 4.2 metres, appointing<br />
at the same time the width of the bridge’s deck (Fig.<br />
7). Based on the results of dendrochronological pole<br />
analysis, and using them for a chronological-planigraphy<br />
analysis (Fig. 8), it was established that the bridge<br />
was erected in the years 963–964, and its subsequent<br />
rebuilding or repair took place as late as the 1030s<br />
(Wilke 2000). The west bridge could have functioned<br />
at a similar time; analyses of selected dendrochronological<br />
samples are in progress.<br />
Underwater studies performed in 2000 and 2001 in<br />
the zone of the west bridge by Ostrow Lednicki were<br />
supported financially by a grant from the Foundation<br />
for Polish Science, Archeo II, as a continuation<br />
of the work undertaken in the 1980s.<br />
The study method corresponded with<br />
the experience previously gathered at<br />
the same site. The idea was to explore<br />
underwater stratification from the bottom,<br />
using special equipment (injector<br />
of water type) and free penetration by<br />
means of underwater metal detector.<br />
The research using these methods was<br />
performed both within the area of the<br />
remains of the bridge, and in the vicinity<br />
of the lake from the western shore<br />
of the island.<br />
In 2000, the exploration concentrated<br />
on shore strips II and III near the island.<br />
In strip III, the exploration of field 2 of<br />
the previous year was continued, where<br />
the remains of four poles marked in the<br />
general scheme of the remnants of the<br />
bridge with numbers from 89 to 92<br />
were found. They constituted a piece<br />
of the pillar beam of the bridge. In strip<br />
II, the exploration was focused on the<br />
area of field 3 (only about four to eight<br />
metres from the present shoreline),<br />
which was completely overgrown<br />
with reeds. Under a thick reed root<br />
layer of about 80 to 100 centimetres,<br />
a greyish-yellow sand layer with grey<br />
gyttja under it contained nine further<br />
poles stuck into the lake bed, marked<br />
on the map by the numbers 102 to 110.<br />
Moreover, the three next trenches were<br />
set in strips Iv, v and vI (marked in<br />
those strips as section 0), within a dis-
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
Fig. 12. Ostrow Lednicki: the east bridge. Military and riding accoutrements from the 1999 studies (photograph by<br />
W. Szulta).<br />
tance of about eight to ten metres south of the place<br />
where the remains had already been spotted in previous<br />
years. Their purpose was to indicate the presence<br />
of wooden constructions and historic artefacts related<br />
to the use of the bridge under a layer of semi-fluid silt.<br />
The verification turned out to be successful, because<br />
the fields explored in strips V and VI contained oak<br />
laths 540 centimetres long, 38 centimetres wide, and<br />
ten centimetres thick, which had probably been part<br />
of the bridge’s deck. The trench in field 0 (strip IV)<br />
revealed a completely preserved wooden sledge runner,<br />
and nearby two complete Early Medieval axes<br />
entangled with each other. As a result of underwater<br />
exploration in the year 2000, except for the items listed<br />
above, several other wooden and metal artefacts were<br />
excavated, including an iron axe and wooden nogs<br />
and pegs for fixing parts of the bridge construction.<br />
The mass of artefacts consisted of fragments of Early<br />
Medieval ceramic vessels (a total of 632 fragments).<br />
The free exploration with the help of an underwater<br />
metal detector concentrated that year on studying the<br />
south side of the Poznań bridge, marked by two sections<br />
of 12 by 24 metres each, as well as along the<br />
western shore of the island towards the north of the<br />
remians of that bridge. As a result, several historical<br />
objects with ferromagnetic features were located<br />
and lifted from the lake, including two axes, two iron<br />
plates, an iron sickle and two half-scythes, a carpenter’s<br />
hatchet with a preserved handle, the arrowhead<br />
of a bow, a belt clasp, a bucket arc, and a wooden tub<br />
with metal hoops.<br />
In 2001, underwater research was continued in the area<br />
of the west bridge using a metal detector for underwater<br />
exploration, studying precisely by injector fields 2<br />
and 3 in strip II. A total of 24 square metres was subjected<br />
to detailed study. The trench in unit 3 was a continuation<br />
of the work started the year before, and in the<br />
end ten poles marked with numbers from 102 to 111,<br />
being the part of the bridge pillar beam, were reported,<br />
while the exploration of field 2 of the same strip did not<br />
confirm the presence of any remains of wooden constructions<br />
related to the bridge. Other wooden objects<br />
that were found and brought up were the following: the<br />
stave of a small bowl, a piece of a lid, a wooden spade<br />
and a tub stave. The total number of objects considered<br />
to be parts of Early Medieval ceramic vessels was 282<br />
pieces.<br />
Underwater penetration with the use of a metal detector<br />
focused on the exploration of the south side of the<br />
remains of the bridge in the subsequent two sectors<br />
12 by 24 metres each and the north side of the bridge.<br />
These systematic studies resulted in the localisation<br />
and excavation of the following historic objects with<br />
ferromagnetic features: two axes, a spearhead, an iron<br />
hook and a piece of iron wire. However, a wooden<br />
single-trunk dugout boat, a dugout with a preserved<br />
length of 4.5 metres, turned out to be an exceptional<br />
find. It was taken up from the bottom, and after completing<br />
its inventory, it was preserved for research and<br />
exhibition purposes.<br />
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The Early medieval bridges at<br />
Ostrow Lednicki in the light of<br />
underwater archaeological studies<br />
Andrzej<br />
KolA<br />
The studies of Early Medieval bridges on the remains<br />
of Ostrow Lednicki, as far as the scale of work and<br />
the results obtained are concerned, can be regarded as<br />
unique in European archaeology. Regardless of all the<br />
knowledge gained so far on the subject of these monumental<br />
engineering achievements of the Early Middle<br />
Ages, the research produced many movable historic<br />
artefacts, enriching our knowledge of Medieval culture<br />
at the turn of the tenth century (Fig. 9, see Plate<br />
Iv). The collection of military objects, nearly 150 military<br />
axes (Figs. 10, 11) and several dozen spearheads<br />
and javelins (Fig. 12), being the biggest collection of<br />
objects of this type obtained until now from one archeological<br />
site, is particularly impressive. Therefore,<br />
the crucial problem now is the question of the proper<br />
conservation of the waterlogged objects excavated in<br />
such great quantity. The understanding on the part of<br />
the Foundation for Polish Science, which subsidised<br />
the research from the Archeo II programme and also<br />
met the expectations of these conservation problems,<br />
should also be stressed.<br />
ed. Ziemie polskie w X wieku i ich znaczenie w kształtowaniu<br />
się nowej mapy Europy. Kraków, 99-117.<br />
KURNATOWSKA, Z. (ed), 2000. Wczesnośredniowieczne<br />
Mosty Przy Ostrowie Lednickim, vol I, Mosty traktu gnieźnieńskiego,<br />
I. Lednica-Toruń.<br />
MIKOŁAJCZYK, G., 1961. Badania na Ostrowie Lednickim,<br />
pow. Gniezno w 1957-1959 r.. Sprawozdania Archeologiczne,<br />
13, 551-554.<br />
MIKOŁAJCZYK, G., 1961a. Łódź wczesnośredniowieczna<br />
z Jeziora Lednickiego, pow. Gniezno, Kwartalnik Historii<br />
Kultury Materialnej, 9, 314-316.<br />
WILKE, G., 2000. Analiza chronologiczno-przestrzenna<br />
struktur palowych i próba rekonstrukcji mostu. In: Z. KUR-<br />
NATOWSKA ed., Wczesnośredniowieczne mosty przy<br />
Ostrowie Lednickim, vol I, Mosty traktu gnieźnieńskiego.<br />
Lednica-Toruń, 57-71.<br />
Received: 3 November 2010; Revised: 9 December 2010;<br />
Accepted: 28 December 2010.<br />
Andrzej Kola<br />
Nicolas Copernicus University in Toruń<br />
Institute of Archaeology<br />
Szosa Bydgoska 44/48, Poland<br />
E-mail: inavcheo@his.uni.torun.pl<br />
Literature<br />
ANDERSZOWA, K., ŁOMNICKI, J., NOWAK, A., SZENI-<br />
COWA, W., 1963. Sprawozdanie z prac badawczych na<br />
Ostrowie Lednickim w 1961 roku. Sprawozdania Archeologiczne,<br />
15, 218-230.<br />
KOLA, A., 2000. Archeologiczne badania na reliktach mostu.<br />
In: Z. KURNATOWSKA ed., Wczesnośredniowieczne<br />
mosty przy Ostrowie Lednickim, I, Mosty trakty gnieźnieńskiego,<br />
Lednica-Toruń.<br />
KOLA, A., WILKE, G., 1977. Stan badań śródlądowej archeologii<br />
podwodnej w Polsce. Pomorania Antiqua, 7,<br />
147-184.<br />
KOLA, A., WILKE, G., 1985. Wstępne sprawozdanie z archeologicznych<br />
badań podwodnych przeprowadzonych na<br />
reliktach mostów wczesnośredniowiecznych w Jeziorze<br />
Lednickim w latach 1982-1983. Acta Universitatis Nicolai<br />
Copernici, Archeologia XI, Archeologia Podwodna, 2,<br />
63-73.<br />
KOLA, A., WILKE, G., 1989. Sprawozdanie z archeologicznych<br />
badań podwodnych reliktów<br />
wczesnośredniowiecznego mostu “poznańskiego” (Rybitwy,<br />
stan. 3 a) w Jeziorze Lednickim, w latach 1986-1987.<br />
Studia Lednickie, I, Lednica-Poznań, 77-95.<br />
KOLA, A., WILKE, G., 1991. Sprawozdanie z archeologicznych<br />
badań podwodnych przeprowadzonych w Jeziorze<br />
Lednickim na reliktach mostu wczesnośredniowiecznego,<br />
tzw. gnieźnieńskiego (Rybitwy, stan. 3 B) w latach 1984-<br />
1985. Acta Universitatis Nicolai Copernici, Archeologia<br />
XV, Archeologia Podwodna, 3, 43-58.<br />
KURNATOWSKA, Z., 2000. Wielkopolska w X wieku i formowanie<br />
się państwa polskiego. In: H. SAMSONOWICZ,<br />
ANKSTYVŲJŲ VIDURAMŽIŲ<br />
OSTROW LEDNICKI<br />
TILTAI POVANDENINIŲ<br />
ARCHEOLOGINIŲ TYRIMŲ<br />
KONTEKSTE<br />
Andrzej KolA<br />
Santrauka<br />
Ostrow Lednicki – sala Lednica ežere, kuris yra tarp<br />
Gniezno ir Poznanės miestų. Šioje saloje yra reikšminga<br />
archeologinė gyvenvietė, menanti Lenkijos valstybės<br />
ištakos laikus. Šio X–XI a. miesto liekanos yra<br />
susijusios su akmenine pilimi, kaip ir Gniezno, Poznanės<br />
ir Gieczo miestuose. Ostrow Lednicki buvo vienas<br />
pagrindinių miestų valdant Mieszko I ir Boleslovui I<br />
Narsiajam. Šiam miestui ankstyvaisiais viduramžiais<br />
ypač svarbūs buvo du tiltai, jungiantys salą su strategiškai<br />
reikšmingais keliais. Gniezno vardu pavadintas<br />
tiltas iš rytų ir Poznanės tiltas iš vakarų jungė svarbius<br />
kelius iš Poznanės į Gniezną. Tiltų reikšmė ne mažesnė<br />
nei miesto, nes tai svarbūs inžineriniai įrenginiai<br />
slavų išplitimo areale. Sistemingi tiltų tyrimai prasidė-<br />
96
jo 1982 m. ir su pertraukomis baigėsi tik pastaruoju<br />
metu. 2000–2001 m. tiltų tyrimams buvo gauta Lenkijos<br />
mokslo fondo lėšų. Šiems tyrimams ir tiltų konservavimui<br />
buvo naudojami specialūs judantys aparatai<br />
ir metalo detektoriai. Tuo būdu šalia tiltų buvo aptikta<br />
daug radinių, susijusių su ankstyvaisiais viduramžiais.<br />
Dauguma radinių buvo kovinės paskirties: 150 kovos<br />
kirvių, strėlių ir iečių antgalių. Tyrinėti inžineriniai tilto<br />
įrenginiai ir šalia jų rasti radiniai neturi analogijų<br />
tarp Europos archeologinių paminklų.<br />
Vertė Algirdas Girininkas<br />
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The Excavation of Kryvina<br />
Peatbog Settlements in<br />
Northern Belarus between<br />
2000 and 2009<br />
THE EXCAVATION OF KRYVINA PEATBOG<br />
SETTLEMENTS IN NORTHERN BELARUS<br />
BETWEEN 2000 AND 2009<br />
MICHAL CHARNIAUSKI, MAXIM CHARNIAUSKI<br />
MICHAL<br />
CHARNIAUSKI,<br />
MAXIM<br />
CHARNIAUSKI<br />
Abstract<br />
Between 2000 and 2010, the Asaviec 2 and Asaviec 7 settlements of Kryvina peatbog (Vitebsk region) were excavated. At<br />
Asaviec 2 the excavations concentrated on the northern part, where pure materials of Usvyatian culture were found, and also<br />
several fragments of a Globular Amphora culture vessel.<br />
The excavations of the new Asaviec 7 settlement (up till 2007) gave us pure materials of Northern Belarusian culture, too.<br />
Among them are bone, antler and flint items, made mainly according to local Neolithic traditions. There are two 14C dates for<br />
this settlement: 3770±90 ВР and 3870±40 ВР.<br />
Key words: Late Neolithic, Bronze Age, peatbog settlements, northern Belarus, Usviaty culture, Northern Belarusian culture.<br />
100<br />
Kryvina peatbog is situated on the border of the Sianno<br />
and Beshankovichy districts in the Vitebsk region. Ten<br />
Neolithic and Bronze Age settlements, Asaviec 1, 2, 3,<br />
4, 5, 6, 7 and Kryvina 1, 2, 3, as well as several other<br />
sites, are known here (Fig. 1).<br />
Between 2000 and 2009 the settlements of Asaviec 2<br />
(by Michal Charniauski) and Asaviec 7 (by Maxim<br />
Charniauski) were investigated. The explorations by<br />
Maxim Charniauski in the southern part of Asaviec 2<br />
with the prevailing materials of Northern Belarusian<br />
culture are not finished yet, and are therefore not included<br />
in the present work.<br />
Asaviec 2<br />
The Asaviec 2 site is situated in the northern part of the<br />
Kryvina peatbog 1.3 kilometres south-southeast of the<br />
village of Asaviec.<br />
The site was discovered in 1966. Since then, it has been<br />
sporadically excavated (Cherniavskii 1967). Almost<br />
350 square metres have now been excavated. Most of<br />
the archaeological material at the site belongs to the<br />
Northern Belarusian culture of the Late Neolithic to<br />
Bronze Age. Usvyatian culture ceramics from the Middle<br />
Neolithic were found at the bottom of the cultural<br />
layer. They differ from Northern Belarusian culture ceramics<br />
in most parameters, and are easily distinguished<br />
from the complex of finds. However, flint and bone artefacts<br />
from the bottom layer could have belonged to<br />
either culture.<br />
Beginning in 2000, the excavations have focused on<br />
the northern part of Asaviec 2 (Charniauski 2003;<br />
Charniauski 2009). Here, a cultural layer of about<br />
one metre was discovered under the peat. Up to<br />
0.5 metres deep, it contained artefacts of Northern<br />
Belarusian culture. Lower, down to the bedrock, the<br />
remains of an Usvyatian culture settlement were bedded<br />
in situ. Specific artefacts were found here that represent<br />
comprehensively local Usvyatian culture. They<br />
comprise ceramics, tools and hunting weapons made<br />
from flint, horn and bone, household tools, decorations,<br />
the remains of wooden structures, and osteological<br />
and phytologic material.<br />
The ceramics are the most numerous (Figs. 2, 3, 4, 5).<br />
They consist of more than 2,000 fragments of pottery,<br />
mainly pots, and much fewer bowls (the 2002 to 2009<br />
excavations).<br />
The shapes of the larger pots have not yet been wholly<br />
reconstructed. They can be assumed by the fragments<br />
available, as well as by the small vessels, which usually<br />
copied the patterns of the larger ones. These were<br />
low vessels shaped like a helmet, with pointed bottoms<br />
and cylindrical tops that transferred smoothly into the<br />
near-bottom part. Taken in axial section, the bottoms<br />
were usually 90º or more. Their ends were sometimes<br />
rounded. The bowls were mostly round-bottomed, and<br />
more rarely with pointed rounded bottoms.<br />
The pottery necks were wide open. The height equalled<br />
the width, or was slightly bigger. This is also confirmed<br />
by the preserved fragments and the rather large quantity<br />
of rim residues.<br />
It is difficult to determine the neck diameters of the<br />
pots. Having been in a very moist environment for a<br />
long time, the ceramics have to a large degree lost their<br />
firing. That is the reason why the potsherds, including<br />
the rims, have lost their form under the pressure of the
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Fig. 1. The Kryvina peat-bog region: the location of the settlements. 1 Asaviec 6; 2 Asaviec 3a; 3 Asaviec 3;<br />
4 Asaviec 5; 5 Asaviec 2; 6 Asaviec 2a; 7Asaviec 2b; 8 Asaviec 4; 9 Asaviec 7; 10 Asaviec 1; 11 Kryvina 3; 12 Kryvina 2;<br />
13 Kryvina 1 (drawing by M. Charniauski).<br />
101
MICHAL<br />
CHARNIAUSKI,<br />
MAXIM<br />
CHARNIAUSKI<br />
The Excavation of Kryvina<br />
Peatbog Settlements in<br />
Northern Belarus between<br />
2000 and 2009<br />
Fig. 2. Ceramics of Usvyatian culture: 1, 2 shapes of vessels; 3 the bottom; 4–20 rims (drawing by M. Charniauski).<br />
102
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Fig. 3. Asaviec 2. Decorative elements and motifs of Usvyatian culture ceramics (drawing by M. Charniauski).<br />
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higher layers. Exceptions occur when a fragment is<br />
positioned vertically in the layer. This is why a few<br />
finds give us an idea as to the rim diameters, the small<br />
pots being from eight to 20 centimetres, the larger ones<br />
about 25 to 40 centimetres.<br />
Pot rims are straight or brought together a little, and in<br />
rare instances they are slightly bent forward (Fig. 2.4-<br />
20). They are usually thickened with a flat, mainly inside<br />
tapered cut. Sometimes rims with a similar flat cut<br />
but without thickening are encountered. There are also<br />
items that are smoothly thinned from the middle part.<br />
Finely crushed shells, often large quantities of them,<br />
small pieces of organic matter which was burnt down<br />
during firing, and grains of fireclay were added to the<br />
clay paste of the walls. As a result, the potsherds were<br />
light and porous, but fragile and falling into small pieces<br />
when wet. Along the surface, a tight microlaminar<br />
structure can be seen in a fresh break. The pieces of<br />
crushed shells are of a similar orientation. Inside the<br />
break, there is a warm-grey layer that tells us about the<br />
insufficient firing of the ceramics.<br />
The pots were made of quite standard clay strips, five<br />
to seven centimetres wide and on average six to nine<br />
millimetres thick by the butt-end joint method (a swallow-tail<br />
joint). Some of the potsherds are exfoliated<br />
into two halves. Such a two-layer structure can also be<br />
seen on some breaks. This makes us think that a clay<br />
roller was made, and afterwards it was flattened (rolled<br />
out) into a thin belt. Then it was folded lengthwise. As<br />
a result, one edge of the belt was grooved, the other one<br />
thinned, which was exactly what was necessary in the<br />
swallow-tail joint technique. The belt joints were plastered<br />
with clay, and the wall surfaces were smoothed<br />
by tapping from both sides with the ‘hammer and anvil’<br />
technique. The ‘hammer’ could be a board with<br />
thread or cord winding. In the latter case, its parallel<br />
stamps remained on the wall surface. The tapping resulted<br />
in both pottery surfaces being very smooth. The<br />
outer surface was additionally polished with bone polishers.<br />
These were ribs and wetted ceramics fragments,<br />
sometimes wound with birch bark (Fig. 6.23). Judging<br />
by several glossy dark-grey potsherds, the pottery was<br />
perhaps also rubbed with carbon powder.<br />
All the ceramics from Asaviec 2 have become greyish<br />
after lying in peat for a long time. Usvyatian ceramics<br />
are usually grey-brown for the same reason. Some of<br />
the inner surfaces still keep a layer of carbon that is up<br />
to two millimetres thick here and there. Separate fragments<br />
indicate that initially most of the pottery was of<br />
a beautiful light-grey, yellowish colour.<br />
The preparation of the clay with the appropriate admixtures,<br />
the modelling of the pottery, its decoration<br />
and drying, and the polishing of the surfaces was all a<br />
laborious process. So the ceramics were taken care of,<br />
and when they were damaged they were repaired. The<br />
inhabitants tied them with cords and birch bark. This<br />
is indicated by the repair perforations on the brims of<br />
the potsherds.<br />
After drying and perhaps before polishing, the pottery<br />
was covered with decorations, mainly by stamping,<br />
and more rarely by carving.<br />
The decorations included various notches, dimples,<br />
caterpillar prints, pits, combed motifs and cuts (Fig. 3).<br />
Notches make up more than 90% compared to other<br />
elements. They are usually medium-sized (1 to 1.5cm<br />
long); however, there are many small and some long<br />
and seed-like ones. As a rule, they were made with<br />
paddles with round ends, wide and narrow, in the<br />
backing-off manner, i.e. the punch (ornamentor) was<br />
inclined relative to the decorated surface. The notches<br />
were slightly curved, sometimes pressed in the upper<br />
part (prodded notches), and usually quite wide. In<br />
some cases, they resemble a linear stamp imprint with<br />
rounded ends. Sometimes, the notches are curved and<br />
thin, as if they were made with a shell.<br />
Most of the decorations were made with an inclined<br />
punch (ornamentor) in the backing-off ‘cursive’ manner.<br />
The notches are inclined to the right. Only a few<br />
of them are vertical or inclined to the left. This might<br />
be connected with most of the people involved in the<br />
decoration process being right-handed.<br />
Caterpillar imprints and dimples make up to 4%<br />
each. These are quite different, including triangular,<br />
square, needle-like and amorphous short notches, and<br />
even hoof-like shapes. Pits, drawn lines and combed<br />
elements are rare. Pits are shallow and inexpressive,<br />
drawn lines are thin or quite thin. Combed stamps have<br />
fewer ripples; however, wide and rather long ones are<br />
also encountered.<br />
Decorative motifs are usually sparse, and make up single,<br />
twin, or, more rarely, multi-row horizontal belts<br />
that are sometimes situated under the rim only. In some<br />
cases, patterns are skew or vertical, they even cross<br />
each other, creating closed zones. Some pottery has no<br />
decoration at all, except for the rim.<br />
Flattened or tapered rims are always decorated. If the<br />
rim was thin, the decorated belt was shifted to its inner<br />
edge. Sometimes the same occurs with a thickened rim<br />
as well. The rim usually had the same decorative elements<br />
as the pot’s body. We should also mention the<br />
absence of a deep round pit belt on Usvyatian pottery<br />
that was typical of the ceramics of other Neolithic cultures<br />
of Belarus.
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Fig. 4. Asaviec 2. Figurative motifs in the decoration of Usvyatian culture ceramics. 1, 2 ducks; 3 a rhombus composition;<br />
4 a crown of water nut leaves (drawing by M. Charniauski).<br />
105
MICHAL<br />
CHARNIAUSKI,<br />
MAXIM<br />
CHARNIAUSKI<br />
The Excavation of Kryvina<br />
Peatbog Settlements in<br />
Northern Belarus between<br />
2000 and 2009<br />
Fig. 5. Asaviec 2. Ceramics: 1 an amphora of Globular Amphora culture; 2, 3 fragments of Usvyatian culture vessels with<br />
duck images (drawing by M. Charniauski).<br />
106
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Fig. 6. Asaviec 2. Items of Usvyatian culture made of flint (1–9), antler and bone (10–19, 21, 22, 24), amber (20) and<br />
ceramics (23): 1–4, 10, 15 arrowheads; 5 a javelin head; 6–8 scrapers; 11 a fragment of a figure plate; 12 an item made<br />
of wild boar tusk; 13 an ornamental plate; 14, 18 punches; 16 the spike of a dagger; 17 a decorator; 19 a bead; 20,<br />
24 pendants; 21 a chisel; 22 an axe; 23 a ceramic polisher (drawing by M. Charniauski).<br />
107
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Peatbog Settlements in<br />
Northern Belarus between<br />
2000 and 2009<br />
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MAXIM<br />
CHARNIAUSKI<br />
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Usvyatian ceramics of the Kryvina micro-region are<br />
distinguished by the presence of pictorial elements in<br />
the decoration. The majority of these finds were obtained<br />
during the last few years. They are quite realistic<br />
and also outlined stamped pictures of swimming birds<br />
(Figs. 4.1, 2; 5.2, 3), snakes (Fig. 2.1), and crowns of<br />
water chestnut leaves (Fig. 4.4). There are wavy lines,<br />
zigzags, herringbone patterns, and arcs as signs of the<br />
earth, water and celestial phenomena. Rhombuses<br />
were probably stylised images of eggs, the most important<br />
sacred element in the cosmogonic mythology<br />
of the local people (Fig. 4.3).<br />
Split flint is generally rare. It can be explained by its<br />
absence in the area. Usvyatian ceramics are accompanied<br />
by drop-like and rhombic arrowheads (Fig. 6.1-<br />
4), a non-typical javelin head (Fig. 6.5), chip scrapers<br />
(Fig. 6.6-8), knives (Fig. 6.9), and perforators. The inhabitants<br />
of the settlement tried to work on some nonflint<br />
stones as well.<br />
Flint was successfully replaced by antler and bone,<br />
which was generally typical of the whole Neolithic<br />
Age in northern Belarus.<br />
Bone needle-like (Fig. 6.10) and close to biconical<br />
(Fig. 6.15) flat-shaft arrowheads have been unearthed.<br />
The latter provided the basis for the development of<br />
Kryvina-type arrowheads of the Late Neolithic Age.<br />
There are fragments of spearheads and daggers (Fig.<br />
6.16), perforators made from small bones with heads<br />
(Fig. 6.14, 18), and pieces of tubular bones, and tools<br />
made from wild boar’s tusks (Fig. 6.12). In order to<br />
produce cutting tools, fragments of antlers were used,<br />
on which skew blades were formed. However, the local<br />
people had begun producing axes using a better technique,<br />
by splitting the antler piece in two halves (Fig.<br />
6.22).<br />
There is a fragment of a flat bone figured plate (Fig.<br />
6.11) and a damaged flat artefact with rhombiс decoration<br />
that might have been used for netting (Fig. 6.13).<br />
The excavations made over the last few years have<br />
uncovered examples of decoration. These were perforated<br />
animal teeth (Fig. 6.24), beads made of tubular<br />
bird bones (Fig. 6.19), and a skull fragment of a small<br />
animal with a perforation. It was in the Middle Neolithic<br />
that amber jewellery appeared in northern Belarus.<br />
In the lower layer at Asaviec 2, two pendants with<br />
a frontal perforation (Fig. 6.20) and a fragment of a<br />
bead were found.<br />
During the excavations between 2000 and 2009, the<br />
remains of some wooden constructions of poles and<br />
sharpened stakes driven into the bases of the cultural<br />
layer or into the bedrock were found in the layer with<br />
Usvyatian artefacts. Fire hearths were located on sandy<br />
platforms here.<br />
The cultural layer contains many very splintered animal<br />
bones, bird bones, fishbones and scales. There are<br />
also the burnt cores of water chestnuts, nutshells of hazelnuts,<br />
and the shells of lake shellfish.<br />
The excavations at Asaviec 2 also uncovered fragments<br />
of human bones, mostly splintered. One bone was the<br />
femur of a young individual, estimated between 12 and<br />
15 years old. It could be evidence of cannibalism in the<br />
area, as the bone has some marks that could be traces<br />
of cutting (identified by Astrid Lennblad, Gotland University,<br />
Sweden).<br />
Single fragments of Narva culture were found at the<br />
bottom of the cultural layer together with the Usvyatian<br />
artefacts. This suggests that the settlement was<br />
founded by bearers of Narva culture. However, it took<br />
a short time for Narva culture to transform itself into<br />
Usvyatian culture. This was very likely facilitated by<br />
the influence of Baltic culture, with its typical combedpit<br />
ceramics. This influence resulted in, for example,<br />
the presence of smooth-wall ceramics with traces of<br />
gravel, and images of ducks made with widely indented<br />
stamps. To the west of the Belarusian Lakeland,<br />
where the coexistence of local people with the bearers<br />
of Baltic culture occurred, there are large quantities<br />
of hybrid ceramics in local settlements in which Late<br />
Narva techniques were combined with Baltic shapes<br />
and decoration.<br />
The excavations in 2009 uncovered fragments of pottery<br />
of Globular Amphora culture (Fig. 5.1) in the upper<br />
layer with Usvyatian artefacts. They originated<br />
from a two-ear flat-based amphora with a rim diameter<br />
of about 15 centimetres. The colour of the vessel was<br />
brownish-grey, darker on the inner surface where the<br />
carbon layer was preserved. The walls have a lot of<br />
coarse sand in their structure. The grains are generally<br />
rolled, and of a light-grey or pinkish colour, sometimes<br />
up to five millimetres in size. The wall surfaces have<br />
slight traces of polishing, horizontal on the rim and<br />
skew on the body. The traces on the inner surface are<br />
close to horizontal ones. There was a belt of small vertical<br />
notches on the part of the amphora where the neck<br />
turns into the shoulders.<br />
In Belarus, such amphorae have only been found so far<br />
in the western part of the county (Charniauski 1997,<br />
pp.211-216). They are also known in Lithuania, mostly<br />
in the western and southern parts (Girininkas 2009,<br />
Fig. 150). During previous years, in the upper part of<br />
the Usvyatian layer, ceramics that could be connected<br />
with Corded Ware culture were encountered. This<br />
may suggest that the bearers of Globular Amphora and
Corded Ware cultures were involved in the decline of<br />
Usvyatian culture.<br />
The porous ceramics of a Kryvina bottom layer type<br />
were marked out, and referred to another type of Narva<br />
culture as a result of the explorations of Skema 1<br />
on Lake Narach and at Asaviec 2 (Charniauski 1965,<br />
p.72ff; Cherniavskii 1969, pp.71-79). The understanding<br />
of materials of recent years makes it possible to<br />
consider the porous ceramics and accompanying flint<br />
and bone artefacts as belonging to Usvyatian culture<br />
of the Middle Neolithic singled out by Mikliaiev<br />
(Mikliaiev 1971, p.20ff).<br />
The carbon from the ceramic fragment with images<br />
of ducks showed an age of 4370±50 BP (Ua–34618)<br />
(Zaitseva et al. 2008, p.86). There is also an older date<br />
obtained from the bark from the bedrock surface of<br />
4900±140 ВР (IGSB–779). As can be seen, the dating<br />
of the Usvyatian culture artefacts from Asaviec 2 correspond<br />
to the chronological period of the culture at<br />
the settlement of Usvyaty 4 (5120–4030 ВР (Mikliaiev<br />
1995, p.19).<br />
The Usvyatian culture artefacts of the Kryvina microregion<br />
have their own peculiarities. One of the most important<br />
features is the minimal quantity of the combed<br />
elements, and the total domination of notches. At the<br />
same time in the Narach Lakeland, on the southwest<br />
periphery of the culture, there are more thin-combed<br />
and linear stamps, pit elements. Zaikovski distinguished<br />
two versions from the porous ceramics culture<br />
of the Middle Neolithic in the Lakeland, Kryvina and<br />
Dzisna versions (Zaikovski 1985, p.11ff).<br />
Today we know that the Usvyatian culture of the Middle<br />
Neolithic occupied the total area of the Belarusian<br />
Dzvina region (Charniauski 2008, p.73), except for the<br />
far southeast part with its Babinavichi-type settlements<br />
(Zaikovski, 1985). To the south, Usvyatian artefacts<br />
were discovered upstream of the River Biarezina, and<br />
to the southwest on the River Vilija and Lake Narach<br />
region. This culture also occupies the southern part of<br />
the Pskov region and the northwest of the Smalensk<br />
region.<br />
Asaviec 7<br />
This settlement is situated in the northern part of the<br />
Kryvina peatbog, 1.6 kilometres south-southeast of the<br />
village of Asaviec, and 0.3 kilometres south-southeast<br />
of the settlement of Asaviec 2, on the other side of the<br />
initially not yet flattened bed of the River Kryvinka<br />
(Fig. 1.9).<br />
Unlike the neighbouring Asaviec 2, the settlement is<br />
located directly on peat, which tells us about its occupation<br />
during the time of the regression. The regression<br />
was quite long, as the peaty lakeshore (the depth of the<br />
mainland peat exceeds 1m) had to dry well before settlement<br />
became possible.<br />
A total of 70 square metres was excavated, and 25<br />
square metres more was cleaned at the ash depth at<br />
Asaviec 2.<br />
The bedrock of the settlement drops in a southwesterly<br />
direction, exposed to daylight by a peat fire in 1999.<br />
As a result, the thickness of the cultural layer is from<br />
0.2 metres in the northern squares to 1.15 metres in<br />
the most preserved area (without pits). Material in the<br />
form of flint artefacts is found 20 metres north of the<br />
place where the bedrock outcrop is. Therefore, we<br />
should assume that the cultural layer here was totally<br />
destroyed by fire.<br />
The cultural layer consists of two peat horizons of different<br />
sand content levels. It contains two to four fillings<br />
of lake sand (5 to 15cm thick). The lowest part<br />
rests upon a pine bark bedding that in turn lies directly<br />
on bedrock, dense dark-brown peat abundantly rich in<br />
plant residues. Above all, the filling here is a thin interlayer<br />
with a lot of small pieces of coal and organic<br />
matter.<br />
Finds have been encountered beginning with the day<br />
surface of the settlement. Larger quantities of them in<br />
the cultural layer coincide with the depth of the two<br />
first sand fillings, 15 to 50 centimetres on average, depending<br />
on the square.<br />
Eight years of exploration have given us numerous materials:<br />
ceramics, bone, antler, clay, flint, stone, bark,<br />
wooden, amber and copper artefacts.<br />
The ceramics of Asaviec 7 belong almost completely<br />
to Northern Belarusian archaeological culture. About<br />
a dozen fragments belong to Usvyatian and Middle<br />
Dnieper cultures, some date from the late Bronze Age.<br />
More than 13,000 identifiable ceramics fragments, and<br />
almost the same number of unidentifiable small pieces<br />
(less than 2 sq. cm), have been uncovered.<br />
The firing quality of the pottery is rather poor. The<br />
inside wall breaks have the darkest interlayer, which<br />
vanishes closer to the rim. The long stay in water has<br />
made some of the fragments lose their firing, and surface<br />
ornamentation and processing traces are easily<br />
smoothed by the touch of a finger. All these things lead<br />
us to believe that the pottery was fired in a fire hearth<br />
at modest temperatures.<br />
As an admixture, crushed shells, grass, and sometimes<br />
gravel and sand, were added to the clay. Single fragments<br />
suggest the possible use of chamotte. It was<br />
common to add bird down and down feathers to the<br />
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CHARNIAUSKI,<br />
MAXIM<br />
CHARNIAUSKI<br />
110<br />
clay paste. To make one vessel, they used two and even<br />
three different additions.<br />
The pots were made of wide strips by means of skew<br />
sticking; sometimes fragments with traces of butt-end<br />
and hybrid skew-butt-end joining methods are found<br />
that are signs of the Usvyatian tradition.<br />
The surfaces of the fragments are hatched, mainly horizontally.<br />
The hatching depth and expressiveness differs,<br />
the most vivid is usually located inside the pot.<br />
On the outside surface, it is smoother, and is slightly<br />
visible on certain parts of the pottery. If there is no<br />
decoration, the hatching relief increases; sometimes,<br />
apparently, it was used as the decoration for the components.<br />
The rims are slightly forward-bent, straight, and tapered<br />
mostly with rounded or flattened cuts, some of<br />
them with a build-up. Some of the rims were decorated<br />
along the cut; several have the decoration on the inside<br />
surface.<br />
Mostly flat-base pottery was used in the settlement;<br />
rounded or slightly pointed bottoms are rare (Fig. 7.2-<br />
4, 12-13).<br />
The decoration on the pottery is very dense, usually<br />
covering the whole vessel, including the bottom and<br />
rim cut, and sometimes inside the latter. An exception<br />
to this is the slightly ornamented pots in which the<br />
clear influence of corded ware ceramics can be seen.<br />
The main decorative elements at the settlement are the<br />
imprints of combed and smooth stamps (square, ovalshaped,<br />
lens-like, and in a C-shape, as well as all the<br />
possible variations obtained by changing the incline<br />
of the decorating tool), straight and curved notches of<br />
various lengths, ‘caterpillar’ and corded imprints, the<br />
imprint of a rounded stick edge, and pits of round, oval<br />
and amorphous shapes. Tracing with narrow and wide<br />
tools was also applied.<br />
The most common decorative motifs are: a band of<br />
sparse pits (double pits) on a wide and deep flattened<br />
encircling groove (Fig. 7.1, 23), a horizontal herringbone<br />
pattern made with the help of a combed or smooth<br />
stamp, various notches and strikethroughs (Fig. 7.1-2,<br />
18, 21, 28), bands of vertical imprints of combed or<br />
smooth stamps, notches (Fig. 7.2, 17, 19, 25), bands<br />
of inclined notches, usually to the right, imprints of<br />
combed or smooth stamps (Fig. 7.20, 27-31), a band of<br />
crossed notches inclined to different sides, imprints of<br />
combed or smooth stamps (Fig. 7.17), bands of single<br />
or twin zigzags made with combed or linear stamps<br />
(Fig. 7.3-4, 21), oblique rows of vertical, inclined, or,<br />
more rarely, horizontal imprints of mainly smooth S<br />
going diagonally from the rim (Fig. 7.2), narrow horizontal<br />
encircling bands, streaked or made of mutually<br />
overlapping imprints of smooth or combed stamps,<br />
imprints of a cord (Fig. 7.2, 19), horizontal bands of<br />
adjoining hatched triangles with changeable vertices<br />
(Fig. 7.5), bands of pits (Fig. 7.6), and single, twin and<br />
triple ‘arcs’ from imprints of smooth stamps or pits<br />
(Fig. 7.22).<br />
It should be mentioned that many identical decorative<br />
motifs were made with the help of smooth as well as<br />
combed stamps, and that the latter were used less by<br />
the dwellers of the settlement. However, some tools<br />
have been observed to have such inexpressive indentations<br />
that their imprints are difficult to distinguish from<br />
a smooth stamp, especially when they have not been<br />
applied to the surface at a right angle.<br />
The most common combinations of decorative motifs<br />
are:<br />
• 1-2 herringbone belts underlined by an encircling<br />
groove with separate or twin pits. They were used<br />
to line the rim (Fig. 7.1)<br />
• herringbone bands connected by bands of inclined<br />
or vertical imprints (Fig. 7.1-2, 26)<br />
• herringbone bands transferring to bands of crossed<br />
to-and-fro-inclined stamps<br />
• inclined stamps or herringbone patterns divided<br />
by one or two bands of horizontal zigzag (Fig. 7.1)<br />
• bands of inclined stamps or herringbone patterns<br />
divided by one or several bands of pits (Fig. 7.28)<br />
• bands of pits, short vertical imprints of linear<br />
stamps or encircling cord stamps that restrict from<br />
above and below the row of adjoining hatched triangles<br />
The reconstruction of vessels from the settlement allows<br />
us to single out the basic forms: poorly profiled<br />
vessels with a convex body and a slightly distinguished<br />
neck; vessels with an S-shape profile made according<br />
to the traditions of Corded Ware cultures; biconical<br />
pots with a tapered top (Fig. 7.1-6); and bowl-shaped<br />
goblets (Fig. 7.12-14, 16). Tiny copies of pots, including<br />
decorated ones, appear among the artefacts (Fig.<br />
7.10-11, 15).<br />
There are traits of Usvyatian, Upper Dnieper and Corded<br />
Ware ceramics (Middle Dnieper and Baltic) cultures<br />
in the ceramic complex of Northern Belarusian culture<br />
from the Asaviec 7 settlement (Charniauski 2006,<br />
p.44ff).<br />
At the Asaviec 7 settlement, bone and antler artefacts<br />
of four categories have been unearthed: hunting and<br />
fishing tools, household and working tools, artistic<br />
and cult objects, and musical instruments. A total of<br />
279 artefacts of these types were discovered during
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Fig. 7. Asaviec 7. Ceramics of Northern Belarusian culture: 1–16 vessels; 17–32 decorative elements and motifs<br />
(drawing by M. Charniauski).<br />
111
The Excavation of Kryvina<br />
Peatbog Settlements in<br />
Northern Belarus between<br />
2000 and 2009<br />
MICHAL<br />
CHARNIAUSKI,<br />
MAXIM<br />
CHARNIAUSKI<br />
eight years of exploration there: 20 arrowheads, four<br />
harpoon heads, five daggers, five fishhooks and six remains<br />
of their production, three axes, three chisels, 20<br />
perforators, 18 items of split wild boar tusks (so-called<br />
‘fish knives’), two items from split beaver incisors<br />
(fragments of items made from a beaver jaw?), one<br />
spearhead, two spikes, two flakes, four pressure tools,<br />
four punches (ornamentors), one palette-knife, 31 pendants<br />
(including 19 of animal teeth), one half-moonshaped<br />
pendant, one ‘grivna’, three key-like pendants,<br />
two zoomorphic pendants, five bear or beaver phalanges,<br />
one from patella, 22 beads, two pins, one flute,<br />
77 indefinable fragments of artefacts, 14 intermediates,<br />
and 27 fragments of production residues.<br />
Bone arrowheads are mainly represented by artefacts<br />
of the ‘Kryvina’ type. These are spindle-shaped<br />
(Fig. 8.5, 6), bottle-shaped arrowheads (Fig. 8.1, 2, 4)<br />
and their flattened variants (Fig. 8.3). There are also<br />
stretched willow-leaved shapes (Fig. 8.7). Some of<br />
the fragments imply the use of needle-shaped items<br />
(Fig. 8.13). The bone arrowheads of ‘Kryvina’ type are<br />
mostly typical of the settlements of the Kryvina peatbog.<br />
They make up about 30% of all the artefacts of<br />
this class in the region.<br />
Bone daggers are represented by items made from ulnar<br />
and radial bones of large horned animals with a<br />
preserved epiphysis (Fig. 8.8). All the harpoon heads<br />
uncovered are one-sided two-pronged ones, with a<br />
spatulous design of the haft (Fig. 8.9-10). The fishhooks<br />
are similar in their shapes to typical ones of the<br />
Kryvina region. They are U-shaped, and have a naillike<br />
widening for a fishing line (Fig. 8.11-12).<br />
The axes uncovered are made mainly of split antler<br />
(Fig. 8.22). Chisels are represented by an item made<br />
from a split tubular bone with the preserved epiphysis<br />
as a crash platform and tools with a broken top part.<br />
The shapes of the perforators from Asaviec 7 are the<br />
most widespread ones: made of small limb bones with<br />
a preserved epiphysis mainly of slate (Fig. 8.17), and<br />
also split tubular bones (Fig. 8.20). Pressure tools (Fig.<br />
8.18) and ornamentors (Fig. 8.19) are encountered<br />
among the artefacts too.<br />
Quite a large group consists of cutting-scraping artefacts<br />
made of split wild boar tusks, so-called ‘fish<br />
knives’ (Fig. 8.15-16).<br />
There are also fragments of beaver incisors with sharpened<br />
cutting surfaces. These are possibly evidence of<br />
the use of scraping-cutting tools from the lower halves<br />
of beaver jaws that are found among the artefacts of the<br />
neighbouring Asaviec 2 settlement (Razluckaia 1999,<br />
p.99).<br />
An abundant collection of bone and antler artefacts<br />
of artistic and cult items and musical instruments has<br />
been uncovered at the settlement: diverse beads (Fig.<br />
9.5-7), pendants made from animals’ teeth (Fig. 9.10-<br />
13), phalanges (Fig. 9.15) and patellae (Fig. 9.14) with<br />
perforations. The unique key-shaped pendants (Fig.<br />
9.1-3) should be mentioned separately, as they do not<br />
have direct analogues beyond the borders of the Kryvina<br />
peatbog (Charniauski, Charniauski, 2005). The<br />
zoomorphic artefacts are also interesting: a bone pendant<br />
(Fig. 9.17), a possible mixing spoon in the shape<br />
of a bird made from a wild boar tusk, and a half moon<br />
shaped pendant (‘lunnica’) (Fig. 9.16).<br />
This category can also be enlarged by an artefact made<br />
from a whole wild boar tusk split down its length,<br />
some well-processed bone fragments (Fig. 9.18), and<br />
possible pin (hairpin) fragments (Fig. 9.8, 9, 24).<br />
The find of a whole flute with three holes (Fig. 9.23)<br />
is unique.<br />
Flint artefacts at the settlement are represented by chips<br />
(which dominate), flakes, blades and articles, such as<br />
arrowheads, javelin heads, axes, strickles, scrapers,<br />
raspers, knives, punches, perforators, daggers, retouching<br />
chips and flakes. There are many combined<br />
articles, mainly with a scraping basis. Scrapers (123<br />
items) and arrowheads (98 items) dominate in number<br />
among the tools. Raspers and combined artefacts on a<br />
scraping basis total 44 items. The remaining classes of<br />
artefacts found do not even reach 5% (except for cutting<br />
ones, 37 items, at 8.7%). Sozh, Valdai and Neman<br />
flint can be visually distinguished at the settlement.<br />
Some of the articles were made of local flint mineral<br />
with an uneven surface of chips.<br />
One morphologically diverse class of artefacts found<br />
at the settlement is the arrowheads, represented by five<br />
basic forms: leaflike, rhomboid, rhomboid-like (intermediate),<br />
triangular and figured.<br />
Leaflike arrowheads are divided into four groups: leaflike<br />
symmetrical (shaft and shaftless) (Fig. 10.1-3);<br />
leaflike with the widest body part shifted to the spike<br />
(shaftless) (Fig. 10.5); violet willow leaflike (shaft and<br />
shaftless) (Fig. 10.6, 12); and drop-shaped (the widest<br />
part is at the bottom of the article, shaftless) (Fig.<br />
10.4).<br />
Rhomboid arrowheads are comprised of three groups:<br />
rhomboid symmetrical (shaft and shaftless) (Fig. 10.7-<br />
10); rhomboid stretched (shaft); and rhomboid asymmetrical,<br />
with the widest body part shifted to the spike<br />
(shaft and shaftless) (Fig. 10.11).<br />
112
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Fig. 8. Asaviec 7. Bone (1–20), antler (22) and copper (21) artefacts: 1–7, 13 arrowheads; 8 a dagger; 9, 10 harpoon heads;<br />
11, 12 fishhooks; 14 a triangular point; 15, 16 ‘fish knives’ made of wild boar tusks; 17, 20, 21 punches; 18 a pressure tool;<br />
19 a palette knife; 22 an axe (drawing by M. Charniauski).<br />
113
MICHAL<br />
CHARNIAUSKI,<br />
MAXIM<br />
CHARNIAUSKI<br />
The Excavation of Kryvina<br />
Peatbog Settlements in<br />
Northern Belarus between<br />
2000 and 2009<br />
114<br />
Fig. 9. Asaviec 7. Jewellery (1–22) and musical instruments (23) made of bone (2–18, 23), antler (1) and amber (19–22):<br />
1–3 key-shaped pendants; 4 an oval shaped pendant; 5–7 beads; 8, 9, 24 pins; 10–13 tooth pendants; 14 a patellae pendant;<br />
15 a phalange pendant; 16 a half-moon shaped pendant (‘lunnica’); 17 a zoomorphic pendant; 18 a fragment of an unidentifiable<br />
item; 19–22 amber pendants; 23 a flute (drawing by M. Charniauski).
Rhomboid-like artefacts have one group of symmetrical<br />
wide arrowheads, divided into shaft and shaftless<br />
(Fig. 10.16-17).<br />
Triangular (Fig. 10.18) and figured arrowheads make<br />
up one group each (Fig. 10.13-15).<br />
The largest number of archetypes out of the five are<br />
leaflike and rhomboid (41 and 26 items respectively).<br />
At a group level, leaflike symmetrical shaftless and<br />
rhomboid symmetrical shaftless articles prevail.<br />
This class of artefacts is characterised by the absolute<br />
domination of traditional local Neolithic shapes.<br />
They are almost identical to articles of Usvyatian<br />
culture that prevailed in northern Belarus in the Kryvina<br />
region. Loans from other territories include the<br />
stretched rhomboid-like shaft, the triangle with an incurved<br />
base, the symmetrical rhomboid with a tapered<br />
shaft and spike, and willow-leaflike arrowheads with a<br />
short shaft. Their appearance must be connected to the<br />
Corded Ware ceramics traditions that filtered into the<br />
region from the Dnieper and Baltic regions. Figured<br />
arrowheads most likely have local origins, judging by<br />
the compact distribution of precise analogues and the<br />
small quantities of artefacts themselves. It is interesting<br />
that some flint arrowheads copy the shapes of one<br />
of the most numerous groups of bone arrowheads.<br />
Unbroken spearheads were not found. One artefact<br />
may be identified as the work-piece of such an item,<br />
a range of small objects can also be attributed to this<br />
class. Javelin heads are larger copies of leaflike symmetrical-shaft<br />
arrowheads. They are represented by<br />
one intact and four damaged specimens.<br />
Intact flint axes were not found at the settlement. One<br />
complete artefact is a reprocessed item of a larger one,<br />
and is a middle-sized axe with a close to lens-shaped<br />
cross-section and a blunt butt (Fig. 10.29). The body is<br />
expressively tapered in the middle. Most of the body<br />
up to the butt is polished. The blade was polished separately<br />
and more thoroughly.<br />
Besides the above-mentioned artefact, there are five<br />
more fragments in this class. The initial quantity of<br />
polished flint axes at the settlement was much bigger.<br />
This is indicated by various small tools, as well<br />
as chips and flakes with a surface with some polished<br />
areas. All of these tell us about the secondary use of<br />
damaged axes, which was caused by a shortage of flint<br />
in the region. The number of such artefacts at the settlement<br />
amounts to ten pieces.<br />
Chisels are represented by two types. Chisels of the<br />
first type are small and narrow, with the blade reground<br />
from both sides (Fig. 10.31); ones of the second type<br />
are made on a high massive flake, prism-like in its section,<br />
the sides of which are worked on with a sharp retouching,<br />
and the blade with a flatter one (Fig. 10.30).<br />
The retouching on the sides is with strong fractures:<br />
perhaps they were used as scrubbers. Both artefacts are<br />
found in a single copy.<br />
Flint tools used for cutting and perforation (punches,<br />
rollers and perforators: ten artefacts) can be divided<br />
into three groups:<br />
Group 1. Tools with a short expressed working section<br />
decorated with an opposite, rarely two-sided on one of<br />
the side walls, retouching. There are two types: sharp<br />
top and ‘stack’ top (Fig. 10.32). Some of the tools have<br />
an additional functional purpose, cutting or scraping.<br />
Group 2. Tools with symmetrical pointed working<br />
sections that are worked on from both surfaces with<br />
a careful sharpening retouching. The latter does not<br />
show any visual traces of blunting or polishing because<br />
of wear.<br />
Group 3. Tools with wide rounded working sections<br />
worked on the perimeter with a fine retouching (Fig.<br />
10.33). The latter is strongly worn-out, its strong<br />
grounding on the side walls can be visually distinguished.<br />
Some of the items have an additional functional<br />
purpose, mainly cutting.<br />
Scraping flint articles comprise the largest category of<br />
artefacts, of which the calculation is complicated by<br />
the existence of quite a large group of combined articles.<br />
The following groups can be identified among<br />
them:<br />
Group 1. Square-like tools. There are three types: buttend,<br />
butt-end one-sided, and butt-end two-sided items<br />
(Fig. 10.22).<br />
Group 2. Tiny items with a low scraping surface located<br />
on the butt-end and both sides.<br />
Group 3. Stretched square-like items with one butt-end<br />
scraping surface. In one case, it is high and sharp, in<br />
the other case fairly low with a fine retouching.<br />
Group 4. Trapezoid-shaped items with a narrow base,<br />
some of which are close to triangular-shaped items.<br />
There are three types: butt-end, butt-end one-sided,<br />
and butt-end two-sided items (Fig. 10.20-22).<br />
Group 5. Stretched items produced mainly on high<br />
flakes. There are butt-end scrapers and one side-wall<br />
scraper, the other side has from one to three scraping<br />
grooves (Fig. 10.19).<br />
Group 6. ‘Cape’ type items (Fig. 10.23). In two cases,<br />
the base also has a scraping surface, which brings these<br />
items closer to being trapezoid-shaped with a butt-end<br />
two-sided scraping surface.<br />
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115
MICHAL<br />
CHARNIAUSKI,<br />
MAXIM<br />
CHARNIAUSKI<br />
The Excavation of Kryvina<br />
Peatbog Settlements in<br />
Northern Belarus between<br />
2000 and 2009<br />
Fig. 10. Asaviec 7. Flint items: 1–18 arrowheads; 19–23 scrapers; 24 a rasping tool; 25–28 cutting tools; 29 an axe; 30, 31<br />
chisels; 32, 33 perforators (drawing by M. Charniauski).<br />
116
Group 7. Fine items of a square-like or trapezoid-like<br />
shape, with a perimeter scraping surface.<br />
Group 8. Items with a scraping surface along the semicircular<br />
side wall. There are two types: 1) a sharp retouching<br />
goes all along the side wall; 2) only half of<br />
the side wall is retouched. In one case, there is one<br />
more small scraping area on the opposite side wall.<br />
A number of various group scrapers should be mentioned<br />
separately. They are united by one feature,<br />
which is a short (stack-like) protuberance in one of the<br />
corners of the butt-end scraper (mainly the right corner).<br />
Only in one case is it located a little closer to the<br />
middle part. The protuberance is decorated with small<br />
scraping grooves. In all the cases, the scraping groovelike<br />
surface, as well as the stack-like protuberance, has<br />
strong traces of wear.<br />
The next group (9) of small-sized items, in which<br />
the scraping side-walls are tapered into a conditional<br />
spike, might be for the same purpose.<br />
Group 10. Items on slightly curved high flakes of triangular<br />
section of which the side-walls are thought to be<br />
scraping surfaces.<br />
Group 11. Massive scrapers on chips with high lateral<br />
scrapers.<br />
The largest group in terms of quantity is the trapezoid<br />
artefacts (group 4), next come the items in groups 5<br />
and 8.<br />
Rasping items, 18 pieces in total, are represented by<br />
the following groups:<br />
Group 1. Triangular-like items with one or two rasping<br />
grooves on the larger side. In one case, one of the<br />
smaller sides also has a rasping groove.<br />
Group 2. Artefacts on flakes and flake chips. There<br />
are the following types: one-sided, with one or several<br />
rasping notches, and two-sided items with one or several<br />
rasping notches on both sides (Fig. 10.22).<br />
Group 3. Items on chips of various shapes with one or<br />
two rasping notches.<br />
The above-mentioned rasping tools can also be grouped<br />
by a rasping surface work on and in the direction of<br />
the movement during the work: sharp raspers for rasping<br />
towards oneself and flatter ones for working away<br />
from oneself in a more shaving action.<br />
Cutting artefacts can be divided into six groups:<br />
Group 1. Pointed chipped items with two blades that<br />
converge into a spike. The retouch is flat and sharpened.<br />
In three specimens, one of the side walls has an<br />
additional retouch from the face.<br />
Group 2. Chipped items with one side or its most projected<br />
area retouched. The other side joining it at a<br />
rather sharp angle is either blunted by a sharp retouch<br />
or has a naturally blunt surface (Fig. 10.27-28).<br />
Group 3. A square-like, rather skew in plan item is perimeter-worked<br />
on, with sometimes a sharpening and<br />
sometimes a blunting retouch (Fig. 10.26).<br />
Group 4. A crescent-shaped curved knife on a massive<br />
chip worked on from both sides, with a rather sharp<br />
retouch tapering into a spike (Fig. 10.25).<br />
Group 5. Massive flake chips with a sharpening retouch<br />
on one of the side walls.<br />
Group 6. Flakes, flake breaks and flake chips with a<br />
sharpening retouch.<br />
Cutters are represented by two artefacts at the settlement.<br />
One of them has two cutting chips located on<br />
the opposite sides, the other has cutting chips tapering<br />
into one spike.<br />
Such a small quantity of cutters at the settlement with<br />
large amounts of bone and antler artefacts makes us<br />
think that the bearers of Northern Belarusian culture<br />
used other tools as well to work on bones, primarily<br />
with a scraping and cutting purpose.<br />
Retoucher: a hammer-stone on a polished axe fragment<br />
with three working sections. Two of them are located<br />
near the blade break. They were used solely for retouching,<br />
the third is located at the very top of the butt,<br />
and was designed for retouching and for chip or flake<br />
cracking off. It was found in one specimen.<br />
On an analysis of the Asaviec 7 flint collection, the following<br />
features can be distinguished: the domination<br />
of shapes traditional of Forest Neolithic; a large percentage<br />
of artefacts with a secondary processing compared<br />
to materials from the Dnieper, Sozh and Neman<br />
regions of the same age (29% at Asaviec 7); the large<br />
quantities of chipped articles; a huge variety of shapes<br />
of tools of the same purpose; various combinations of<br />
articles; the reuse of damaged items; the quantitative<br />
predominance of scraping-rasping tools in the collection;<br />
the large quantity of arrowheads; the minimal<br />
quantity of cutters; the almost total absence of cores<br />
(the wear up to minimal sizes).<br />
Among the stone artefacts uncovered at Asaviec 7, the<br />
polishing plates and graters should be mentioned in<br />
particular.<br />
A unique find is a copper awl (Fig. 8.21), unearthed<br />
from the layer before the bedrock.<br />
We should also mention the articles made of birch bark<br />
and wood. The majority of them consist of birch-bark<br />
floats for nets, one of which was decorated with pit<br />
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The Excavation of Kryvina<br />
Peatbog Settlements in<br />
Northern Belarus between<br />
2000 and 2009<br />
MICHAL<br />
CHARNIAUSKI,<br />
MAXIM<br />
CHARNIAUSKI<br />
118<br />
notches. It is interesting that pine-bark floats, which<br />
are frequent in settlements in neighbouring regions,<br />
were not uncovered.<br />
Wooden artefacts are mainly represented by fragments<br />
of boards and oars, handles and unidentified fragments.<br />
Some of them are decorated with drawn straight lines.<br />
The excavation area is rich in the remains of a wooden<br />
construction (more than 100 vertical and inclined<br />
poles, with an average diameter of five to eight centimetres,<br />
some reaching 25 to 30cm, and many wooden<br />
horizontal fragments). At the moment, two construction<br />
edges have been unearthed, judging by which its<br />
orientation from south-southwest to north-northeast<br />
can be determined. The only expressive wall (the<br />
southern front wall?) consists of inclined poles, ten<br />
to 17 centimetres in diameter, closely driven into the<br />
ditch and reinforced by sand and small chips.<br />
The wooden construction corresponds remarkably in<br />
plan with the main sandy filling and the main concentration<br />
of finds.<br />
The second most common material at the settlement<br />
after ceramics is animal, bird and fish bones. Their<br />
total quantity is almost 10,000 pieces. The animals<br />
detected are (in descending order): moose, wild boar,<br />
marten, beaver, cattle, brown bear, sheep, red deer,<br />
swine, horse, wolf, fox, squirrel, hare, wisent, dog,<br />
sable, stone-marten, marten, goat, fallow deer, rodent,<br />
otter, lynx, roe deer, Eurasian badger and pond turtle<br />
(identified by A. Razluckaia). Domestic animals make<br />
up 16%. There are many bones of birds, including<br />
aquatic birds. Fishbones and scales are represented by<br />
more than 1,200 pieces. They belong to (in descending<br />
order): pike, carp, crucian carp, perch, tench, bream,<br />
roach, sheatfish, ide (identified by E. Liashkevich).<br />
There have been more than 7,000 small calcined bones<br />
found at the settlement, the absolute majority of which<br />
belonged to humans. The quantity of human overburned<br />
bone fragments does not exceed 200 pieces.<br />
Moreover, a partially intact skeleton with an aberrant<br />
anatomy of bone location was discovered.<br />
Most calcined bones uncovered are small (up to 0.5<br />
sq.cm), white fragments with close cross-fissures typical<br />
of a long high-temperature burning procedure. The<br />
majority were discovered in the layer up to 30 centimetres<br />
deep; thereafter, the quantity of them decreases<br />
dramatically. However, separate fragments have been<br />
encountered even in the pre-bedrock layer.<br />
Some of the calcined bones belonged to animals.<br />
Sheep, pig, hare, beaver, moose and marten bones, as<br />
well as bird bones and a fish vertebra, have been identified.<br />
The total quantity is more than 30 specimens.<br />
An anthropological study of some of the cremated<br />
bones showed them to be the remains of a woman of<br />
unidentified age and a young man (identified by L.I.<br />
Ciagaka). Several calcined fragments of a small-sized<br />
skull suggest the presence of traces of the cremation<br />
of a child.<br />
Human bones and fragments of them not touched by<br />
fire are encountered along the whole excavation depth,<br />
and do not have any correlation.<br />
The calcined human bones, as well as the ones untouched<br />
by fire, do not have any accompanying inventory:<br />
there are no traces of burial or other pits in the<br />
cultural layer. It seems as though they were just scattered<br />
‘underfoot’ within the borders of the construction’s<br />
sandy fillings. It should be mentioned that the<br />
discovered fragmented skeleton with the aberrant anatomy<br />
was found beyond this filling; however, it was not<br />
accompanied by an inventory burial pit either.<br />
The palaeobotanical collection should also be singled<br />
out. A total of 572 units of water nut were found at the<br />
settlement. There were no undamaged fruits. The majority<br />
are represented by cores; shells or fragments of<br />
them are insignificant. Water nuts are found at zero to<br />
50 centimetres deep in the cultural layer; lower down,<br />
the quantity is insignificant. In the plan, water chestnuts<br />
were mainly located inside the borders of the platform<br />
of the partially excavated dwelling, with the lowest<br />
quantity found in the north-south part. It is interesting<br />
that, unlike hazelnuts, the shells of water nuts did not<br />
accumulate in large quantities in the cultural layer. The<br />
stone graters unearthed at the settlement might be associated<br />
with the production of flour from water nuts.<br />
Numerous fragments of acorns and hazelnut shells,<br />
which sometimes amount to huge concentrations, were<br />
discovered besides the water nuts.<br />
At the moment, there are two 14C dates for the settlement<br />
of Asaviec 7: 3770±90 ВР (Le-8206, bark from<br />
the pit lining with the clay paste ready for making a<br />
pot); 3870±40 ВР (Le-8205, bark from the initial filling<br />
of the dwelling floor). The gauging of the dates<br />
given shows an average of 3,000 BC.<br />
A time for the extinction of the settlement cannot be<br />
precisely stated yet, because all of its upper layers<br />
were destroyed during a fire. However, it is likely to be<br />
similar to that of Asaviec 2, the middle of the second<br />
millennium BC, when there was another transgression<br />
which resulted in the settlements being covered by water.<br />
Judging by the ceramics, bone and flint complexes of<br />
the settlement, as well as by the position of the settlement<br />
on the peat palaeolake shore, it is possible to attribute<br />
it definitely to Northern Belarusian culture.
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1-21.<br />
ZAITSEVA, H.I., CHERNIAVSKII, М.M, DOLUKH-<br />
ANOV, P.М., YЕZEPENKO, I.N., POSSNERT, G., 2008.<br />
Novye dannye po radiouglerodnoi chronologii neolita Belarusi<br />
i sopredelnych territorii. In: Acta archaelogica Albaruthenica.<br />
III vol. Minsk, Logvinau, 77–88.<br />
KRIVINOS DURPYNINIŲ<br />
GYVENVIEČIŲ TYRIMAI<br />
(2000–2009 M.)<br />
ŠIAURĖS BALTARUSIJOJE<br />
MICHAL CHARNIAUSKI,<br />
MAXIM CHARNIAUSKI<br />
Santrauka<br />
Asaviec II ir Asaviec VII gyvenvietėse aptiktos radinių<br />
kolekcijos yra neįkainojamos vertės, lyginant su kitais<br />
Baltarusijos teritorijoje archeologiniuose paminkluose<br />
aptinkamais radiniais. Šių paminklų tyrinėjimų metu<br />
aptikta medžiaga atskleidžia vietinių bendruomenių<br />
raidą nuo IV iki II tūkst. pr. Kr. Pastarųjų gyvenviečių<br />
populiacijos ištakose glūdi ankstyvosios Narvos bendruomenių<br />
kultūra. Vidurinio neolito kultūros raida<br />
yra susijusi su Usviatų kultūra, kuri egzistavo vėlyvajame<br />
neolite ir ankstyvosios bronzos pradžioje Šiaurės<br />
Baltarusijoje. Šios kultūros patyrė nemažą kaimyninių<br />
kultūrų įtaką. Svarbų impulsą vietinėms Narvos kultūros<br />
bendruomenėms viduriniame neolite turėjo šukinės<br />
duobelinės keramikos kultūra, įgalinusi Narvos kultūrą<br />
transformuotis į Usviatų kultūrą. Vėliau šios bendruomenės<br />
vėlyvajame neolite patyrė rutulinių amforų<br />
ir Virvelinės keramikos kultūrų poveikį, kurios Šiaurės<br />
Baltarusijos regioną pasiekė joms migruojant iš<br />
Dniepro aukštupio. Dėl šių kultūrų įtakos susiformavo<br />
Šiaurės Baltarusijos kultūra. Gamtiniai pokyčiai lėmė,<br />
kad II tūkst. pr. Kr. viduryje, pakilus Krivinos ežero<br />
baseine vandens lygiui, šios bendruomenės, gyvenusios<br />
Asaviec II ir Asaviec VII gyvenvietėse, iš regiono<br />
pasitraukė ir durpyninių gyvenviečių egzistavimas šiame<br />
ežero regione baigėsi.<br />
Vertė Algirdas Girininkas<br />
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
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Received: 4 September 2010; Revised: 7 December 2010;<br />
Accepted: 28 December 2010.<br />
Michal Charniauski<br />
Vasniacova street 13-28<br />
220107, Minsk, Belarus<br />
E-mail: vieterany@tut.by<br />
Maxim Charniauski<br />
Larastaianavai street 3a-49<br />
220068, Minsk, Belarus<br />
E-mail: maxchar@gmail.com<br />
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THE ŽEMAITIŠKĖ 2 PILE-DWELLING<br />
SETTLEMENT<br />
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Abstract<br />
This article discusses issues related to pile-dwelling settlements in Lithuania. It offers a detailed study of the archaeological<br />
and osteological material found at the Žemaitiškė 2 pile-dwelling settlement, as well as palynological and radiocarbon research<br />
into the settlement’s cultural layer. The article discusses the wood anatomy of pile-dwellings, their dendrochronological<br />
dating, and the types of construction material. The studies show that the construction of pile-dwellings in Lithuania began<br />
in the Late Neolithic Age, whereas the tradition of living on pile platforms existed throughout the Bronze Age.<br />
Key words: Lithuania, pile-dwellings, Late Neolithic, wood anatomy, bioarchaeology, dendrochronology.<br />
120<br />
Introduction<br />
The knowledge about the existence of pile-dwellings<br />
in Lithuania in the Stone Age and Bronze Age is<br />
scarce (Girininkas 2005, pp.3-13; Menoti et al. 2005,<br />
pp.381-403). At present, the Žemaitiškė 1, Žemaitiškė<br />
2, Žemaitiškė 3, Kretuonas 1C (in the Švenčionys district),<br />
Šarnelė (Plungė district), Šventoji 4 and Šventoji<br />
6 (Palanga district) settlements might be regarded as<br />
pile-dwelling settlements from the Neolithic period<br />
in Lithuania; these settlements belonged to communities<br />
of Narva, Corded Ware and Globular Amphora<br />
cultures (Girininkas 2005, p.26). Luokesai 1 and<br />
Luokesai 2 settlements are known from the Bronze<br />
Age (Pranckėnaitė et al. 2008, p.519ff; Baubonis et.al.<br />
2002, p.269ff) (Fig. 1).<br />
All the settlements constituting objects of the study are<br />
located next to drainage lakes, or seaside lagoons connected<br />
with inflowing and outflowing rivers and the<br />
sea. The cultural layers of the settlements are found<br />
along the shore in the sandbars of now extinct and existing<br />
lakes, next to the beds of inflowing or outflowing<br />
rivulets. The majority of the pile-dwelling settlements<br />
were discovered under layers of peat; therefore, dwellings<br />
of this kind started being talked about when more<br />
extensive studies of peatbog shores started in Lithuania,<br />
as well as in Latvia, the Pskov region, Poland,<br />
Switzerland and Germany, especially in end moraines<br />
from the last Ice Age, where a large number of drainage<br />
lakes were formed. In all these settlements, vertically<br />
driven stakes, logs, poles, boards and household<br />
rubbish heaps have been found (Mikliaev 1977, p.10ff;<br />
Cherniavski 1997, pp.311-330; Hookk, Mazurkevich,<br />
2007, pp.40-50; Ruoff 2004, pp.9-21; Girininkas 2005,<br />
pp.33-45).<br />
Archaeological studies of the<br />
Žemaitiškė 2 settlement<br />
Among Lithuania’s pile-dwelling settlements mentioned<br />
above, the Žemaitiškė 2 settlement (in the<br />
Švenčionys district) next to the now extinct Lake<br />
Žemaitiškė (Fig. 2), the outlines of which are distinct<br />
in orthophotographs (Figs. 3, 4), has been studied in<br />
the greatest detail. By employing orthophotography,<br />
the former hydrological network in the eastern part of<br />
Lake Kretuonas has been reconstructed, which makes<br />
it possible to understand and assess the palaeogeographical<br />
environment of the former settlement (Fig.<br />
4) (Girininkas 1980, p.6ff; 1982, p.7ff; Girininkas,<br />
Brazaitis 2002, p.12ff).<br />
Studies at the Žemaitiškė 2 settlement were carried out<br />
from 1979 to 1981, and 2000 to 2001.<br />
During the excavation work, a large number of wooden<br />
structures were found, which at the beginning of the<br />
studies were interpreted as being the remnants of overground<br />
‘long buildings’ (Girininkas 1982, p.7ff). The<br />
whole inventory of the settlement was considered to<br />
be chronologically simultaneous and dating from the<br />
Late Neolithic.<br />
A thin layer of sapropelic peat two to 25 centimetres<br />
thick that formed on the bottom of the now extinct lake<br />
is considered to be the cultural layer of the settlement.<br />
Its bottom part consisted of gravel, with abundant remains<br />
of aquatic mollusc shells. In the western part of<br />
the settlement area, closer to the shore, this layer was<br />
much thicker. Under the cultural layer, lake argil lay<br />
throughout. The upper horizon of the argil was pressed<br />
out by the Neolithic builders during the construction of<br />
the settlement’s structures; here and there, it contained<br />
pieces of charcoal, firebrands, stones or wood chips;<br />
however, no archaeological artefacts were found. At a
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
Fig. 1. Pile-dwelling settlements of the Neolithic period in Lithuania: 1 Žemaitiškė 1; 2 Žemaitiškė 2; 3. Žemaitiškė 3;<br />
4 Kretuonas 1; 5 Šarnelė; 6 Šventoji 4; 7 Šventoji 6; 7 Luokesai 1; 8–9 Luokesai 2.<br />
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Fig. 2. The Žemaitiškė 2 pile-dwelling settlement (aerial photograph by A. Girininkas).<br />
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Fig. 3. Localisation of the pile-dwelling settlements: 1 Žemaitiškė 2; 2 Kretuonas 1 (orthophotograph by A. Girininkas).<br />
122<br />
Fig. 4. The palaeogeographical environment of the former Kretuonas and Žemaitiškė lakes<br />
(orthophotograph by A. Girininkas).
greater depth, the argil was solid, without any traces of<br />
human activity.<br />
The studies carried out in 2000 and 2001 confirmed the<br />
presumption that this settlement was the site of a pile<br />
structure, which had been erected in the water off the<br />
shore of the now extinct lake next to a rivulet flowing<br />
out of the lake. From 1979 to 1982 and 2001 to 2002,<br />
1,089 vertically driven stakes and pieces of wooden<br />
structures were found. The stakes were driven into the<br />
lake argil to a depth of around 1.2 metres on average,<br />
the longest and thickest ones to a depth of as much as<br />
two metres.<br />
Wooden structures were found throughout the area<br />
where the research was conducted, with the exception<br />
of the northwest corner. Rows of larger piles eight to 16<br />
centimetres in diameter were more distinct at the point<br />
where the bottom of the now extinct lake abruptly gets<br />
deeper and passes into the first underwater terrace (Fig.<br />
5). The largest stakes/piles, and to the greatest depth,<br />
were driven in within a stretch around six to seven metres<br />
wide along the shore of the now extinct lake, next<br />
to the outflowing rivulet. It has been noted that stakes<br />
of a larger diameter are intended for quite a different<br />
purpose. They are located along the former shore of<br />
Lake Žemaitiškė, and they formed individual structures<br />
of pile-dwelling buildings.<br />
In the course of the analysis of the wooden structures,<br />
it was found that some of them are not related to piledwelling<br />
buildings. This can be said of thin (3cm to<br />
4cm in thickness) poles made of different wood types.<br />
The upper ends of some of these poles were found<br />
quite deep in the argil. It is most likely that these poles<br />
are the remnants of fishing barriers that were installed<br />
before the pile-dwelling building was erected, or when<br />
it had already been erected. Fishing installations of<br />
this type are well known from ethnographic studies<br />
(Piškinaitė-Kazlauskienė 1998, p.56ff), and they were<br />
widely used in the Baltic Sea region during the Neolithic<br />
period (Persson 1999, p.60, Fig. 22; Rimantienė<br />
2005, pp.405-414), as well as in other locations in Europe<br />
(Brinkhuizen 1983, p.20). The mouth of a rivulet<br />
is an ideal place for fishing barriers.<br />
This data explains why so many wooden structures<br />
were found in the Žemaitiškė 2 settlement, and at the<br />
same time it makes us take a fresh look at material collected<br />
earlier and its interpretation. The primary task<br />
was to distinguish the remnants of structures from the<br />
remnants of fishing barriers. It is highly probable that<br />
some of the finds, especially those directly related to<br />
fishing (fishing spears, remnants of creels), are related<br />
to the above-mentioned barriers, and not to a pile structure<br />
from the Late Neolithic period.<br />
Nevertheless, there are few doubts that the larger deepdriven<br />
stakes of a larger diameter are the remnants of<br />
a pile structure. It has been determined that the majority<br />
of the piles were sharpened by using a particular<br />
technique. Notice was taken of the fact that the tips of<br />
most of the structures had long and rough sharpening<br />
facets which had been formed not by cutting with an<br />
axe along the tree bast (as would have been the case<br />
if working with a metal axe), but by tearing the bast<br />
off. People living in the Stone Age had imperfect tools;<br />
therefore, they would use wedges to fell trees. Hafted<br />
axes-wedges made from stone and horn could be used<br />
as wedges, some of which were found at the Žemaitiškė<br />
2 settlement (Girininkas 1990, p.70). Numerous finds<br />
of this type have been found in other settlements from<br />
the same period in the area around Lake Kretuonas:<br />
Kretuonas 1D, Pakretuonė 1. The end of a tree felled in<br />
this way would be further slightly squared and driven<br />
into the ground.<br />
Regrettably, the upper parts of the piles have deteriorated;<br />
therefore, we cannot yet make any judgments<br />
concerning now extinct overwater technological elements<br />
of the structures. During the research conducted<br />
between 1980 and 1983, several stakes with surviving<br />
upper parts were found. They looked as if they had<br />
shoulders on to which another structure of the building,<br />
most likely a platform, would be mounted (Fig.<br />
6). Two such stakes had shoulders in their upper parts,<br />
on to which thin platform-bearing logs with a hole for<br />
connecting the vertical stake and the thin log of the<br />
platform would be mounted. The tips of some of the<br />
stakes are sharpened in the shape of small facets by<br />
using axes (Fig. 7). The tips of some structures were<br />
slightly burnt to make them firmer; the tip of one large<br />
stake was slightly burnt and driven into the ground<br />
without any additional handling. The tips of several<br />
stakes that were better preserved were burnt. Numerous<br />
pieces of charcoal and firebrands were found in the<br />
cultural layer. Therefore, there are grounds to believe<br />
that the pile structure was destroyed by fire.<br />
The finds in the cultural layer were distributed unevenly.<br />
They were more common in places where there<br />
were fewer vertically driven stakes. No pottery artefacts,<br />
artefacts made of bone and horn, or other artefacts,<br />
with the exception of those made of stone, were<br />
found around the stakes where fragments of a wooden<br />
platform structure were found, that is, logs with holes<br />
and stakes with shoulders, on to which the platform<br />
would be mounted.<br />
Very few archaeological finds were found in the cultural<br />
layer next to the piles. There probably used to<br />
be a pile platform erected above the area investigated,<br />
and very little, if any, household refuse could get<br />
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Fig. 5. The Žemaitiškės 2 settlement, a cross-section: 1 filling ground; 2 turf; 3 black peat; 4 brownish peat; 5 sapropel (cultural layer); 6 sediment of the lake; 7 stakes (reconstructed by the author).
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
Fig. 6. The Žemaitiškės 2 settlement: stakes and platform-bearing logs in situ (photograph by A. Girininkas).<br />
under the platform. The total number of finds in the<br />
plans of the investigated area of the settlement shows<br />
that pottery artefacts are concentrated in areas with the<br />
smallest number of stakes used for the construction of<br />
the structure. It was noticed that the majority of the<br />
artefacts found in the cultural layer were in a vertical<br />
position, because there was a layer of silt around the<br />
pile-dwelling settlement; the layer had formed due to<br />
pollution by the dwellers, or by the peatifying process<br />
of the lake. This shows that people lived above the water,<br />
whereas the artefacts appeared in the layer at a time<br />
when the environment around the settlement was silty.<br />
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Fig. 7. The Žemaitiškės settlement: stakes (photograph by<br />
A. Girininkas).<br />
Another interesting phenomenon was noticed during<br />
research into the Žemaitiškė 2 settlement. No hearths<br />
were found in the area of the settlement where there<br />
was a large number of vertically driven stakes. This<br />
shows that hearths were located on the platform, most<br />
likely in special places inside the buildings where the<br />
base of the platform was covered with layers of soil<br />
and clay. No hearths were found in other pile-dwelling<br />
settlements at Šarnelė, Šventoji 4, Šventoji 6 and<br />
Žemaitiškė 3 either.<br />
The tradition of erecting pile structures on lake sandbars<br />
existed until the Late Bronze Age (Baubonis et<br />
al. 2002, p.229ff). It is interesting to note that in that<br />
period, too, the piles were of the same diameter. However,<br />
the structures from this period were much more<br />
125
ALgirdAs<br />
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The Žemaitiškė 2 Pile-Dwelling<br />
Settlement<br />
Fig. 8. The Žemaitiškės 2 settlement: ceramics of late Narva culture.<br />
126<br />
distinct in the total pile arrangement plan, because<br />
there were no other structures intended for household<br />
purposes next to them, such as fishing barriers, footbridges,<br />
and so on.<br />
Finds and their interpretation<br />
All the pottery artefacts found in the Žemaitiškė 2 settlement<br />
are of nearly the same type. The artefacts include<br />
tulip-shaped pots, small tapered cups and, to a<br />
lesser extent, profiled cutlery with S-shaped walls. The<br />
clay mass of the entire cutlery found there contains a<br />
large quantity of shell admixtures decorated with ornamental<br />
motifs characteristic of Late Narva culture<br />
(Fig. 8). This kind of pottery is characteristic of monuments<br />
of Late Narva culture from the Late Neolithic,<br />
which are undoubtedly related to the pile structures of<br />
the settlement.<br />
Items belonging to the period of pile structures are net<br />
floaters, sinkers, fishing rod hooks, stones intended for<br />
grinding bone, horn and stone artefacts, herringboneshaped<br />
fish-spears, flint knives, chisels, wedges, pieces<br />
of art, and so on (Fig. 9). Besides thick-walled pottery<br />
dating from the Late Neolithic, a few pieces of pottery<br />
fragments indicated thin-walled Narva ceramics,<br />
which could be chronologically earlier. A single piece<br />
of pottery thinned with sand and decorated with a<br />
comb pattern was also found. It should probably be referred<br />
to as Pit-Comb Ware culture. It attests to the fact<br />
that people visited the site of the settlement in earlier<br />
periods too.<br />
Furthermore, one-sided fish-spears that might be typologically<br />
referred to the earlier period of Narva culture<br />
were found in the cultural layer of the settlement<br />
(Girininkas 1994, p.170). Most of the flint artefacts<br />
belong to the broad-flake industry used by the people<br />
of Late Narva culture. Three artefacts of the ‘wood<br />
chisel’ type used for woodworking and most likely related<br />
to pile construction were found. Two artefacts do<br />
not fit in the general context. These are a thin regular<br />
retouched blade and a lancet found in the cultural layer.<br />
These pottery artefacts and work tools are most likely<br />
related not to the pile building, but to the fishing barriers,<br />
to which people from more distant communities<br />
would come during an earlier period when there were<br />
still no pile structures erected by the community of<br />
Žemaitiškė 2.
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Fig. 9. The Žemaitiškės 2 settlement: bone and antler artefacts: 1, 2 gaffs; 3 arrowhead; 4 deer figurine; 6–8 pendants;<br />
9 spreader of ornament; 13 fishing hook; 14 spearhead; 15–16 axes; 8, 9, 11 amber ornament; earthenware: 5 spinningwheel;<br />
10 bird figure (photograph by A. Girininkas).<br />
127
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Animal bones were found, too, which attests<br />
to the fact that the people of the pile-dwelling<br />
settlement hunted beaver, deer, elk, bear, wild<br />
boar, duck and geese. When living next to the<br />
fishing installation, they would catch large pike,<br />
sheatfish and other kinds of fish (Daugnora,<br />
Girininkas 2004, p.256ff).<br />
Research data shows that there were already<br />
horses among the bred livestock (Girininkas et<br />
al. 2009, p.24).<br />
The general conclusion can be drawn that a<br />
typological analysis of the finds supports the<br />
earlier conclusion that in the Žemaitiškė 2 settlement,<br />
along with the dominating material of<br />
the Late Neolithic relating to pile structures,<br />
there is a small quantity of chronologically<br />
earlier finds. They should be related to fishing<br />
barriers, which might have been used in the<br />
area around Lake Kretuonas from very early<br />
times. Barriers intended for fishing used to be<br />
built there from the Mesolithic (for instance,<br />
stake Že-88 was dated 8380±60 BP VDU-167)<br />
and existed until the Bronze Age. Fish barriers<br />
next to the Žemaitiškė 2 settlement used to be<br />
repaired and rebuilt.<br />
Research into the wood of the pile<br />
structures of the Žemaitiškė 2<br />
settlement<br />
Research into the wood of the Žemaitiškė 2 settlement<br />
was conducted by Dr R. Pukienė. The tree species used<br />
for piles in the Late Neolithic settlement were determined<br />
on the basis of macro-features. The archaeological<br />
material, with the exception of cases when the<br />
wood was badly disintegrated, was divided into three<br />
wood groups: conifers, hard deciduous trees and soft<br />
deciduous trees. In the group of hard deciduous trees,<br />
the wood was identified to the tree species on the basis<br />
of macro-features. The wood type was determined on<br />
the basis of wood diagnostic features in three sections:<br />
cross-section, tangential section and radial section. In<br />
the course of the analysis of wood in these three sections,<br />
microscoping at 56 to 250 times magnification<br />
was used for the identification of the species.<br />
Due to the fact that quite a few wood samples from<br />
the pile-dwelling settlement, especially those of soft<br />
deciduous trees, such as birch and alder, were very<br />
soft due to chemical and biogenic destruction, all the<br />
samples were frozen before preparation. This set of<br />
methods made it possible to analyse the cell structure<br />
even in samples which had totally lost their strength<br />
and become soft.<br />
Fig.10. The range of wood types of the piles of the Žemaitiškė 2<br />
settlement (compiled by R. Pukienė).<br />
The identification of wood types was carried out by<br />
analysing more than 300 pile samples obtained during<br />
the investigations in 2000 and 2001. The majority of<br />
the structures consisted of European ash (Fraxinus excelsior<br />
L.) piles (57.1%) (Fig. 10). Ash piles and stakes<br />
were distributed almost evenly throughout the area of<br />
the 2000 to 2001 excavations (Fig. 11). Structural elements<br />
of various dimensions were made from ash:<br />
from poles three centimetres in diameter to split piles<br />
14 centimetres in diameter.<br />
With the exception of a pine sample and a few birch<br />
(Betula pendula Roth) samples representing coniferous<br />
forests, the majority of the remaining samples were<br />
typical of the broad-leaved forests that prevailed in the<br />
Atlantic period. The second tree species usually used<br />
for the structures was alder (Alnus sp.) (11.3%).<br />
Hazel (Coryllus avellana L.) (10.0%) piles were<br />
grouped in indistinct lines crossing the area under<br />
investigation in different directions. This wood type<br />
was probably used for building fishing barriers. Other<br />
more common tree species are typical species of<br />
broad-leaved forests, such as elm (Ulmus sp.) (5.3%)<br />
and maple (Acer platanoides L.) (4.3%). However, oak<br />
(Quercus robur L.), the most typical wood of broadleaved<br />
forests, was not used for the construction of the<br />
structures. Only one oak stake was found among all the<br />
structures of the area of the Žemaitiškė 2 settlement<br />
investigated in 2000 and 2001. This fact distinguishes<br />
the settlement from pile-dwelling settlements in Switzerland<br />
and southern Germany, where oak is one of the
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
Fig. 11. The Žemaitiškės 2 settlement: the spectrum of wood sorts in the 2000–2001 investigated settlement area.<br />
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130<br />
most widely tree species used in Neolithic structures<br />
and comprises up to 75% of samples (Tercier et al.<br />
1996, pp.567-582).<br />
In terms of the entire collection, pine (Pinus sylvestris<br />
L.) makes up 6%. In the excavation area, structural elements<br />
made of pine are distributed in islets; the largest<br />
accumulation can be found in the excavation area excavated<br />
in 2000. The rest of the structural elements of<br />
the pile-dwelling settlement, that is, individual stakes<br />
and piles, are from small trees and bushes: buckthorn<br />
(Rhamnus frangula L.), trembling aspen (Populus<br />
tremula L.), red dogwood (Cornus sanguinea L.), willow<br />
(Salix sp.), and the Rosaceae family (mountain<br />
ash). Since these stakes make up a small part of the<br />
structural elements, they do not form a visible spatial<br />
structure in the area of excavation. They were probably<br />
used in the structures together with piles made from<br />
other tree species.<br />
The Late Neolithic people of the Žemaitiškė 2 settlement<br />
would not debark the wood used for construction:<br />
they would use round timber or timber split lengthwise<br />
in two, and sometimes wood slightly burnt in a bonfire.<br />
This circumstance is especially favourable, since due<br />
to the preserved rings of the last years, their anatomical<br />
structure makes it possible to restore the seasonal<br />
prevalence of the felling of the tree.<br />
More often than not, the wood samples taken at the<br />
Žemaitiškė 2 settlement are intact until the bark or the<br />
outermost ring. During archaeological investigation,<br />
the outer layers were preserved. This made it possible<br />
to carry out an anatomical analysis of the outer ring<br />
formed by the tree during the last year of growth on<br />
most samples.<br />
The formation of rings of every individual tree species<br />
during a season is different and depends on the<br />
climatic conditions. The formation of a tree ring starts<br />
at the beginning of the vegetation season, when cambium<br />
cells begin to divide. Under the conditions existing<br />
in Lithuania, this normally takes place in May. As the<br />
leaves of hard deciduous trees (oak, ash, elm) appear<br />
and grow, the early part of the ring forms; it consists<br />
of large wood vessels, tracheae (pores). Later on, before<br />
the end of the vegetation season, the late part of<br />
the wood, consisting of smaller cells, forms. There is<br />
a clear difference between the early and the late wood<br />
in the rings of coniferous trees, too. At the end of the<br />
season (in Lithuania, approximately in September)<br />
the ring formation stops, and the division of cambium<br />
starts anew only the next year. When the tree dies, the<br />
division of cambium and the formation of cells are disrupted.<br />
The season of the tree’s death is recorded in the<br />
structure of the ring.<br />
Fig. 12. The piles according to the type of the last ring and<br />
the felling season (data from R. Pukienė).<br />
An analysis of the last ring (Fig. 12) shows that the majority<br />
of the piles were prepared in the spring, at the beginning<br />
of the vegetation season (Type A, 36%), or in<br />
the summer (Type B, 23%). In as many as 36% of the<br />
samples, the last ring contains only early wood. Under<br />
present-day climatic conditions, ash, elm and pine<br />
begin forming early wood in May. Our studies show<br />
that in approximately mid-June, the formation of late<br />
wood in some ash has not yet started. Therefore, we<br />
can claim that the most extensive construction work in<br />
the Žemaitiškė 2 pile-dwelling settlement happened in<br />
May and June. Some of the piles referred to as Type C<br />
(29%) might also have been prepared in the spring, in<br />
April or May, just before the beginning of the vegetation<br />
season (Pukienė 2004, p.103).<br />
A characteristic peculiarity of the wood samples is the<br />
structure of the annual rings. The number of annual<br />
rings indicates the age of the tree. On the basis of the<br />
annual ring width dynamics, we can distinguish the<br />
dendrotypological groups of the trees, and synchronise<br />
the sequences of rings of individual trees, that is, determine<br />
the simultaneity of the structural elements and<br />
the spatial structures of these structures. The annual<br />
rings of the wood were mostly analysed in the samples<br />
of hard deciduous (ash, elm, oak) and coniferous (pine,<br />
spruce) trees.<br />
Although thin trees were used in the structures of the<br />
Žemaitiškė 2 settlement, the annual ring sequences of<br />
some of them are quite long, because the growth of<br />
most of the trees was slow. Trees up to 40 years old<br />
were mostly used for the construction. However, quite<br />
a large number of ash trees 50 to 70 years old were<br />
also felled. Trees older than 70 years are seldom found<br />
in the structures. It goes without saying that the use of<br />
young and maturing trees reflected the technical possibilities<br />
of the people of that time. Young trees were<br />
usually used in the construction of Stone Age piledwelling<br />
settlements in other European regions, too.<br />
For example, in Swiss pile-dwelling settlements, trees
up to 40 years old make up 62% to 83% of the pile collection<br />
(Tercier at al. 1996, p.570).<br />
The dating and construction of pile<br />
structures<br />
On an anatomical analysis of the pile wood, it was<br />
found that the piles which had remained in the settlement<br />
were made of different trees, mostly ash. Despite<br />
the tendency to arrange piles made from certain tree in<br />
groups, for instance, hazel piles in lines going in different<br />
directions, and piles arranged in quite a compact<br />
group, in general, the piles do not form a visible<br />
spatial structure in the investigated area. In terms of<br />
annual growth (tree rings) type, the trees of which the<br />
piles were made are different. A few dendrotypological<br />
groups that show the heterogeneity of the material<br />
were identified. This leads us to the idea that there are<br />
structures in the settlement dating from different times.<br />
Along with piles used for dwelling structures, there<br />
could be the remains of fishing barriers, because thin<br />
and long pine billets used for creels were found.<br />
For the purpose of obtaining as accurate information<br />
as possible on the likely time of construction of the<br />
structures, wood samples of ten different species and<br />
dendrotypological groups were dated by radiocarbon<br />
dating. The dating was carried out at the radioisotope<br />
laboratory of the Dendroclimatology and Radiometry<br />
Group of Vytautas Magnus University.<br />
The radiocarbon dates obtained support the earlier hypothesis<br />
that the wooden structures of the settlement<br />
date from different times. The latest wood is alder,<br />
from the peat layer that formed over the bottom of the<br />
lake. The dating of this sample (3310+/-50 BP, VDU-<br />
165) indicates that in the second half of the second millennium<br />
BC, the peatifying process at Lake Žemaitiškė<br />
had already started. The earliest date (8380 +/- 60 m.<br />
BP, Boreal Period, VDU-187) refers to pine pile No 88.<br />
Due to the fact that pine is not typical of broad-leaved<br />
forests, we can suppose that other structural elements<br />
made from pine, as well as from birch, another Boreal<br />
species, which were found in the excavation area, also<br />
date from a much earlier Mesolithic period.<br />
The dates of other piles are within the range from<br />
3670+/-80 (alder pile No 172, calibrated date 2140–<br />
1930 BC) to 5970+/-60 (ash pile No 145, calibrated<br />
date 4970–4790 BC). The majority of the dates are<br />
grouped in the range of 3000 BC. All the dates of the<br />
piles made from broad-leaved trees correspond to the<br />
end of the Atlantic and the beginning of the Subboreal<br />
periods, when broad-leaved tree species still prevailed<br />
in the forests.<br />
Upon confirmation of the presumption that the wooden<br />
structures found in the Žemaitiškė 2 settlement are not<br />
of the same date, it is important to single out structures<br />
dating from different periods. The dendrochronological<br />
synchronisation of pile ring sequences is<br />
used for this purpose. Despite the very narrow rings,<br />
individual growth dynamics and comparatively short<br />
annual ring sequences, the ring sequences of certain<br />
ash and elm piles can be synchronised. The results of<br />
the dendrochronological synchronisation of some pile<br />
ring sequences show that ring sequences which contain<br />
the last underbark ring end the same year, that is, the<br />
piles were felled the same year. It was determined that<br />
in certain cases there is a felling time difference of a<br />
few years among piles situated at a short distance from<br />
each other. This might indicate repairs to a building<br />
structure, or different stages in the construction of the<br />
structures.<br />
In the course of studies of the piles, an attempt was<br />
made to reconstruct a piece of simultaneous structures.<br />
Here a simultaneous structure is understood as a spatial<br />
structure consisting of piles felled the same year, and<br />
identified by the dendrochronological synchronisation<br />
of the ring sequences. It is evident that the excavated<br />
area (12x4m) investigated in detail by applying the<br />
dendrological method between 2000 and 2002 is not<br />
large enough for the identification of the structures of<br />
the entire settlement, because the area contains only<br />
individual parts of the structures. Some parts of the<br />
structures have the features of a rectangular spatial<br />
structure.<br />
A reconstruction of the spatial structure of the structures,<br />
just like the radiocarbon dating, indicates that the<br />
settlement contains several overlapping wooden pile<br />
structures dating from different periods. A more thorough<br />
study and identification of the spatial structure of<br />
the structures would be possible on expanding detailed<br />
studies of the wooden structures, so that the studies<br />
cover a larger part of the settlement. Due to the fact<br />
that the length of the ring series of wooden elements<br />
does not exceed a hundred years, at longer intervals<br />
between the construction of the structures (according<br />
to radiocarbon dating, this interval can be hundreds,<br />
and even thousands, of years), the overlapping of pile<br />
ring sequences and the relative dating of the structures<br />
by the dendrochronological method is not possible.<br />
In order to resolve the issue of the evolution of<br />
the construction of the structures, a larger number of<br />
radiocarbon dates is required, as is done in reconstructions<br />
of Swiss or German pile-dwelling settlements. As<br />
complex studies are continued, piles from individual<br />
reconstructed structures should be radiocarbon dated<br />
in the future. These dates would make it possible to<br />
make judgments on the sequence of the construction<br />
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of the structures and their correspondence to other archaeological<br />
finds. The studies have shown that the<br />
structures are not simultaneous, and the precise determination<br />
of their simultaneity requires similar studies<br />
in the areas investigated between 1979 and 1982.<br />
Among the structures of the Žemaitiškė 2 settlement,<br />
the largest sequence consists of ash piles, which indicates<br />
that around the lake which existed at Žemaitiškė<br />
there was sufficient humidity and fertile, humus-rich<br />
soils.<br />
In the course of an analysis of the annual rings of ash<br />
trees, it was found out that mostly trees up to 40 years<br />
old were used for the construction; however, quite<br />
a large number of ash trees 50 to 70 years old were<br />
also felled. Trees older than 70 years old are found in<br />
the structures, but rarely. Very slow growth is typical<br />
of most trees; their annual ring sequences are quite<br />
long. A different type of tree growth indicates different<br />
growth conditions: different habitats or a different<br />
composition of species and density of standing timber,<br />
which determine the competition among the trees for<br />
light and other resources.<br />
Discussion of the results<br />
of the studies of the Žemaitiškė 2<br />
settlement<br />
On the basis of archaeological and dendrological studies<br />
of the Žemaitiškė 2 settlement, it was possible to<br />
determine that people lived in the settlement the longest<br />
in the Late Neolithic. This fact is confirmed by the<br />
radiological dates and archaeological material from the<br />
settlement. The piles which supported the platform are<br />
larger, and from six to eight to 14 to 16 centimetres in<br />
diameter. Other vertically driven poles were used for<br />
catching fish, that is, for supporting fishing barriers and<br />
creels. This shows that there were both dwellings and<br />
installations for fishing in the settlement. Dendrological<br />
studies carried out on part of the area of the settlement<br />
indicate that people lived there at different times,<br />
because radiological analyses of the piles and poles<br />
cover quite a broad chronological spectrum. However,<br />
the archaeological material from the Late Neolithic period<br />
is compact. It shows that people lived and caught<br />
fish there constantly in the Late Neolithic only, while<br />
they caught fish there from the Mesolithic to the end of<br />
the Bronze Age.<br />
The settlement’s platforms, on which structures were<br />
erected, were arranged along the shore of the now<br />
disappeared Lake Žemaitiškė, at the point where a<br />
rivulet flowed out of it and into Lake Kretuonas. The<br />
structures reached the rim of the lake’s sandbar, which<br />
passed into the first underwater terrace. This makes it<br />
possible to claim that both the buildings and the fishing<br />
installations were next to each other. People living next<br />
to the channel could get fish regularly. The osteological<br />
material from the settlement shows that not only<br />
fish but also hunted fauna was used for food. The latter<br />
data, and the archaeological material (devices for<br />
making tools, pieces of art, the abundant pottery, the<br />
rubbish heap in the water next to the buildings), might<br />
indicate that people lived there not only during an individual<br />
fishing period but also permanently.<br />
In the course of dendrological studies, it was found<br />
that, more often than not, pile structures were built or<br />
repaired in May and June, when the spawning season<br />
of the fish that were most commonly used for food was<br />
nearly over, and the water level had stabilised after the<br />
spring thaw. There was a pile platform placed on poles<br />
eight to 14 centimetres in diameter which were driven<br />
into the lake argil. There were buildings erected on the<br />
platform. The platform was made of thin logs ten to 15<br />
centimetres in diameter, in which holes would be cut;<br />
the holes would be placed on vertically driven piles<br />
with shouldered tops. The piles were replaced just like<br />
individual structures of the platforms. Therefore, dendrological<br />
studies make it possible to determine that<br />
the structures of the buildings covered each other a<br />
number of times.<br />
The latest archaeological and dendrological studies<br />
make it possible to claim that from the Late Neolithic,<br />
people lived and engaged in economic activities in<br />
buildings placed on piles in Lithuania without interruption:<br />
they caught fish, hunted and started breeding<br />
livestock.<br />
This tradition of pile construction still existed in the<br />
Bronze Age. Pile structures erected in a similar manner<br />
in Lithuania have been found in Lake Luokesai (in the<br />
Molėtai district).<br />
What circumstances made people build pile structures?<br />
There is no clear answer to this question. Pile structures<br />
were built by dwellers of various archaeological<br />
cultures; therefore, an ethnocultural interpretation of<br />
pile structures is not adequate. Most likely, the main<br />
reasons were economic, defensive and natural factors.<br />
Fishing was very important as a source of food. The<br />
regular consumption of fish for food is reflected in the<br />
conclusions of the stable isotope analysis (Daugnora,<br />
Girininkas 2004, p.32). Furthermore, as mutual relations<br />
between individual communities deteriorated because<br />
of food resources, territory, and so on, which can<br />
be seen in studies of the ideological dimension to society<br />
at that time (Daugnora, Girininkas 2004, p.149), it<br />
was safer to dwell surrounded by water.
Fluctuations in the water level at the time when pile<br />
structures were used would be far more noticeable than<br />
they are today, because this fact is reflected in material<br />
from a number of Stone Age settlements in Lithuania,<br />
which was related to the transgression and regression<br />
of the Baltic Sea in the Subboreal period.<br />
Translated by Vidmantas Štilius<br />
Abbreviation<br />
ATL – Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje / Archaeological<br />
investigations in Lithuania. Vilnius, from 1967.<br />
Literature<br />
BAUBONIS, Z., MOTUZAITĖ, G., PRANCKĖNAITĖ, E.,<br />
2002. Luokesų ežero (Molėtų r.) senovės gyvenviečių 2<br />
ir 3 povandeniniai archeologiniai žvalgymai. ATL 2001<br />
metais. Vilnius, 269-270.<br />
BAUBONIS, Z., KRANIAUSKAS, R., KVEDARAVIČIUS,<br />
M., 2002. Luokesų ežero senovės gyvenvietės povandeniniai<br />
archeologiniai tyrinėjimai. ATL 2000 metais. Vilnius,<br />
229-231.<br />
BRINKHUIZEN, D.C., 1983. Some notes on recent and protohistoric<br />
fishing gear from northwestern Europe. Palaeohistoria,<br />
25, 8-53.<br />
CHERNIAVSKI, М.М., 1997. Pavnochnabelaruskaia<br />
kul’tura. Аrkhealogia Belarusii. Мinsk: Belaruskaia navuka,<br />
311-330.<br />
DAUGNORA, L., GIRININKAS, A., 2004. Rytų Pabaltijo<br />
bendruomenių gyvensena XI–II tūkst. pr. Kr. Kaunas: Veterinarijos<br />
akademijos leidykla.<br />
GIRININKAS, A., 1980. Žemaitiškės (Švenčionių raj.) I ir<br />
II gyvenvietės tyrinėjimai 1978 ir 1979 metais. ATL 1978<br />
ir 1979 metais. Vilnius, 6-9.<br />
GIRININKAS, A., 1990. Kretuonas. Vidurinis ir vėlyvasis<br />
neolitas. Lietuvos archeologija, 7.<br />
GIRININKAS, A., 1982. Žemaitiškės 2-osios gyvenvietė.<br />
ATL 1980 ir 1981 metais. Vilnius, 7-9.<br />
GIRININKAS, A., 1994. Baltų kultūros ištakos. Vilnius:<br />
Savastis.<br />
GIRININKAS, A., BRAZAITIS, D., 2002. Žemaitiškės 2-oji<br />
gyvenvietė. ATL 2000 metais. Vilnius, 8-10.<br />
GIRININKAS, A., 2004. Žemaitiškės 2-oji polinė<br />
gyvenvietė. Istorija, LXII, 26-32.<br />
GIRININKAS, A., 2005. Ar buvo polinių gyvenviečių akmens<br />
amžiuje Lietuvoje? Lituanistica, 62.2, 33-45.<br />
GIRININKAS, A., DAUGNORA, L., ANTANAITIS-<br />
JACOBS, I., 2009. When did Domesticated Horses Appear<br />
in Lithuania? Archaeologia Baltica, 11, 22-31.<br />
HOOKK, D., MAZURKEVICH, A., 2007. Fuzzy logic and<br />
Neolithic wood. Small samples Big objects. Proceedings<br />
of the Eu-ARTECH Seminar in May 2007. München, 40-<br />
50.<br />
RUOFF, U., 2004. Lake-dwelling studies in Switzerland<br />
since‚ Meilen 1854. In: F.А.М.<br />
MENOTTI, ed. Living on the lake in prehistoric Europe.<br />
London and New York: Routledge, 9-21.<br />
MENOTTI, F., BAUBONIS, Z., BRAZAITIS, D., HIGH-<br />
AM, T., KVEDARAVIČIUS, M., LEWIS, H., MO-<br />
TUZAITE, G., PRANCKENAITE, E., 2005. The First<br />
Lake-Dwellers of Lithuania: Late Bronze and Pile Settlements<br />
on Lake Luokesas. Oxford Journal of Archaeology,<br />
24 (4), 381-403.<br />
MIKLIAEV, A.M., 1977. О svainykh poseleniiakh tret‘egovtorogo<br />
tysiacheletia do nashei ery v baseine Zapadnoi<br />
Dviny. Arkheologicheskii sbornik. Leningrad: Sovetskii<br />
khudozhnik, 18, 10-14.<br />
PERSSON, P., 1999. Neolitikums början: Undersökningar<br />
kring jordbrukets introduktion i Nordeuropa. Vol. 1. Kust<br />
till kustböcker. Uppsala and Göteborg.<br />
PIŠKINAITĖ-KAZLAUSKIENĖ, L., 1998. Žvejybos istorijos<br />
apybraižos. Vilnius: Diemedžio leidykla.<br />
PRANCKĖNAITĖ, E., BAUBONIS, Z., KVEDARAVIČIUS,<br />
M., 2008. Luokesų ežero polinė gyvenvietė. ATL 2007.<br />
Vilnius, 526-528.<br />
PUKIENĖ, R., 2004. Žemaitiškės 2-osios polinės gyvenvietės<br />
medinių konstrukcijų anatominė analizė. Lietuvos archeologija,<br />
26, 99-104.<br />
RIMANTIENĖ, R., 2005. Akmens amžiaus žvejai prie<br />
Pajūrio lagūnos. Vilnius: Lietuvos nacionalinis muziejus.<br />
TERCIER, J., ORCEL, A., ORCEL, C., 1996. Dendrochronological<br />
Study of Prehistoric Archaeological Sites in<br />
Switzerland. The Rings, Environment and Humanity. Radiocarbon,<br />
The University of Arizona, 567-582.<br />
Received: 4 September 2010; Revised: 7 December 2010;<br />
Accepted: 28 December 2010.<br />
Algirdas Girininkas<br />
Institute of Baltic Sea Region History and Archaeology<br />
Klaipėda University<br />
Herkaus Manto street 84<br />
LT-92294, Klaipėda<br />
Lithuania<br />
sakaliske@gmail.com<br />
ŽEMAITIŠKĖS 2-OJI POLINĖ<br />
GYVENVIETĖ<br />
ALgirdAs girininkAs<br />
Santrauka<br />
Lietuvos teritorijoje apie polinių statinių egzistavimą<br />
akmens ir bronzos amžiais žinoma gana nedaug. Šiuo<br />
metu Lietuvos teritorijoje neolito laikotarpio polinėmis<br />
gyvenvietėmis galima būtų laikyti Žemaitiškės<br />
1-ąją, Žemaitiškės 2-ąją, Žemaitiškės 3-iąją, Kretuono<br />
1C (Švenčionių r.), Šarnelės (Plungės r.), Šventosios<br />
4-ąją, Šventosios 6-ąją (Palangos m.) gyvenvietes,<br />
kurios priklausė Narvos, virvelinės keramikos ir rutulinių<br />
amforų kultūrų bendruomenėms. Iš bronzos amžiaus<br />
laikotarpio žinomos Luokesos 1-oji, Luokesos<br />
2-oji gyvenvietės. Visos tyrinėtos gyvenvietės yra prie<br />
protakinių ežerų ar pajūrio lagūnų, kurios jungėsi su<br />
įtekančiomis ar ištekančiomis upėmis ir jūra. Gyven-<br />
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viečių kultūrinių sluoksnių aptinkama išilgai kranto<br />
buvusių ir esančių ežerų atabraduose prie pat įtekančių<br />
ar ištekančių upelių vagų. Didžioji dalis polinių<br />
gyvenviečių aptikta po durpių sluoksniais, todėl apie<br />
šio tipo gyvenamuosius būstus prabilta pradėjus intensyviau<br />
tyrinėti durpynų pakrantes ne tik Lietuvos, bet<br />
ir Latvijos, Pskovo srities, Lenkijos, Šveicarijos bei<br />
Vokietijos teritorijose, ypač paskutinio Skandinavijos<br />
ir Alpių apledėjimo galinių morenų ruože, kur susidarė<br />
daug protakinių ežerų.<br />
Iš minėtų polinių gyvenviečių Lietuvoje detaliausiai<br />
tyrinėta Žemaitiškės 2-oji gyvenvietė (Švenčionių r.).<br />
Žemaitiškės 2-oji gyvenvietė buvo tyrinėta 1979–1981<br />
ir 2000–2001 metais. Kasinėjimų metu buvo rasta<br />
daug medinių konstrukcijų, kurios tyrinėjimų pradžioje<br />
buvo interpretuotos kaip antžeminių „ilgųjų pastatų“<br />
liekanos. Visas gyvenvietės inventorius laikytas chronologiškai<br />
vienalaikiu, priklausiusiu vėlyvajam neolitui.<br />
Tik vėlesni tyrimai patvirtino, kad ši gyvenvietė<br />
yra buvusi polinė.<br />
Gyvenvietės kultūrinis sluoksnis yra 2–25 cm storio<br />
sapropelinių durpių sluoksnelis, susiformavęs buvusio<br />
ežero dugne. Jo apatinėje dalyje buvo žvyras su<br />
gausiomis vandens moliuskų kiautų liekanomis. Po<br />
kultūriniu sluoksniu visur slūgsojo ežerinis šlynas. Viršutinis<br />
šlyno horizontas neolito statytojų buvo išmaigytas<br />
statant gyvenvietės statinius, jame pasitaikydavo<br />
medžio anglių, nuodėgulių, akmenų, medienos skiedrų,<br />
tačiau archeologinių dirbinių nebuvo rasta. Giliau<br />
šlynas buvo vientisas, be jokių žmogaus veiklos pėdsakų.<br />
2000–2001 m. tyrimai patvirtino spėjimus, kad ši<br />
gyvenvietė yra polinio statinio, kuris buvo pastatytas<br />
vandenyje, buvusio ežero pakrantėje, prie iš ežero ištekančio<br />
upelio, vieta. 1979–1982 ir 2001–2002 m. rasta<br />
1089 statmenai įkalti kuolai ir medinių konstrukcijų<br />
fragmentai. Kuolai į ežerinį šlyną buvo įkalti vidutiniškai<br />
apie 1,2 m, o ilgiausi ir stambiausi kuolai – net<br />
2 metrus.<br />
Deja, viršutinės polių dalys yra nunykusios, todėl<br />
spręsti apie virš vandens buvusius konstrukcijų technologinius<br />
elementus kol kas negalime. 1980–1983 m.<br />
tyrimų metu buvo aptikti keli kuolai, kurių viršutinės<br />
dalys buvo išlikusios. Jos atrodė tarsi turinčios petelius,<br />
ant kurių buvo užmaunama kita statinio, tikriausiai<br />
platformos, konstrukcija. Dalies kuolų smaigaliai<br />
smailinti smulkiomis facetėmis kirveliais. Kai kurių<br />
konstrukcijų smaigaliai dėl tvirtumo buvo apdeginti,<br />
vieno stambaus kuolo galas buvo nudegintas ir be<br />
jokio papildomo apdorojimo įsmeigtas į gruntą. Kelių<br />
geriau išlikusių kuolų viršūnės buvo apdegusios. Kultūriniame<br />
sluoksnyje rasta daug anglių ir nuodėgulių,<br />
todėl galima manyti, kad polinis statinys buvo sunaikintas<br />
gaisro.<br />
Analizuojant medines konstrukcijas nustatyta, kad dalis<br />
jų yra nesusijusios su poliniu pastatu. Tai pasakytina<br />
apie plonas, 3–4 cm storio, įvairiausių medienos rūšių<br />
kartis. Dalies tokių karčių viršutiniai galai buvo aptinkami<br />
gana giliai šlyne. Greičiausiai šios kartys yra<br />
žvejybos užtvarų, įrengtų dar prieš statant ar jau esant<br />
pastatytam poliniam pastatui, liekanos. Tokio tipo žvejybos<br />
įrenginiai yra gerai žinomi iš etnografinių tyrinėjimų<br />
ir buvo plačiai naudoti Baltijos jūros regione<br />
neolito laikotarpiu ir kitose Europos vietose.<br />
Tyrinėjant Žemaitiškės 2-ąją gyvenvietę pastebėtas dar<br />
vienas įdomus reiškinys. Gyvenvietės teritorijoje, kur<br />
būta daug statmenai sukaltų kuolų, židinių nerasta. Tai<br />
rodo, kad židiniai yra buvę ant platformos, tikriausiai<br />
pastatų viduje, specialiai tam įrengtose vietose, kur<br />
platformos pagrindą dengė žemių ir molio sluoksniai.<br />
Židinių neaptikta ir kitose polinėse gyvenvietėse: Šarnelėje,<br />
Šventosios 4-ojoje, Šventosios 6-ojoje, Žemaitiškės<br />
3-iojoje.<br />
Polinių statinių laikotarpiui priklauso tinklo plūdės,<br />
pasvarai, meškerių kabliukai, kaulinių, raginių ir<br />
akmeninių dirbinių šlifavimui skirti akmenys, eglutės<br />
formos žeberklai, titnaginiai peiliai, kaltai, pleištai ir<br />
kt. Kultūriniame sluoksnyje, be vėlyvajam neolitui priklausančios<br />
storasienės keramikos, rasta ir plonasienės<br />
narviškos keramikos, kuri chronologiškai turėtų būti<br />
ankstyvesnė. Taip pat rasta viena puodo šukė, liesinta<br />
smėliu ir puošta šukiniu ornamentu. Greičiausiai ji<br />
sietina su šukinės duobelinės keramikos kultūra. Tai<br />
rodo, kad gyvenvietės teritorijoje trumpą laiką gyventa<br />
ir ankstesniu laikotarpiu.<br />
Aptikta ir gyvūnų kaulų. Iš jų matyti, kad polinės gyvenvietės<br />
žmonės medžiojo bebrus, elnius, briedžius,<br />
lokius, šernus, antis, žąsis. Pasistatę žvejybos įrenginius<br />
gaudė stambias lydekas ir šamus bei kitas žuvis.<br />
Tyrimų duomenys rodo, kad iš auginamų gyvulių didelę<br />
reikšmę turėjo arkliai, o to paties Kretuono apyežerio<br />
aplinkoje, vienalaikėje Kretuono 1D gyvenvietėje,<br />
gyvenę žmonės augino kiaules.<br />
Vėlyvojo neolito gyvenvietėje poliams naudotų medžių<br />
rūšys buvo nustatomos pagal makropožymius.<br />
Archeologinė medžiaga, išskyrus atvejus, kai mediena<br />
labai suirusi, buvo skirstoma į tris medienos grupes:<br />
spygliuočiai, kietieji lapuočiai, minkštieji lapuočiai.<br />
Kietųjų lapuočių grupės mediena pagal makropožymius<br />
buvo identifikuota iki medžio rūšies. Medienos<br />
rūšis buvo nustatoma remiantis medienos diagnostiniais<br />
požymiais trijuose pjūviuose: skersiniame,<br />
tangentiniame ir radialiniame. Medienos rūšys buvo<br />
identifikuojamos šiuose trijuose pjūviuose mikroskopu<br />
taikant 56–250 kartų padidinimą.
Medienos rūšims identifikuoti buvo pasirinkta daugiau<br />
kaip 300 polių pavyzdžių, kurie rasti 2000–2001 m. tyrinėjimų<br />
metu. Didžiausią dalį konstrukcijų sudarė paprastojo<br />
uosio (Fraxinus excelsior L.) poliai (57,1 %)<br />
(1 il.). Uosiniai poliai ir kuolai išsidėstę beveik tolygiai<br />
po visą 2000–2001 m. kasinėjimų plotą. Uosiniai buvo<br />
įvairių matmenų konstrukciniai elementai: pradedant<br />
3 cm skersmens kartimis, baigiant 14 cm skersmens<br />
skeltais poliais.<br />
Išskyrus pušies ir kelis beržo (Betula pendula Roth)<br />
pavyzdžius, atstovaujančius spygliuočių miškų tipui,<br />
dauguma kitų pavyzdžių yra būdingi plačialapių<br />
miškų, vyravusių atlančio ir ankstyvojo subborealio<br />
laikotarpiu, atstovai. Antra dažniausiai konstrukcijoms<br />
naudota medžių rūšis buvo alksnis (Alnus sp.)<br />
(11,3 %). Lazdyno (Corylus avellana L.) (10,0 %)<br />
poliai grupavosi neryškiomis linijomis, skirtingomis<br />
kryptimis kertančiomis tyrimų plotą. Šios rūšies mediena,<br />
matyt, buvo naudojama žuvų užtvaroms statyti.<br />
Kitos gausesnės medžių rūšys yra tipiškos plačialapių<br />
miškų atstovės, pvz., guoba (Ulmus sp.) (5,3 %)<br />
ir klevas (Acer platanoides L.) (4,3 %). Tačiau vienas<br />
iš tipiškiausių plačialapių miškų atstovų – ąžuolas<br />
(Quercus robur L.) – konstrukcijoms statyti praktiškai<br />
nebuvo naudotas. Visose 2000–2001 m. tirto Žemaitiškės<br />
2-osios gyvenvietės ploto konstrukcijose rastas<br />
tik vienas ąžuolinis kuolas. Tai ryškiai skiria tiriamąją<br />
gyvenvietę nuo polinių gyvenviečių Šveicarijoje ir<br />
Pietų Vokietijoje, kur ąžuolas yra viena iš dažniausiai<br />
naudojamų neolito konstrukcijose medžių rūšių, ir sudaro<br />
iki 75 % pavyzdžių. Pušies (Pinus sylvestris L.)<br />
pavyzdžiai visoje kolekcijoje sudaro 6,0 %. Kasinėjimų<br />
plote pušiniai konstrukciniai elementai išsidėstę<br />
salelėmis, gausiausia sankaupa yra 2000 m. kasinėjimų<br />
plote. Likusieji polinės gyvenvietės konstrukciniai elementai<br />
– pavieniai kuolai ir poliai iš smulkių medžių<br />
bei krūmų: šaltekšnio (Rhamnus frangula L.), drebulės<br />
(Populus tremula L.), sedulos (Cornus sanguinea L.),<br />
gluosnio (Salix sp.).<br />
Paskutinės medžių rievės analizė rodo, kad didžioji<br />
dauguma polių buvo ruošti pavasarį, vegetacijos sezono<br />
pradžioje (36 %), arba vasarą (23 %). Net 36 %<br />
pavyzdžių paskutinėje rievėje yra tik ankstyvoji mediena.<br />
Dabartinio klimato sąlygomis uosių, guobų ir<br />
pušų ankstyvoji mediena pradeda formuotis gegužės<br />
mėnesį. Mūsų tyrimai rodo, kad birželio viduryje kai<br />
kurių uosių vėlyvoji mediena dar nebūna pradėjusi<br />
formuotis. Todėl galima teigti, kad intensyviausiai<br />
statybos ir pastatų rekonstrukcijos darbai Žemaitiškės<br />
2-ojoje polinėje gyvenvietėje vykdavo gegužės–birželio<br />
mėnesiais.<br />
Medžių polių datos (14C ) išsidėsčiusios intervale<br />
nuo 3670+/-80 (alksnio polius Nr. 172, kalibruota<br />
data 2140–1930 m. pr. Kr.) iki 5970+/-60 (uosio polius<br />
Nr. 145, kalibruota data 4970–4790 m. pr. Kr.).<br />
Remiantis archeologiniais ir dendrologiniais tyrimais<br />
nustatyta, kad Žemaitiškės 2-ojoje gyvenvietėje ilgiausią<br />
laiką nuolat buvo gyvenama vėlyvojo neolito<br />
laikotarpiu. Tai patvirtina gyvenvietės radiologinės<br />
datos ir archeologinė medžiaga. Poliai, kurie laikė<br />
platformą, yra stambesni, jų skersmuo yra nuo 6–8 cm<br />
iki 14–16 cm. Kitos statmenai įkaltos kartys buvo naudojamos<br />
žvejybai: užtvarams, bučiams prilaikyti. Tai<br />
rodo, kad gyvenvietėje buvo ir gyvenamųjų statinių,<br />
ir žvejybos įrenginių. Dalyje gyvenvietės ploto atlikti<br />
dendrologiniai tyrimai rodo, kad gyventojų čia buvota<br />
įvairiais laikais, nes polių ir karčių radiologinių tyrimų<br />
chronologinis spektras yra gana platus. Tačiau vėlyvojo<br />
neolito archeologinė medžiaga yra kompaktiška. Ji<br />
rodo, kad šioje vietoje nuolat gyventa ir žvejota tik vėlyvajame<br />
neolite, o žvejota – nuo mezolito iki bronzos<br />
amžiaus pabaigos. Naujausi archeologiniai ir dendrologiniai<br />
tyrimai įgalina teigti, kad Lietuvos teritorijoje<br />
nuo vėlyvojo neolito ant polių stovėjusiuose pastatuose<br />
buvo nuolat gyvenama ir ūkininkaujama: žvejojama,<br />
medžiojama, pradedama auginti gyvulius.<br />
Ši polių statymo tradicija išliko ir bronzos amžiuje.<br />
Lietuvoje analogiškai suręstų polinių statinių aptikta<br />
Luokesų ežere (Molėtų r.).<br />
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
III<br />
WETLAND<br />
ARCHAEOLOGY<br />
135
The Bog Offerings of the Balts:<br />
‘I Give in Order to Get Back’<br />
AUDRONĖ<br />
BLIUJIENĖ<br />
THE BOG OFFERINGS OF THE BALTS:<br />
‘I GIVE IN ORDER TO GET BACK’<br />
AUDRONĖ BLIUJIENĖ<br />
Abstract<br />
The bog offerings of the Balts dating back to the period from the first century to the first half of the eighth century, and found<br />
in the Nemunas-Daugava interfluvia, are studied as part of the panhuman experience, and as a result of the influence of the<br />
Germanic culture of a period covering the Roman Iron Age and the Migration Period. In the lands of the Balts, however, offerings<br />
in water turned into a self-contained phenomenon known until historic times. This article discusses the links between bog<br />
offering sites and sacred waters. It discusses the position of bog offerings in the archaeological complex, the composition of<br />
offerings and changes in them, and the main intentions of the offerings, which can be characterised as offerings of war booty<br />
(to the god of war, as proof of a warrior’s honour), the transfer of valuables into the transcendental space (give to get back),<br />
and communication with the gods and with ancestors (requests and tokens of gratitude).<br />
Key words: Balts, wetlands, sacrifices, war booty/triumph, communication, transfer of valuables.<br />
136<br />
Offerings into water: from the very<br />
outset<br />
It is quite difficult, and sometimes even impossible,<br />
to conclude whether offering sites at a time of sacrifice<br />
were valleys of rivers or shores of lakes, ponds or<br />
meadows, or if the sites were rather overgrown or not.<br />
In one way or another, offerings were related to water,<br />
and, by their essence, they were offerings into water as<br />
a universal mediator in the journey to the afterworld or<br />
the eventual realm of the dead. Without doubt, a portion<br />
of these votive offerings were intended for the gods.<br />
Water is one of the principal components of the world’s<br />
structure, from which, according to myths about the<br />
creation of the world, the Earth was created (Greimas<br />
1990, p.133). Slack water, water flowing westwards or<br />
eastwards, a spring gushing from the ground, or the<br />
source of a river, or water falling from the sky: all these<br />
were given the role of a mediator in various situations<br />
(Vaitkevičius 2008a, p.77). Therefore, water in all its<br />
states could act as a mediator with gods and ancestors.<br />
Water was also an ideal medium for the transfer of desired<br />
valuables into the transcendental space; through<br />
this substance, as time went on, the owner would follow<br />
the valuables he had sacrificed. Water not only<br />
gives an opportunity to transfer desired objects into the<br />
afterworld, it also gives the person who performed the<br />
rites the right to use the objects after his death. More<br />
than one author has noticed this phenomenon, on the<br />
basis of written sources and archaeological material<br />
(Larsson 1998, p.70ff, Fig. 7; Žulkus 1989, p.110;<br />
1993, p.33). On the other hand, hoards deposited in the<br />
ground also carry a similar meaning (Riekstiņš 1930,<br />
p.477; Quast 2009). Consequently, in principle, the<br />
ground, too, could serve as a mediator between different<br />
spaces of the world.<br />
In Lithuania, the formation of bogs occurred predominantly<br />
in the Holocene, during the Allerød climatic<br />
warming period. As lakes became clogged up, the process<br />
became more rapid in the Pre-Boreal period, i.e.<br />
the Mesolithic (Kabailienė 2006, pp.416, 422ff, Table<br />
12). Although the majority of bogs formed through<br />
the silting-up of lakes, dry land can become boggy in<br />
the springy slopes along river banks and in river valleys;<br />
and due to excessive moisture, bogs and wetlands<br />
can form in forests and fields. Although the information<br />
on the present-day marshiness of Lithuania that<br />
is contained in scientific literature is contradictory, the<br />
usual claim is that the level of marshiness of Lithuania<br />
in Prehistoric times ranged from 9% to 6.5%<br />
(Sakalauskas, Zelionka 1966, p.5; Bareika 2010, p.7ff;<br />
Barakauskas 2008, p.18). In the first millennium, bogs<br />
and wetlands might have covered approximately two<br />
thirds of present-day Lithuania. 1 The number of boggy<br />
areas decreased considerably, due to extensive land<br />
reclamation, which was still going on in the late 20th<br />
century, because in some small river basins one third to<br />
two thirds of streams were straightened, drained or otherwise<br />
anthropogenically modified beds of small rivers<br />
(Žikulinas, Česnulevičius 2009, p.62ff).<br />
Similar bog formation processes were taking place in<br />
Scandinavia, too, where some lakes underwent a process<br />
of transformation into bogs in the Pre-Boreal and<br />
during Atlantic times (Larsson 1998, p.65ff). As the<br />
experience of studies of Germanic water offering sites<br />
1<br />
Dr Julius Taminskas’ and Jevgenijus Žikulinas’<br />
communication to the author (Nature Research Centre,<br />
Institute of Geology and Geography)..
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
Fig. 1. The distribution of offerings in bogs and wetlands between the River Nemunas and the River Daugava. For a list<br />
of sites, see the appendix and table. Booty sacrifices in Scandinavia during the Roman Period and Migration Period, after<br />
Ilkjær 2007, p.17; Estonian sites after T. Tamla 1995, p.103ff, Fig. 1.<br />
shows, offerings were made into lakes, the bog formation<br />
process of which had already started; whereas in<br />
the case of Illerup, offerings were made in the Illerup<br />
Ådal river valley (Ilkjær 2007, p.25). In the Nemunas-<br />
Daugava interfluvia, however, it was river banks or<br />
boggy river valleys that were predominantly chosen as<br />
water offering sites (Fig. 1; Appendix 1).<br />
In Europe, offerings of various compositions into water,<br />
bogs or marshlands have been known since the<br />
Late Palaeolithic (Meiendorf-pond near Hamburg;<br />
Burdukiewicz 1999, p.102ff, Fig. 4). It is self-evident<br />
that with the passage of time the composition and intentions<br />
of the offerings changed; however, a bog, river<br />
bank or lake shore, a spring or just a marshy place,<br />
always remained an important offering site. According<br />
to Richard Bradley, mankind’s offerings into water<br />
were ‘a mirage but permanent’; in other words, it was<br />
a long-running tradition (1990, pp.9-16). This ‘permanent<br />
mirage’ as a particular phenomenon characteristic<br />
of a specific time and space has been ascribed by<br />
many authors who divide bog finds into different categories:<br />
familial and tribal sacrifices of a village, great<br />
tribal sacrifices at central sites, boat sacrifices as an<br />
act of cult-worship in order to obtain a greater esprit<br />
de corps, and special sacrifices and human sacrifices<br />
(Hagberg 1967b, p.67ff, with further literature).<br />
Consequently, water was always important as a transcendental<br />
space and a contact zone intended for<br />
communication with the gods and with ancestors in<br />
prehistoric times. In the Neolithic, offerings into water<br />
became extremely widespread. Furthermore, the attitude<br />
towards offerings in bogs changed. Offerings into<br />
water became a site of contact with the spiritual world,<br />
whereas a votive offering became the basis of community<br />
rites (Larsson 1998, p.68ff, Fig. 6). In the Jutland<br />
Peninsula, and in some Baltic Sea coastal areas rich<br />
in amber, offerings of raw amber and amber artefacts<br />
became extremely widespread in the Neolithic and<br />
the Bronze Age (Jensen 2000, pp.37-38; Griesa 1999,<br />
pp.128-129, Pl. 81; Bukowski 2002, Fig. 86). Apparently,<br />
it was not by chance that Juodkrantė (formerly<br />
Schwarzort) became the main Neolithic sacred place<br />
(alkas) of the entire spit and the surrounding region,<br />
where amber artefacts were sacrificed (Rimantienė<br />
1989, p.85; Bliujienė 2007, pp.85-86, 171), and possibly<br />
food or other artefacts. Judging by the composition<br />
of the ‘Juodkrantė Hoard’, offerings might have been<br />
made there in the Early Bronze Age too.<br />
In the Bronze Age, the number of offerings in the<br />
bogs of Central and northern Europe increased again;<br />
however, the composition, and apparently the main<br />
intentions of the offerings, changed. At that time, the<br />
ambition of people who enjoyed a high social status<br />
III<br />
WETLAND<br />
ARCHAEOLOGY<br />
137
The Bog Offerings of the Balts:<br />
‘I Give in Order to Get Back’<br />
AUDRONĖ<br />
BLIUJIENĖ<br />
138<br />
to become divine tribal chiefs or ancestors worshipped<br />
by future generations attributed more importance to the<br />
rites of offerings in water, and revealed the principal<br />
wish of those making the offerings: ‘I give in order<br />
to get back’ (Hänsel 1997, p.13ff). Therefore, exclusive<br />
regalia, weapons, work tools, ornaments and other<br />
valuables 2 became a component of such offerings.<br />
Bronze Age offerings into water became widespread<br />
in the east Baltic region (V. Urtāns 1977, p.129; Grigalavichene<br />
1980, pp.66-88; Čivilytė 2004, p.227ff;<br />
Bliujienė 2007, p.252ff).<br />
Some water offering sites were long-term ones, because<br />
at certain intervals of time offerings were made<br />
at the same site for several hundred years (such as the<br />
village of Šernai in the Minija valley). People would<br />
come to make an offering at a certain lake shore or<br />
river bank for several hundred or even a thousand years<br />
or more (at Gdynia-Wielki Kack in the Bay of Gdansk,<br />
amber was offered in a coastal bog in the Neolithic<br />
and the Late Roman Period) (La Baume 1920, Plate<br />
I; Reszczyńska 1998, p.93, map 21; Bliujienė 2007,<br />
Fig. 91.3.). Generally, offerings of amber were made<br />
into water until the beginning of the Migration Period<br />
(Eogan 1999, p.75ff; Bliujienė 2007, p.253ff, Fig. 154;<br />
Negroni Catacchio 2009, Plate I.1). Offerings of amber<br />
into water are attested to by the Basonia beads treasure,<br />
which was found, albeit in unclear circumstances, undoubtedly<br />
in a boggy valley of the Vistula (Wielowiejski<br />
1990, p.101ff).<br />
Mythological data from many nations indicates that<br />
the realm of the dead is imagined as being located<br />
beyond water, or in water; or water was the sphere<br />
through which one could arrive in the world of the<br />
dead (Žulkus 1989, p.110; 1993, p.29ff; Beresnevičius<br />
2004, p.245; Larsson 1998, p.68). Therefore, there is<br />
nothing strange about the fact that most of Lithuania’s<br />
burial sites are separated from their settlement by at<br />
least a small nameless rivulet or a ravine, whereas burial<br />
sites, more often than not, are on river banks or lake<br />
shores. However, boggy offering sites are known only<br />
in small areas surrounding dwelling sites and burial<br />
grounds, the most prominent archaeological objects.<br />
There is no doubt about the fact that during the Roman<br />
Period and at the beginning of the Migration Period,<br />
the Balts, as well as the Finno-Ugric people, adopted a<br />
custom of making offerings in bogs and wetlands from<br />
Germanic peoples; therefore, the intentions of the offering<br />
must have been very similar (V. Urtāns 1977;<br />
2<br />
The famous Trundholm sun chariot that was made in the<br />
Early Bronze Age around 1400 BC and was found in the<br />
Trundholm bog at Sjælland (Denmark). The second most<br />
famous object of antiquity, the Gundestrup Cauldron,<br />
which was produced around the second to the first century<br />
BC, was also found in a peat bog in Denmark.<br />
Tamla 1995, p.103ff, Figs. 1-5; Lang 2007, p.257; Kazanski<br />
2010, p.59). In the east Baltic region, we know<br />
all aspects of sacrifices in the wetlands used by Germans<br />
(Hagberg 1967b; Geisslinger 1967, pp.98-107,<br />
maps 8, 9, 16), except boat sacrifices to be a part of<br />
cult-worship. The importance of local customs which<br />
create the essential conditions for originating votive<br />
offerings in wetlands and bogs should be stressed.<br />
Most east Baltic region votive offerings in water, especially<br />
during the Migration Period, should be ascribed<br />
to war booty sacrifices. However, the question arises<br />
whether offerings were the booty from attacking or defending<br />
armies? And this is not an issue that is easily<br />
solved. In other words, the question of the intentions<br />
of these offerings arises. It has been suggested that war<br />
booty might have been brought home from victories<br />
abroad to be sacrificed, perhaps copying the Roman<br />
Triumph, and that these sacrifices would be psychologically<br />
bizarre to risk for life, honour and property<br />
(Ilkjær 2003, pp.44-65). One more suggestion has<br />
begun to circulate in archaeological literature that the<br />
sacrifices represented warriors returning from battles<br />
around the limes, where they might have fought on either<br />
side, or that war booty offerings bear witness to<br />
migrations from the continent to Scandinavia. Seeking<br />
land as they returned, they engaged in fighting with the<br />
local tribes of southern Scandinavia (Hagberg 1967b,<br />
p.65; Lund Hansen 2003, p.84ff). Of course, it is possible<br />
that a votive offering is performed in the area of<br />
a battle between two or more tribes, and the defeated<br />
tribe would lose its treasury to the victor (Grane 2007,<br />
pp.242-259, for an overview). At the same time, it is<br />
possible that votive offerings were made by the inhabitants<br />
of surrounding regions to their dead during a certain<br />
period as great tribal sacrifices.<br />
In the Lithuanian historiographical tradition, it is also<br />
claimed that these are bog offerings dedicated to warriors<br />
killed in foreign lands (Zabiela, Ribokas 1994,<br />
p.28). Or, it is assumed that ‘the real meaning of offerings<br />
might have been slightly different: through offerings,<br />
the deities of the underworld were asked to show<br />
benevolence and patronage to a killed person who<br />
never returned home, i.e. to a person whose relatives<br />
could not prepare him for the journey to the world of<br />
the deceased’ (Vaitkevičius 1994, p.107; literature pertaining<br />
to this issue is given).<br />
However, artefacts in the bog offerings of the Balts are<br />
not of Scandinavian origin. This fact has been noticed<br />
by all researchers who have analysed the offerings of<br />
the Early Migration Period (Tamla 1995, p.105, with<br />
literature). On the other hand, offered ornaments bear<br />
some features typical of the Baltic Sea region of the<br />
Early Migration Period, and some artefacts, such as
Fig. 2. Details of discoveries of 11th to 14th-century hoards<br />
of silver ornaments (according to J. Bliujūtė, Fig. 12).<br />
oval belt buckles with a thicker fore part (Group H),<br />
were widespread in most of Europe (Madyda-Legutko<br />
1986, Plates 19-20). The collected material indicates<br />
(see Appendix 1) that the Balts and the entire east Baltic<br />
region during the Late Roman Period and the Early<br />
Migration Period did not lag behind Germanic lands,<br />
where war booty was offered in especially large quantities.<br />
However, the east Baltic region differs, in that<br />
offerings into water continued during the Late Migration<br />
Period too; these offerings continued during Viking<br />
times and in the Early Middle Ages. On Gotland,<br />
offerings in bogs and wetlands survived even into the<br />
Viking Age, while in other parts of Sweden and Scandinavia<br />
such offerings were abandoned and forgotten<br />
(Hagberg 1967b, pp.70, 72-73; Thumark-Nyleń 2006,<br />
pp.462, 466-467). Bearing in mind the particular longlasting<br />
Gotlandic tradition in the design and wearing of<br />
bracteats, fashionable sets of beads, fibulae and so on,<br />
it is no wonder that offerings in bogs were still practised.<br />
Furthermore, we can retrace active communication<br />
between communities of the east Baltic region and<br />
Gotland, and argue that the common lifestyle and view<br />
of the world support the general custom of offerings on<br />
both sides of the Baltic Sea.<br />
Hoards from the Early Middle Ages consisting of exclusively<br />
silver ornaments were typical of the Balts;<br />
they would bear not only an economic, but also a symbolic<br />
and possibly a cult meaning. Such hoards are<br />
usually found in boggy areas (Bogucki 2003, pp.184,<br />
201). Undoubtedly, approximately a quarter (26%) of<br />
11th to 14th-century hoards of silver ornaments are<br />
related to water (Bliujūtė 2004, p.38) (Fig. 2). Nevertheless,<br />
at least some of the late ornaments, such as<br />
ones that did not match the new ideological and artistic<br />
realities, became offerings entrusted to the eternal<br />
custody of the ancestors. Consequently, the ancient<br />
offering into water might have acquired a different<br />
meaning, a kind of reverent farewell by aristocratic<br />
ladies of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania to ornaments<br />
that were old-fashioned and represented old culture.<br />
Silver ornaments with rare decoration and a substantial<br />
weight had a high material value; therefore, such<br />
an offering was valuable. Single offerings into water<br />
might be known from as late as the early 18th century<br />
(at Oniūnai in the Kupiškis district, in 1986, during<br />
the excavation of a land reclamation ditch, 23 coins<br />
from different countries dating back to the early 18th<br />
century were found; Ivanauskas 1995, p.257ff). However,<br />
we should bear in mind all kinds of everyday life<br />
situations, accidents, and other factors due to which a<br />
deposit might have ended up in water.<br />
Sacrifices by the Balts in bogs<br />
and wetlands on the basis of<br />
the archaeological and mythological<br />
context, and data from written sources<br />
In Lithuania and Latvia, just as in other lands of the<br />
Balts 3 and the Finno-Ugric part of the Baltic region,<br />
weapons, work tools, household objects, ornaments,<br />
Roman coins, parts of a warrior’s accoutrements and<br />
other artefacts dating back to the period from the first<br />
century to the first half of the 13th century are found<br />
during the reclamation of boggy areas, peat cutting and<br />
ploughing of drained swamps, as well as on swampy<br />
river banks or lake shores and in wet meadows (Figs.<br />
1; 3; 4; Appendix 1). 4 Regarding the entire period being<br />
discussed, which covers nearly 1,300 years, 33 bog<br />
offering sites have been registered in western Lithuania<br />
and southwest Latvia, in western Samogitia, western<br />
Semigalia, and central and northeast Lithuania<br />
(Appendix 1), although, according to the archives of<br />
the State Board of Archaeology, there might be more<br />
offering sites. The largest number of offerings have<br />
3<br />
This article discusses only bog offerings found between the<br />
River Nemunas (Memel, Neman) and the River Daugava<br />
(Western Dvina).<br />
4<br />
It should be pointed out that in far from all instances are<br />
the circumstances of the finding of the offerings into water<br />
discussed in this article absolutely clear. The list of offerings<br />
into water has been compiled by including in it only those<br />
sites which present no doubt as to the circumstances of<br />
their finding, or where the circumstances of their finding<br />
indicate that the deposit found was in one way or another<br />
related to water (e.g. Dandāle Vecsvirlaukas and the hoard<br />
in the vicinities of Daugavpils). The list of the findspots of<br />
bog offerings does not include single artefacts or groups<br />
of artefacts where the circumstances of the finding cannot<br />
be verified by any other sources (a silver neck-ring was<br />
found in Lyduvėnai on the bank of the River Dubysa; cf.<br />
LLM 1958, p. 330, Fig. 293). Latvian deposits intended<br />
for various purposes have been studied in great detail<br />
by Vladislavs Urtāns; however, the circumstances of the<br />
finding of some deposits given in the publications of 1964<br />
and 1977 differ.<br />
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The Bog Offerings of the Balts:<br />
‘I Give in Order to Get Back’<br />
Fig. 3. 1930, Kokmuiža II (Līgotņu, Vītiņi parish, Auce district, Latvia): excavations of the edges of a land reclamation<br />
ditch in the boggy valley of the River Avīkne (LNVM photograph No. 30785) (photograph by Jānis Jaunzems).<br />
140<br />
Fig. 4. An excavation plot during archaeological investigations<br />
in 1930 at Kokmuiža II (Līgotņu, Vītiņi parish, Auce<br />
district, Latvia) (LNVM photograph No. 30768) (photograph<br />
by Jānis Jaunzems).<br />
been found in western Lithuania, southwest Latvia<br />
and western Semigalia, and in central and northeastern<br />
parts of Estonia, that is, in regions, where communication<br />
by sea and the main rivers used to predetermine<br />
the evolution of the mode of life of individual communities,<br />
which manifested itself not only through the<br />
rapid development of economic and social models, but<br />
also through dynamic changes in cultural ideas, ideology<br />
and world outlook. All the bog offering finds were<br />
found during the reclamation of boggy areas, peat cutting,<br />
the ploughing of drained swamps, the straightening<br />
of clogged-up river beds, or other agricultural<br />
activities. Therefore, quite often the exact findspot and<br />
the stratigraphy of the arrangement of such finds is unclear.<br />
More often than not, weapons (spear points) and<br />
some ornaments (penannular brooches, bracelets with<br />
tapered terminals, cylindrical mountings of drinking<br />
horns) found in the offering deposits do not provide<br />
data for a more accurate dating of the offering, due to<br />
wear over a long period of time. However, on the basis<br />
of the chronology of crossbow brooches with a bent<br />
or star-like foot, neck-rings (with a box-shaped clasp,<br />
with faceted terminals, with saddle-shaped terminals,<br />
with profoundly faceted terminals, with a widened<br />
frontal part and tapered terminals) and other ornaments,<br />
we can presume that it was only in a small part<br />
of the water offering sites that offerings were made intermittently<br />
or for a longer period of time (Barstyčiai,<br />
Bernsteinbruch and Užpelkiai and the Late Migration<br />
Period and even earliest Estonian bog war booty sacrifices<br />
at Kunda, Rikassaare, Alulinna and Igavere; for
this, see Tamla 1995, p.103ff, Fig. 1). More often than<br />
not, this uncertainty is exacerbated by the fact that no<br />
offering sites were found during archaeological excavations.<br />
Normally, archaeologists learn of offering<br />
sites, visit them, and, in the best cases, study them after<br />
some time has passed. Usually, only some of the finds<br />
are taken to museums, or, in general, only stories about<br />
such offerings are known (Riekstiņš 1930, pp.473-478,<br />
Plates I-II; V. Urtāns 1964, p.41ff; 1977, Figs. 16, 17;<br />
Tautavičius 1971; 1975, pp.84-85). In the region under<br />
discussion, only the Kokmuiža II and Šliktinė 5 offerings<br />
sites were studied by archaeologists, albeit after<br />
some time had passed (Figs. 3-4). Consequently, in<br />
most cases we possess no knowledge of the detailed<br />
arrangement and stratigraphy of the deposit. In view<br />
of the lack of data of the arrangement of the deposit in<br />
situ and links between artefacts or groups of them, it<br />
is difficult to conjecture not only the chronological aspects<br />
and rites of the offering(s), but also to extrapolate<br />
how many people made contributions to the offering,<br />
if the offering was simultaneous. Nevertheless, in spite<br />
of the wide chronological framework of most bog offerings,<br />
an analysis of the very deposits would make it<br />
possible to claim that a larger or smaller offering for<br />
exceptionally important intentions was made simultaneously,<br />
or within a definite period of time covering<br />
100 years or more. People would come back to make<br />
offerings only to some sites (Appendix 1; Table 1).<br />
The situation is similar in Germanic bog offering<br />
sites, too (at Illerup Ådal, large offerings were made<br />
in approximately the years 200, 230 and 375, whereas<br />
small offerings were made from the early third century<br />
to the late fourth century; offerings were made at the<br />
Porskjærs offering site within several periods) (Ilkjær<br />
2007, pp.34-35; Nøgård Jørgensen 2008, p.204).<br />
It is not clear why only a certain section of a river,<br />
lake shore or part of a wetland was chosen as a site<br />
for offering into water, over areas located nearby and<br />
also seemingly suitable for offerings in many ways<br />
(Tautavičius 1971, pp.1-9; 1972, p.84ff). The common<br />
speculation concerning the choice of actual sites for<br />
offerings into water is as follows: if finds have been<br />
found in a boggy area, it indicates that the site is sacred<br />
as such (Pretorijus 2006, p.133; Tautavičius 1972,<br />
p.84ff; Zabiela, Ribokas 1994, p.28; J. Urtāns 2004,<br />
p.95; 2008, p.84).<br />
Sacred sites of the Balts are known under a common<br />
name, alka,-s (elk, olk), which means a sacred offering<br />
site. There is quite a large number of bogs called alka<br />
(os)/aukos (cf. Vaitkevičius 1998, p.338ff, Figs. 11-22;<br />
2003a, pp.21, 155). Therefore, it would seem self-explanatory<br />
that offering sites should coincide with sa-<br />
5 No finds were found during the excavations of the Šliktinė<br />
offering site (Tautavičius 1971).<br />
cred waters: sacred offering sites (alkos), sacred rivers<br />
(alkupiai), sacred islets (alkos salos) and meadows, as<br />
well as holy rivers and springs considered to be sacred,<br />
in other words, with former sacred sites. However, on<br />
one hand, there are far fewer known offering sites into<br />
water than there are locations considered to be sacred<br />
waters. On the other hand, there is no clear-cut connection<br />
between offerings found on the banks and shores<br />
of clogged-up rivers, lakes, marshy meadows or quagmires,<br />
and sites that were considered to be sacred waters<br />
and are known from stories or which exist as mere<br />
place names (Vaitkevičius 1998a, p.338ff, Figs. 11-22;<br />
1998b, pp.16-23; 2003a, pp.154-175, maps 23-28;<br />
2006; J. Urtāns 2004, p.94; 2008, pp.76-90, 179-207).<br />
Nearly 200 names of bogs, marshes or swamps known<br />
in Lithuania and Semigalia (11 out of 15) contain the<br />
roots vel, pikt-; therefore, it is believed that the name<br />
indicates that the bog used to be the abode of a devil<br />
(velinas or velnias); we cannot deny the possibility<br />
that offerings might have been made to him there (Presents<br />
from witches/Laumių dovanos, 1979, pp.70-71;<br />
Vėlius 1987; Vaitkevičius 1994, p.107; J. Urtāns 2004,<br />
p.94). However, neither the well-known offerings from<br />
Kokmuiža I and II nor the offerings from Šliktinė are<br />
directly related to the sacred waters of bogs bearing a<br />
sacred name. There is no data that attests to the fact<br />
that some place names, such as Auksūdys (in the Kretinga<br />
district), the name of which consists of the word<br />
auka (offering) or aukoti (to make an offering) and the<br />
component sūd (sūduva, a quagmire in a marsh; the<br />
opening of a quagmire; Vaitkevičius 2003a, p.153), are<br />
related to offerings into water. Even the Well of Prayers<br />
or Offerings located on the east slope of Mikytai Offering<br />
Hill (aukos kalnas, in the Skuodas district), just<br />
like the Devil’s Boulder found on the north slope of<br />
this offering hill, are not directly related to Šliktinė I<br />
and II offerings into water. However, in this particular<br />
case, other opinions exist in Lithuanian historiography<br />
too (Vaitkevičius 1994, p.104ff).<br />
In southern Scandinavia, almost 50 war booty sacrifices<br />
have been located at more than 20 sites ranging<br />
from the fourth century BC to the fifth century AD<br />
(Grane 2007, p.220, Fig. 87) (Fig. 1). An indirect link<br />
between Germanic war booty and trophy offerings<br />
and offerings by the Balts is Thor, whose functions<br />
and importance in the Germanic mythological system<br />
were similar to that of the Balts’ Perkūnas. One<br />
of the most famous bog offering sites is Thorsberg (in<br />
the vicinity of Schleswig), where offerings were made<br />
between the years 220 and 240, and in circa 300 (von<br />
Carnap-Bornheim, Ilkjær 1997; Ilkjær 2007, p.68ff).<br />
However, in Lithuanian archaeological material, there<br />
are no convincing links between place names related<br />
to Perkūnas (such as Perkūnkiemiai) and offerings into<br />
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142<br />
water, or burying in water. 6 Certainly in Scandinavia, it<br />
is possible to associate valuable militaria with the cult<br />
of Odin, connecting offerings with gifts for the dead<br />
warrior and with their property in Valhalla (Hagberg<br />
1967b, p.65). This means that, in general, water was<br />
a space through which own property went to Valhalla.<br />
In the 13th century, Romuva is localised in the confluence<br />
of the River Auksinė/Austkė/Aukštė 7 and the<br />
River Pregolia; the main religious centre and the main<br />
sacred site of the Balts were situated not far from Mezhdureche<br />
8 (Pėteraitis 1992, p.69; Vaitkevičius 2003b,<br />
pp.16-17, Figs. 11, 12). The fact that a stretch of the<br />
River Auksinė was considered sacred, and that no one<br />
but Vaidevutis was allowed to approach it, was mentioned<br />
by Jonas Bretkūnas (1536–1602) at the end of<br />
the 16th century, and, following Bretkūnas, by Matas<br />
Pretorijus (Matthäus Prätorius, 1635–1707) (Pretorijus<br />
2006, p.131ff; Beresnevičius 2004, p.241). However,<br />
Bretkūnas does not mention any offerings. Pretorijus<br />
mentions that in the River Auksinė, not far from<br />
Narkyčiai, naturally washed-out amber is now and<br />
then found (Pretorijus 2006, p.131ff). Nevertheless,<br />
it is quite possible that some kind of offerings might<br />
have been made in the stretch of the River Auksinė that<br />
ran past Romuva and was considered to be sacred. The<br />
amber that Pretorijus mentions might have been abundant<br />
washed-out offerings made by amber gatherers a<br />
long time ago. There is no doubt that war booty and<br />
thanksgiving offerings were made at the main shrine of<br />
the Balts at Romuva. Peter of Dusburg mentions that<br />
a third of the war booty would be offered at Romuva<br />
(Dusburgietis III.5). Written sources mention that the<br />
Celts (Gauls) and the Germanic tribes would make war<br />
booty offerings into water (Caesar, II book, § 17, VI<br />
book; Hagberg 1967b, p.65ff, with a detailed overview<br />
of antique sources).<br />
6<br />
On the basis of historical and folkloric data, and, to some<br />
extent, the archaeological context, Vaitkevičius assumes<br />
that there is a possible connection between the barrows<br />
of Alinka (Raistinė) and artefacts found by fishermen in<br />
a presumed offering site in Lake Puikinas, as well as at<br />
Perkūnkiemis a few kilometres away, and allegedly the<br />
sacred forest of Gojus (Vaitkevičius 2008b, pp.54-61).<br />
However, a dam was built on the River Strėva in 1961,<br />
during the construction of the Elektrėnai Thermal Power<br />
Plant. For this reason, the contours of the shores of Lake<br />
Puikinas changed considerably, and the ancient islets<br />
were flooded. Around the lake, other islets formed on the<br />
basis of former hills. Due to the elevated level, the water<br />
apparently flooded some of the barrows or former burial<br />
grounds; this is why archaeological finds are found in the<br />
lake.<br />
7 The right tributary of the Pregolia, now the River Golubaya<br />
in the Kaliningrad region, meaning: shining.<br />
8 Norkitten; in Lithuanian, Narkyčiai; Kaliningrad region<br />
(Russia).<br />
Offerings by the Balts into water are in some respects<br />
similar to burying in water and offerings made by<br />
sinking various artefacts in water basins or seasonally<br />
wet areas around burial grounds. Certain stretches of<br />
lake shores or river banks were selected for burying<br />
in water (Obeliai, in the Anykščiai district; Bajorai, in<br />
the Kaišiadorys district; Lake Vilkmuiža, not far from<br />
Talsi hill-fort; in the 14th and 15th centuries people<br />
were buried in Lake Laizde Kalni [in the Talsi district];<br />
during the drainage of the River Mazroja, artefacts<br />
from cremation graves were found; finds dating back to<br />
the 12th and 13th centuries were found in Lake Kaķīši<br />
next to Ēdole) (Urbanavičius, Urbanavičienė 1988,<br />
pp.35-46; Asaris et al. 2008, p.64ff; Grinkevičiūtė,<br />
Vaitkevičius 2006; Vaitkevičius, Grinkevičiūtė 2008;<br />
Vaitkevičius 2009). 9 It is difficult to tell whether there<br />
might have been water in natural terrain depressions<br />
located in Marvelė burial ground, or if the water appeared<br />
there periodically. It is not clear whether the<br />
layer of cremated bones and abundant fragments of<br />
artefacts formed at this point in Marvelė burial ground<br />
during Viking times due to a unique manner of burying<br />
the deceased, or whether the layer formed due to offerings<br />
made (Bertašius 1994, p.56; 2009, pp.108ff). 10<br />
However, the very fact of burying in water does not<br />
eliminate the possibility that offerings were made in<br />
the same place, too, for the simple reason that no cremated<br />
bones are found in water (Lake Vilkumuiža)<br />
(Šturms 1936, pp.85-86). 11 On the other hand, a certain<br />
amount of cremated bones and charcoal does not eliminate<br />
the fact that sacrificial offerings were made into<br />
the water (Kokmuiža II; for this see: Riekstiņš 1930,<br />
p.437ff, Figs. 1-2). Herewith, it will be observed that<br />
none of the Balt communities in the surrounding regions<br />
used cremation as a burial custom. In the case of<br />
Obeliai, the connection between cremated bones found<br />
in the water and artefacts originating from cremation<br />
graves, as well as weapons and ornaments, is not sufficiently<br />
clear (Urbanavičius, Urbanavičienė 1988,<br />
pp.35-46). Also, due to the fixation of earlier excavations,<br />
it is difficult to find a connection between accumulations<br />
of cremated human bones found in water<br />
and definite artefacts, or to determine the exact number<br />
of buried people. However, the example of the Ba-<br />
9<br />
Signs of burying in water were found in the Pajauta valley<br />
at Kernavė in 2010.<br />
10<br />
In the southwest part of Marvelė burial ground, among<br />
cremation graves dating from the tenth to 12th centuries, a<br />
pit of 11 by three metres and up to 0.7 metres in depth was<br />
found, in which more than 1,500 artefacts, fragments of<br />
artefacts, and cremated bones were found.<br />
11<br />
At the eastern end of the lake, in a stretch of the shore<br />
around 12 to 15 metres in length and at a depth of three to<br />
five metres, around 3,500 artefacts dating from the 12th to<br />
14th centuries were found: they were mostly ornaments,<br />
weapons, parts of belts, sickles and parts of horse armour.
jorai burial ground, at least at the initial stage of the<br />
excavations, might indicate that the intended purpose<br />
of this islet in Lake Briaunas underwent changes, and<br />
offerings were made there before a burial ground was<br />
established (Grinkevičiūtė, Vaitkevičius 2006, pp.151-<br />
152; Vaitkevičius, Grinkevičiūtė 2008, pp.195-197;<br />
Vaitkevičius 2009, p.139).<br />
It is not clear today how many natural water basins<br />
there were near burial grounds, or how they were used<br />
or might have been used for making offerings. So far,<br />
water offering sites near burial grounds can be related<br />
to the Palanga and possibly Siraičiai burial grounds<br />
(Tautavičius 1977, p.132). However, in Siraičiai, not<br />
far from the bog situated between the hill-fort and the<br />
burial ground, scrap metal was hidden in a wet area,<br />
judging by the composition of the finds and other peculiarities;<br />
among the scrap metal, there are even artefacts<br />
dating from the late second and early third centuries<br />
(Brensztejn 1903, p.44ff; Bliujienė 2009, p.173). The<br />
site was marked with a sword driven into the ground,<br />
and this circumstance might indicate a wish to entrust<br />
ancestors with the protection of wealth, temporarily or<br />
for a long period of time. On the other hand, neither<br />
the composition of the Siraičiai deposit nor the site<br />
eliminates the possibility of the wish to transfer the accumulated<br />
wealth to the afterworld by using water as a<br />
medium between different spaces. Finally, this deposit<br />
might have been an offering to the gods (Kazakevičius,<br />
Malonaitis 2006, p.75, Table 1; Bliujienė 2008, p.173;<br />
and see Appendix 1). 12<br />
Authors who have studied the boundaries of different<br />
lands indicate wastelands that separated tribes,<br />
and point out that, more often than not, cult sites are<br />
concentrated in land boundary areas. It is believed that<br />
these areas were considered to be places where the<br />
gods lived, and where the abodes of ancestors were; or<br />
that the land boundary areas were sacred, because they<br />
denoted a boundary between one’s own people and<br />
strangers, the boundary between sacrum and profanum<br />
(Žulkus 1989, p.108ff, Fig. 2; 1993, p.30ff; Fabech<br />
1996, p.135; Altenberg 2001; J. Urtāns 2008, p.86). It<br />
is probable that when crossing the boundary of an alien<br />
territory (such as a river) or an important crossroads, or<br />
at an important intersection of different terrains, people<br />
would make offerings. In Latvia, this assumption is<br />
based on the fact that six findspots are known to be situated<br />
in the boundary areas of rivers separating lands<br />
where tenth to 13th-century brooches have been found<br />
(J. Urtāns 2008, p.86). To some extent, these conclu-<br />
12<br />
The hiding of hoards in the areas of burial grounds and<br />
settlements as a phenomenon characteristic of the areas of<br />
the Baltic Sea region and areas located further east, was<br />
noticed by Laima Vaitkunskienė as early as 1981 (1981,<br />
p.28ff).<br />
sions are also supported by the arrangement of bog offerings.<br />
It is evident that some of the bog offering sites<br />
were situated in land boundary areas. In the 12th and<br />
13th centuries, Šluostikiai was situated in a boundary<br />
wasteland area separating Semigalian Sidabrė and the<br />
lands of Žagarė (Vasiliauskas 2009, p.255ff). Šliktinė<br />
and Barstyčiai (the distance between the monuments<br />
is about five kilometres; the exact location of the<br />
Barstyčiai findspot is not clear) were situated not only<br />
on the northeast edge of the Curonian land of Ceklis,<br />
on the boundary with Semigalian land, but also on the<br />
watershed of the upper reaches of the rivers Bartuva,<br />
Šata and Varduva. Some people envisage that the land<br />
of the dead was situated in the upper reaches of rivers,<br />
or was related to water in general (Žulkus 1989, p.110).<br />
Visitation reports dating back to the 16th century mention<br />
that ‘there is a large number of worshippers of<br />
nature’ by the River Varduva (cf. Vaitkevičius 1994,<br />
p.109), although it is difficult to explain more precisely<br />
what exactly that means. From our knowledge of the<br />
fact that most bog offering sites between the River Nemunas<br />
and the River Daugava were situated in river<br />
valleys, it is highly probable that the Barstyčiai offering<br />
site originates from the Varduva running nearby.<br />
On the other hand, there are boulders and hills that are<br />
considered sacred in the vicinity of Barstyčiai in the<br />
boundary area of the lands of former Balt tribes and in<br />
the natural watershed (Vaitkevičius 1994, pp.102-109;<br />
1998b, p.113ff, p.222ff). It is difficult to tell whether<br />
the Barstyčiai boulder, the largest boulder in Lithuania,<br />
situated in a boggy area in the village of Pukiai at a<br />
distance of a mere four kilometres from Barstyčiai, is<br />
related to sacred sites in the vicinity of Barstyčiai. In<br />
recent years, however, stories have appeared telling<br />
us that Perkūnas rolled the boulder on to the sacred<br />
site in order to punish the priestess (Karklelienė 2010).<br />
Nevertheless, it seems that the Barstyčiai bog offering<br />
was an integral part of the former system of sacred<br />
sites.<br />
The large offerings of Šliktinė (Mikytai) I–II were<br />
found at a distance of a mere 300 metres north of<br />
Mikytai hill-fort, on the boggy bank of the Šata rivulet.<br />
The above-mentioned sacred site of Mikytai also belongs<br />
to this archaeological complex; it is apparently<br />
not by chance that this complex has no burial monuments.<br />
A similar situation can be observed in Užpelkiai,<br />
situated at the northern end of bogged-up Lake Plateliai,<br />
in the Tyreliai bog, at a distance of a mere few<br />
hundred metres north of the Užpelkiai hill-fort called<br />
Pilalė. Consequently, there is little doubt about the<br />
fact that the chronologically different offering sites<br />
of Šliktinė, Barstyčiai, Užpelkiai and Dargiškiai must<br />
have been interrelated, and make up a certain system,<br />
which seems to form a circle around a small wasteland<br />
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
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‘I Give in Order to Get Back’<br />
Fig. 5. The offering site of Kokmuiža (Vītiņi parish, Auce district, Latvia) in the valley of the River Avīkne. On the left,<br />
Incēni hill-fort; on the right Forest Hillock hill-fort; 2010 (photograph by A. Bliujienė).<br />
144<br />
area, a sacred space, and one of the main sacred sites of<br />
the coastal region. In a sense, Siraičiai belongs to this<br />
space, which is sacred for the coastal region.<br />
Between two hill-forts, Incēni and Forest Hillock, in<br />
the bogged-up bed of the Avīkne, Kokmuiža I and<br />
II, the largest war booty offerings of the region were<br />
found, along with a separate offering of a smith’s tools<br />
(including tools used for making jewellery) and raw<br />
material more than seven kilograms in weight (Fig.<br />
5). No other smith’s tools have been found in bog offering<br />
sites in the east Baltic region. On the Jutland<br />
Peninsula, jeweller’s tools have been found at Illerup<br />
(von Carnap-Bornheim 2001, p.265, Fig. 1). The offering<br />
sites of Kokmuiža I and II are a part of a huge<br />
archaeological complex, consisting of two hill-forts, a<br />
hill-fort settlement and the burial grounds of Grīnerti<br />
situated nearby (J. Urtāns 2008, p.55ff, Figs. 18–21).<br />
Consequently, at least some of the most important bog<br />
offering sites of the Balt area under discussion are integral<br />
parts of archaeological complexes.<br />
In Germanic lands, the number of bog offering sites<br />
dating back to the Roman and the Migration periods<br />
is much larger. On the Jutland Peninsula, bog offering<br />
sites form an uninterrupted chain along the east<br />
coast of Jutland, starting with Schleswig (Thorsberg)<br />
and nearly reaching the northern part of the peninsula<br />
(Trinnemose), and then further, to the islands of Sjæelland,<br />
Fyn, the Baltic Sea and southern Scandinavia. On<br />
the island of Öland, Skedemosse, the largest bog offering<br />
site, is situated in the middle of the island (Hagberg<br />
1967a; 1967b; Ilkjær 2007, p.17). Although the bog offerings<br />
in the land of the Balts differ from Germanic<br />
ones in their size and the variety of offerings, nevertheless<br />
the offering intentions and the very notion of<br />
an offering were identical throughout the entire Baltic<br />
Sea region (Fig. 1).<br />
Bog offerings of the Balts:<br />
communications with gods<br />
and ancestors<br />
With reference to the Roman Period, seven sites (for<br />
this, see footnote 4) can be attributed to bog and wetland<br />
offering sites in the interfluvia of the River Nemunas<br />
and the River Daugava; five of them are situated<br />
in Lithuania. The findspots of offerings into water dating<br />
back to the Roman Period are distributed in a wide<br />
area between Klaipėda (Bernsteinbruch) and the middle<br />
reaches of the River Lielupe in the west, and the
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
Fig. 6. The distribution of first to 13th-century bog offerings of the Balts between the Nemunas and the Daugava in terms of<br />
intentions.<br />
vicinity of Daugavpils in the east. The distribution of<br />
bog offerings reflects the directions of the main trade<br />
routes, because the main offerings in the east Baltic<br />
region at that time were coins. 13 Among the offerings<br />
related to water, there are single ornaments, or exotic<br />
imported items, such as a figurine of a naked man<br />
found in Dandāle Vecsvirlauka, similar to items known<br />
from the islands of Gotland and Fyn. It is believed that<br />
these figurines of humans were made according to Roman<br />
prototypes (Roman Reflections 1996, catalogues<br />
Nos. 621, 624, 627).<br />
There are 17 hoards dating back to the Roman Period<br />
known in Lithuania (Michelbertas 2007, p.12). Consequently,<br />
bog offerings account for 35% of the total<br />
deposits found dating from the period. Among the bog<br />
offerings from the period, the prevailing offerings are<br />
ones which were intended as offerings to gods and the<br />
deceased; in other words, communication between<br />
the living and the gods, and between the living and<br />
the ancestors. In essence, such offerings were signs of<br />
thanksgiving and requests. It is evident that this communication<br />
was also a means of transferring accumulated<br />
wealth to the afterworld (Fig. 6; Table 1).<br />
There are mentions dating back to the 16th and 17th<br />
centuries of a large fishing village on the shore of the<br />
Curonian Lagoon bearing the rare name Bernsteinbruch,<br />
or Amber Bay (Demerckas 2005, p.95ff). Vast<br />
bogs extended right behind the village. Part of the bog,<br />
just like the village, was called Bernsteinbruch. In the<br />
13<br />
Several places with Roman coins found in wetlands are<br />
mentioned by W. Gaerte (1929, pp.254, 256). In recent<br />
years, offerings into water consisting of Roman coins<br />
have been found on the Semba Peninsula (personal<br />
communication from K. Skvortsov).<br />
early 18th century, three Roman coins, along with ornaments<br />
dating from later times, the tenth and 11th<br />
centuries, were found in this village ‘by the water’ (see<br />
Appendix 1). It is believed that a burial ground existed<br />
there (Žulkus 1972, pp.2, 10-11, Fig. 2). In 1979, archaeological<br />
survey excavations were carried out in<br />
the site of the village of Bernsteinbruch; however, neither<br />
the remains of a burial ground nor any cultural layer<br />
or finds were found (Genys 1979, p.9ff). Therefore,<br />
it is probable that the name of the bog and the village<br />
originate from alluvial amber or offerings made. We<br />
know little of bog offerings by the Balts consisting of<br />
amber or artefacts made from it. The northern boundary<br />
of bog offerings among which offerings of amber<br />
prevail coincides with the River Pasłęka/Passarge, that<br />
is, with the traditional boundary between the cultures<br />
of the Germanic tribes and the Balts. Closest to this<br />
boundary is the findspot of Dünhöfen (Kr. Elbing, now<br />
Przybyłowo, Warmińsko-Mazurskie voivodship in<br />
Poland), where pieces of amber were found in a bog<br />
(Gaerte 1929, p.254). Therefore, the amber bog offerings<br />
found in the coastal area near Klaipėda might constitute<br />
a significant link between the Aestii and amber.<br />
On the other hand, bog offerings containing Roman<br />
coins and other artefacts, as well as beads made from<br />
amber and glass, might link the cultures of the Aestii<br />
area to the Germanic Central European barbaricum<br />
part, southern Scandinavia, and islands in the Baltic<br />
Sea (Kokowski 1993, pp.87-95; Raddatz 1994, p.279<br />
and 280; Reszczyńska 1998, p.93, map 21; Hagberg<br />
1967, p.63; 1967a, p.64ff, 102ff; Ilkjær 2007, p.17).<br />
Germanic deposits of gold in land and bog offerings<br />
disappear between the years 536 and 600 (Axboe 2001,<br />
p.129ff; Ilkjær 2008, p.151). Only on Gotland did vo-<br />
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Table 1. Bog offerings of the Balts in the first to the 13th centuries<br />
discovered in the interfluvia of the River Nemunas and the River Daugava<br />
Site name 1-4 th c. 5-6 th c. 6-7/8 th c. 9-12/13 th c. Intention of the Purpose of the offering<br />
offering<br />
1*Alsungas Almāle C 3<br />
–D 1<br />
Communication/ Own property, gods<br />
transfer<br />
2●Barstyčiai 7th-8thc. 10th-11th c. War booty/triumph Gods<br />
3*Baubliai-Indriūnai 7th-8th c. Communication/ Own property, gods<br />
transfer<br />
4*Bernsteinbruch A 3<br />
–C 1a<br />
Communication/ Gods, ancestors, property<br />
transfer<br />
4a♦Bernsteinbruch 10th-11th c. Bridal offerings (?) Gods<br />
5*Brendiķu Bog 10th-11th c. Communication Message to gods and<br />
ancestors<br />
6♦ Celmiņi 10th-11th c. Bridal offerings Gods<br />
7* Dandāle C 2<br />
–C 3<br />
Communication/ Gods, ancestors, property<br />
transfer<br />
8* Dargiškė C 2<br />
–C 3<br />
Communication/ Gods, ancestors, property<br />
transfer<br />
9♦Daugalaičiai 10th-11th c. Bridal offerings Gods, ancestors<br />
10* Draustiniai 6th-7th c. Communication/ Own property, gods<br />
transfer<br />
11♦ Dumblynė 11th-12th c. Bridal offerings Gods, ancestors<br />
12● Gudėniškės D 2<br />
–E 1<br />
War booty/triumph Gods<br />
13♦ Jucaičiai 10th-11th c. Bridal offerings Gods, ancestors<br />
14♦Kaupi 12th c. Bride offerings Gods, ancestors<br />
15● Kalnamuiža D 1<br />
/<br />
D 2<br />
–E 2<br />
16● Kokmuiža I D 1<br />
–D 2<br />
/<br />
E 1<br />
17● Kokmuiža II D 1<br />
–D 2<br />
/<br />
E 1<br />
18* Lileikiai B 2<br />
/C 1<br />
–<br />
Communication/ Gods, ancestors, property<br />
C 1b<br />
transfer<br />
19* Palanga 7th-9th c. 8th-9th c. Communication Ancestors<br />
20* Minija valey C 1b<br />
–C 2<br />
Communication/ Gods, ancestors, property<br />
transfer<br />
21* Padievaitis C 1b<br />
Communication/ Communication/transfer<br />
transfer<br />
22● Palipšė 12th-13th c. War booty/triumph Gods<br />
23* Piltene D 2<br />
–E 1<br />
Communication/ Own property, gods<br />
transfer<br />
24♦ Pudžas 10/11th c. Bridal offerings Gods, ancestors<br />
25* Salacas Bog 11-12 th Communication/ Own property, gods<br />
transfer<br />
26* Saulītes 7th c. Communication/ Own property, gods<br />
transfer<br />
27* Siraičiai 10th-11th c.;<br />
B 2<br />
/C 1<br />
–C 2<br />
Communication/<br />
transfer<br />
Own property, ancestors,<br />
votive sacrifice<br />
28● Šliktinė I 9th-12th c. War booty/triumph Gods<br />
29● Šliktinė II 9-12 th c. War booty/triumph Gods<br />
30● Šluostikiai 6th-9th c. War booty/triumph Gods<br />
31* Tīras Bog mid 9th c. Communication Gods<br />
32● Užpelkiai C 1b<br />
–C 2<br />
D 2<br />
–D 3<br />
Communication/ Own property, gods<br />
transfer<br />
33♦ Vaineikiai 8th-12th c. Bridal offerings Gods, ancestors<br />
Total 8 6 6 17<br />
146
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
Fig. 7. Spear points from the Kokmuiža I (Vītiņi parish, Auce district, Latvia) bog offering. The finds are kept<br />
at the Courland Provincial Museum (Kurzemes provinces muzejs) in Jelgava (LNVM photograph No. 6538)<br />
(photograph by Raul Šnore).<br />
tive offerings in water or wetlands last during the Viking<br />
Age, as has been mentioned above. Germanic weapons<br />
and the equipment of the defeated (war booty offerings)<br />
were sacrificed by the victors in sacred lakes and<br />
bogs, in thanks to a helpful deity (von Carnap-Bornheim,<br />
Ilkjær 1997; von Carnap-Bornheim, Mateśić 2007,<br />
p.133ff). During the Roman Period, Germanic peoples<br />
sometimes sacrificed humans (the victims were both<br />
men and women, young and old, some of them might<br />
have been prisoners of war), horses (quite often only<br />
their heads, legs or tail vertebrae) and armour in wetlands<br />
(Nydam, Skedemosse, Illerup Ådal et al.) (Hagberg<br />
1967b, pp.58, 64, 79-84, p.102ff; Fabech 1996,<br />
p.135ff; Ilkjær 1997, p.56ff; Bemmann and Bemmann<br />
1998, p.210ff; Monikander 2006, p.143ff). 14 Sometimes<br />
there were boar among other sacrificed animals<br />
(cattle, sheep, birds, dogs, etc). Boar, like horse,<br />
was one of the most important sacrificial animals to<br />
Celtic and Germanic peoples (Hagberg 1967, pp.64,<br />
70, 102ff; Birkhan, 1999, pp.88, 192, 222, 274, 385).<br />
As far as the interfluvia of the River Nemunas and the<br />
River Daugava is concerned, we do not yet have reliable<br />
data pertaining to sacrifices of animals (horses) and<br />
humans into water during that period. In deposits in<br />
14<br />
In 2009, in Illerup Ådal, a large number of human remains<br />
were found, which were associated with a defeated<br />
army that was sacrificed to the lake (for this, see http://<br />
adrianmurdoch.typepad.com/my_weblog/2009/07/newfinds-at-illerup-%C3%A5dal.html<br />
[accessed 18 July<br />
2010]). At Illerup, the horses were sacrificed together with<br />
their saddles; this might indicate that they were horses that<br />
took part in combat (Ilkjær 2007, p.107ff).<br />
burial grounds of the Migration Period, such as Rubas<br />
Rūsīši-Debeši (in the Saldus district), 33 ornaments (a<br />
brooch, a ring and bracelets), weapons (spear points<br />
and combat knives), warriors’ accoutrements (spurs)<br />
and horse armour (a bit), as well as several sickles<br />
and knives, and slag were found in a fire pit (V. Urtāns<br />
1977, p.148, Fig. 52.13–17). Bog offerings of later<br />
times also contain spurs, stirrups, bridle mountings and<br />
spirals used to adorn a horse’s tail and mane (Zabiela,<br />
Ribokas 1994, p.26; Vaitkevičius 2009, p.198).<br />
In the interfluvia of the River Nemunas and the River<br />
Daugava, there are more hoards of silver ornaments<br />
found in land and bog offerings that date from the Migration<br />
Period. Besides, far more silver artefacts are<br />
found in burials (Latvijas 1974, p.151; V. Urtāns 1977;<br />
Vaitkunskienė 1981, p.28ff, Table 1). It is clear that this<br />
dynamic period of 300 years saw dramatic changes that<br />
affected the way of life of the region, and the regional<br />
centres of power and authority, and ideology. Therefore,<br />
processes that took place during the initial stages<br />
of the Migration Period, which in the east Baltic Sea<br />
region coincided with the late fourth to the mid-fifth<br />
centuries (phases D 1<br />
–D 3<br />
/E 1<br />
), were marked with offerings<br />
of war booty, weapons taken from defeated enemies,<br />
that is, triumphal offerings (Annex 1; Table 1).<br />
Of course, it might be that not only the weapons of the<br />
defeated were sacrificed. There are few known bog offerings,<br />
only six, dating from the first half of the fifth<br />
century to the first half of the sixth century; however,<br />
among them are the largest offerings ever found in a<br />
bog in the east Baltic region, Kokmuiža I and II war<br />
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The Bog Offerings of the Balts:<br />
‘I Give in Order to Get Back’<br />
Fig. 8. Stone strike-a-lights found at the Kokmuiža I and Kokmuiža II offering sites (photograph by Jānis Ciglis).<br />
148
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
Fig. 9. A bronze crossbow brooch with a star-like foot and a bronze crossbow brooch with a bent foot from the bog offering<br />
at Kokmuiža I (Vītiņi parish, Auce district, Latvia). The finds are kept at the Courland Provincial Museum (Kurzemes provinces<br />
muzejs) in Jelgava (LNVM photograph No. 6544) (photograph by Raul Šnore).<br />
booty and triumphal offerings; as has been mentioned<br />
earlier, the offering of a smith’s tools apparently dates<br />
from the same time (V. Urtāns 1977; see also Appendix<br />
1 and Figs. 1; 3-5; 7-9). In the region under discussion,<br />
there are also smaller offerings that consist of only a<br />
few, but exclusive, silver or bronze ornaments, such<br />
as a crossbow brooch decorated with notched rings<br />
and golden plates 15 found in Užpelkiai (Fig. 10.1, see<br />
Plate V). The brooch of the Užpelkiai offering closely<br />
resembles the brooch of Pļavniekkalns, burial No. 1<br />
(Griciuvienė 2005, p.81). This brooch is similar to the<br />
annular brooch from the first half of the fifth century<br />
found in one of the richest burials of the Plinkaigalis<br />
(in the Kėdainiai district) burial ground, burial No. 50.<br />
In this burial of a warrior belonging to the community’s<br />
elite, two brooches were found along with weapons (a<br />
combat knife, an axe), a drinking horn, a warrior’s accoutrements<br />
(two spurs with straps), a shoulder-belt,<br />
a belt with a Leibgurt-type belt-tongue, a silver neckring<br />
and a bronze bracelet; one of the brooches was<br />
a silver crossbow annular brooch (Kazakevičius 1993,<br />
p.82ff, Fig. 137; Madyda-Legutko 2006, p.144ff, Figs.<br />
1-2). Silver annular brooches, including brooches decorated<br />
with golden plates, apparently made in Semigalia,<br />
along with silver neck-rings and bracelets from the<br />
fifth to sixth centuries, have been found in deposits in<br />
Estonian burial grounds (Kardla, Paali I and Paali II)<br />
and hoards hidden in land (Villvere) (Aun 1992, p.138,<br />
Fig. 3; 5; Tamla, Kiudsoo 2005, p.20ff).<br />
15<br />
The plate has not been studied.<br />
However, the absolute majority of bog offerings from<br />
the Migration Period found in the interfluvia of the Nemunas<br />
and the Daugava are weapons. The Kokmuiža<br />
I deposit contains 1,263 16 artefacts 120 kilograms in<br />
weight; the prevailing artefacts are spear points (as<br />
many as 472 items) and spearheads 17 , 186 broken spear<br />
point sockets, 131 socketed axes, 40 blunt-ended axes<br />
with narrow blades, six fragments of sword blades,<br />
and 49 strike-a-lights and whetstones (Figs. 7-8; for a<br />
description of the sacrifice, see Appendix 1.16). Orna-<br />
16<br />
The most detailed description of the hoards was published<br />
by V. Urtāns (1977). However, the number of artefacts<br />
and the composition of the deposit are given differently in<br />
various publications.<br />
17<br />
Spearheads are mentioned in the Kalnamuiža and<br />
Kokmuiža I and II offerings. They are rare finds in the<br />
east Baltic region; therefore, the author of this article,<br />
together with Jānis Ciglis, the head of the Archaeological<br />
Department at LNVM, reviewed the material from<br />
Kokmuiža once again. In our opinion, there is no 100%<br />
probability that spearheads were found, because the<br />
artefacts were conserved in the late 19th and early 20th<br />
century; due to this circumstance, and due to the fact that,<br />
according to the custom of Germanic peoples, weapons<br />
were intentionally damaged during an offering, there is a<br />
large number of barely identifiable fragments. However,<br />
there is no doubt that spearheads were missing in these<br />
offerings. Spearheads are known in later Latvian hoards,<br />
such as ninth-century Sauleskalna II (in the Krāslava<br />
district), where 20 hafted spearheads were found (V.<br />
Urtāns 1977, p. 164, Fig. 73). As is known, the material<br />
from burials of the Balts contains no spears or bows (with<br />
the exception of the well-known burials of deceased who<br />
died a violent death, in the Plinkaigalis burial ground,<br />
collective burial 162, and hill-fort material; for this, see<br />
Kazakevičius 2004, p.31ff, Figs. 14-18).<br />
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150<br />
ments account for a small part of this offering: the only<br />
items found were a piece of a neck-ring, nine crossbow<br />
brooches (brooches belonging to the Schönwarling/<br />
Skowarcz type, a Dollkeim/Kovrovo type intermediate<br />
variant, a star-footed brooch, and a brooch of A162<br />
type), 14 bronze, silver and iron bracelets with thickened<br />
terminals, a spiral ring, and pieces of other small<br />
ornaments (Riekstiņš 1930, p.473ff, Plates I-II; V.<br />
Urtāns 1977, pp.138-142, Figs. 16; 29; 45-47) (Fig. 9).<br />
In 1929, at a distance of 50 metres from the first site, and<br />
next to the excavated Zvardes Grīnerti (in the Dobele<br />
district) burial grounds, the bog offering of Kokmuiža<br />
II was found. The second offering was smaller; it numbered<br />
a total of around 138 burnt or broken objects,<br />
16 kilograms in weight (V. Urtāns, 1977, pp.142-145,<br />
Figs. 16; 48; 49). There were fewer weapons in it;<br />
nevertheless, they prevail (41 spear points). Other objects<br />
found were nine oval stone strike-a-lights, 18 nine<br />
whetstones, 19 bronze and iron brooches (25 pieces) and<br />
other artefacts (for a description, see Appendix 1.18).<br />
The Kokmuiža II offering contains few ornaments;<br />
however, there is a piece of a silver neck-ring with a<br />
box-shaped clasp, and a bronze bracelet with thickened<br />
terminals among them.<br />
The large number of weapons (mainly socketed and<br />
hafted spear points) and the small total number of ornaments,<br />
and especially the very rare women’s ornaments,<br />
as well as occasional work tools, might link<br />
the offerings of the east Baltic region to Germanic war<br />
booty and triumphal offerings, such as Nydam, Thorsberg,<br />
Illerup Ådal, and others. If we could claim without<br />
any doubt that the bog offerings of the Balts of the<br />
Migration Period contained spears (for this, see Footnote<br />
17), this fact would bring close together both the<br />
offerings of the Balts and the Germanic peoples, and<br />
the intentions of making offerings. In Germanic bog<br />
offerings, spears, bows and quivers are found (Hagberg<br />
1967a, p.71; 1967b, p.49; Rau 2007, p.143ff).<br />
In the east Baltic region, the ornaments contained in<br />
bog offerings, like the weapons, are intentionally broken,<br />
and often only half or less of a strike-a-light or<br />
an ornament is sacrificed. At the same time, in terms<br />
of numbers, shield bosses constitute the second largest<br />
group of weaponry sacrificed abundantly by the<br />
Germanic peoples (Ilkjær 2001a; 2001b). However,<br />
contrary to the Germanic world, shields or only metal<br />
parts of them, shield bosses, are found exceptionally<br />
rarely in the western part of the interfluvia of the<br />
Nemunas and the Daugava (with the exception of the<br />
18<br />
One iron strike-a-light might date from the tenth to the<br />
12th century (V. Urtāns 1977, Fig. 49.22).<br />
19<br />
Strike-a-lights, as quite a large group of artefacts sacrificed<br />
into water, continued to exist in the tenth to 12th century,<br />
too (Zabiela, Ribokas 1994, p.27).<br />
Kalnamuiža 20 and Tīras Bog offerings). During the<br />
Migration Period, the main concentration of shield<br />
boss findspots is in the area of East Lithuanian Barrow<br />
culture (Tautavičius 1996, p.148ff). Therefore, it is<br />
possible to assume that the burial custom of enclosing<br />
shield bosses in graves only in particular areas fits the<br />
distribution of offerings in bogs and wetlands (Fig. 1).<br />
Therefore, the Kalnamuiža offering, dating from the<br />
fifth to the first half of the sixth century, which might<br />
also be linked to a bog offering, is a unique deposit in<br />
the interfluvia of the Nemunas and the Daugava, and<br />
certainly reflects military activities, and is attributed<br />
to the class of war-booty offerings. It is claimed that<br />
ten shield bosses (hemispherical and cone-shaped), 54<br />
socketed spear points, one sword blade fragment, eight<br />
socketed spearheads, four knives and nine buckles<br />
were found at Kalnamuiža (Riekstiņš 1930, p.477; V.<br />
Urtāns, 1977, p.149, Fig. 37). The hemispherical shield<br />
bosses of Kalnamuiža have parallels in the Germanic<br />
material. Consequently, the war offerings of the Balts<br />
of the Migration Period and later times might in principle<br />
correspond to the main elements of their weaponry,<br />
that is, javelins and spears used for close combat. We<br />
have such an image of the weaponry of the Balts from<br />
the burial material, too.<br />
Bog offerings of the Balts of the Migration Period contain<br />
very few ornaments or work tools typical exclusively<br />
of women (Kokmuiža II: a bone bead, a small<br />
clay spindle-whorl). There are very few women’s<br />
ornaments from the sixth to the seventh century, too.<br />
It should be pointed out that in the interfluvia of the<br />
River Mūša and the River Lielupe, crossbow brooches<br />
and bracelets with thickened terminals from the first<br />
half of the fifth century are found in male burials only<br />
(Griciuvienė 2005, p.30ff, 80ff). Consequently, bog offerings<br />
are typically men’s offerings, and this phenomenon<br />
links the Balts to their neighbours, the Germanic<br />
peoples.<br />
There are quite a few important similarities between<br />
the bog offerings of the east Baltic Sea region and<br />
those found in Germany, Denmark, southern Scandinavia<br />
and the islands of the Baltic Sea. One similarity<br />
is the signs attesting to the higher or lower rank of the<br />
warriors making the offerings, swords and spears. In<br />
both areas, there are shield bosses and parts of a warrior’s<br />
accoutrements, that is, belts, among the parts of<br />
the weaponry being sacrificed. An important part of the<br />
Kokmuiža I and II bog offerings were belts (only the<br />
buckles have survived), and stone strike-a-lights and<br />
whetstones carried on the belt. When comparing the<br />
material in burials and offerings of the Roman and Migration<br />
periods, it is evident that stone strike-a-lights<br />
20<br />
This offering has not been preserved; only photographs of<br />
two shield bosses are known to exist.
are found more often in bog offerings. Furthermore,<br />
stone strike-a-lights are found in sacrificial deposits inside<br />
burial grounds (for example, in the Pļavniekkalnā<br />
burial ground, in a pit filled up with charred logs,<br />
three strike-a-lights and a whetstone were found; cf.<br />
Jākobsons 1999, p.24, Fig. 5). Judging by the buckles,<br />
the Balts’ belts were not very decorated. However, a<br />
belt as a sacrificial element with a stone strike-a-light<br />
or a whetstone attached to it once again clearly links<br />
the war booty or war trophy offerings of the Balts and<br />
the Germanic people. Germanic bog offerings indicate<br />
clearly that one very decorative belt used to be worn<br />
on the outer clothing, with a knife and the sharpening<br />
steel part of a set of strike-a-light equipment attached<br />
to the belt. There used to be another belt with a leather<br />
bag attached to it, and intended for carrying personal<br />
belongings: a stone strike-a-light, toothpicks or<br />
wound-sticks, a horn comb, sometimes Roman coins,<br />
hackmetal, awls, razors, small household knives, and<br />
metal pendants, glass beads and single amber beads or<br />
gaming pieces and dice (Ørsnes, Ilkjær 1993, p.216;;<br />
Ilkjær 1993, pp.15-115, 254ff; 2007, pp.54-67; Fabech<br />
1996, p.136; Grane 2007, pp.217, 229ff, Fig. 90; Iversen<br />
2008, pp.188-189). At the same time, on the basis of<br />
the bog offerings of the Balts, we can claim that a belt<br />
with a metal buckle and a stone strike-a-light would be<br />
sacrificed. In the offerings of the Balts, just as in the<br />
burials, the second part of a strike-a-light, the metal<br />
part that helps to strike fire (the sharpening steel), is<br />
missing. The stone strike-a-lights of the Balts have<br />
close parallels across the Baltic Sea (Hagberg 1967b,<br />
p.62ff, Plate 7; Ilkjær 1993, p.236ff, Figs. 89, 92, 92).<br />
It should be underlined that most of the stone strike-alights<br />
found among the Kokmuižas offerings did not<br />
have grooves, which appear after making fire (Fig. 8).<br />
It should be pointed out that among the objects of the<br />
Kokmuiža II offering, four fragments of a horn comb<br />
were found (V. Urtāns 1964, p.55ff, Fig. 28). A comb is<br />
another artefact that links the bog offerings of the Balts<br />
and the Germanic peoples of the Migration Period.<br />
Most of the objects sacrificed in bogs in the lands of<br />
the Balts lacked spear sockets, which had been broken<br />
off intentionally, or had broken spearheads, broken-off<br />
butts or blades; strike-a-lights and whetstones<br />
had been broken off intentionally, and ornaments<br />
(neck-rings, brooches and bracelets) had been broken<br />
or damaged intentionally (Figs. 7-10, for Fig. 10 see<br />
Plate V). Some of the artefacts of the Kokmuiža II deposit<br />
were burnt; this leads us to the assumption that<br />
the sacrificial rite included ceremonies with fire. In the<br />
east Baltic region, ritual damage to weapons sacrificed<br />
in water continued to exist in later times, too. Among<br />
the weapons of the Kokmuiža I and II offerings, only<br />
spear point sockets were found (186 pieces) (V. Urtāns<br />
1977, Table). The assumption that axes were damaged<br />
for ritual purposes is supported by the fact that many of<br />
the axes kept in museums are damaged in one way or<br />
another (the butt and part of the body are broken off, or<br />
the blade is broken). The circumstances of the finding<br />
of some of these axes are not known, or are not clear<br />
(Malonaitis 2010, p.78ff). The intentional breaking of<br />
part of a stone strike-a-light and the absence of a metal<br />
sharpening steel among the offerings might indicate<br />
that there was no need to make fire on the way to the<br />
afterworld. On the other hand, the intentional breaking<br />
of strike-a-lights also indicates indirectly that water is<br />
not a threat, and that it is not the final destination, but a<br />
mere means of reaching a goal.<br />
Intentional damage to weapons links the sacrificial rites<br />
of the Balts to known Germanic rites, where weapons,<br />
parts of weaponry (belts) and horse armour taken from<br />
enemies were broken and cut with axes during the rites<br />
(Ørsnes, Ilkjær 1993, p.217; Ilkjær 2007, pp.33, 38ff;<br />
Lau 2008, p.210ff; Radtke 2001, p.10). Even the skulls<br />
of sacrificed horses would be smashed, and cut marks<br />
are found on the bones (Bemmann, Bemmann 1998,<br />
p.201ff; Monikander 2006, pp.143-156). However,<br />
it is probable that weapons would be repaired after a<br />
battle by joining broken-off parts of a weapon with a<br />
weak lead/tin solder; 21 it is probable that spears damaged<br />
in battle would be remade into lighter javelins,<br />
and only the spear sockets would be sacrificed (Radtke<br />
2001, p.10; Ilkjær 2007, p.46ff). However, weapons<br />
repaired this way would break again in a while, and<br />
would be sacrificed. Consequently, instances of damage<br />
to weapons might not only have had a ritual meaning,<br />
but could also serve as evidence of practical life<br />
experience: lower-quality objects would be consigned<br />
as offerings. However, it is most likely that weapons,<br />
weaponry and horse armour were intentionally ‘put to<br />
death’. Similar rites of offering into water after a battle<br />
at Arausio in 105 BC, in the early fifth century are<br />
described by Paulius Orosius in his Historiarum adversus<br />
paganos libri septem (Seven Books of History<br />
against the Pagans). Orosius describes the victory of<br />
the Cimbri and the Teutons over the Romans: ‘The enemy,<br />
who had seized both camps and a huge amount of<br />
war booty, destroyed all that had fallen into their hands<br />
in an unheard-of and hitherto unknown maledictory ritual;<br />
clothing was torn apart and thrown away, gold and<br />
silver were thrown in the river, the men’s armour was<br />
cut to pieces, the breastplates of the horses were destroyed,<br />
the horses themselves were sunk in the water,<br />
the people were hanged from trees with rope around<br />
their necks, such that there was neither any booty for<br />
the visitors, nor mercy for the vanquished’ (Orosius<br />
21<br />
For more about the soldering process, see Volkaitė-<br />
Kulikauskienė, R., Jankauskas, K., 1992, p.139ff.<br />
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
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151
The Bog Offerings of the Balts:<br />
‘I Give in Order to Get Back’<br />
AUDRONĖ<br />
BLIUJIENĖ<br />
152<br />
V, 16.5-6). This and other passages from Greek and<br />
Roman writers like Caesar, Strabo and Tacitus, cover<br />
similar religious or battle-related rituals of Celtic or<br />
Germanic origin (Hagberg 1967b, p.65ff; Grane 2007,<br />
pp.215-249).<br />
The site and the surroundings of the Kokmuiža offerings<br />
were studied by archaeologists only some time<br />
after the discovery; therefore, no links between individual<br />
groups of finds were traced (Figs. 3, 4). However,<br />
when characterising the weaponry of Kokmuiža,<br />
we can assume that if the combined offering was made<br />
simultaneously, it might belong to around 150 to 200<br />
defeated warriors. There might have been around 40<br />
to 50 more senior military commanders among them,<br />
who, on the basis of material from Lithuania’s burial<br />
grounds, might have had three spears, and some of<br />
them might have had a sword and a combat knife;<br />
probably stone strike-a-light equipment and small siltstone<br />
whetstones belonged to them too.<br />
Researchers are trying to find mutual links between<br />
the number of warriors who made offerings in northern<br />
Germany, Denmark, southern Scandinavia and the<br />
islands of the Baltic Sea, the weapons and weaponry<br />
discovered, and the number of warriors in the troops.<br />
As far as this issue is concerned, different opinions<br />
and examples of calculation can be found in literature<br />
(cf. Radtke 2001, p.23; Iversen 2008, pp.189-190). On<br />
the other hand, we can only date the Kokmuiža offerings<br />
to the period D 1<br />
–D 3<br />
/E 1<br />
; therefore, we can neither<br />
confirm nor deny whether the offering was simultaneous,<br />
or whether it reflects generally several victims<br />
of regional conflicts of the turbulent times of the first<br />
half of the fifth century to the first quarter of the sixth<br />
century. While attempting to estimate the number of<br />
warriors making offerings, yet another question arises:<br />
was it only enemies’ weapons and weaponry that was<br />
sacrificed? The available data allows us to assume that<br />
bog offerings are typical war booty offerings, just as in<br />
the Germanic world, put together to mark an important<br />
victory. However, due to the fact that the composition<br />
of bog offerings is typical of the east Baltic region,<br />
it is evident that some of the offerings might be the<br />
very victors’ thanks to the gods. However, if regional<br />
groups were involved in the conflicts, it might be<br />
that offerings included booty from the defeated in the<br />
clash. Vladislavs Urtāns, a Latvian archaeologist, was<br />
of a similar opinion. He considered that these offerings<br />
were sacral, and reflected the complicated situation of<br />
that period, that is, frequent internal wars, whereas the<br />
forms of artefacts typical of the region made the author<br />
assume that it was the Semigalians’ thanks to the gods<br />
for their victory against aggressors from eastern Latvia<br />
(V. Urtāns 1977, pp.79-80). Francis Balodis was of the<br />
opinion that the military offerings of Kokmuiža were<br />
a consequence of a military conflict between Balts and<br />
Gotlanders (Balodis 1938, pp.116-117). However, the<br />
finds of offerings are typical of the Balts. Therefore,<br />
in an attempt to identify the participants in conflicts,<br />
we have to bear in mind the axe, a typical weapon and<br />
tool of the Balts. Some axes of the Kokmuiža offering<br />
are socketed (131 pieces; besides Semigalia, such axes<br />
were widespread in Samogitia, western and central<br />
Lithuania), others were blunt-ended axes with a narrow<br />
blade (40 pieces; besides Semigalia, they were widespread<br />
in central eastern Lithuania and Užnemunė (the<br />
Trans-Nemunas region). It should be pointed out that<br />
the interfluvia of the River Mūša and the River Lielupe<br />
is a contact zone, in which both groups of axes were<br />
used (Mulevičienė, Tautavičius 1978, p.109ff, Maps<br />
62-63). The types of axes used allow us to assume that<br />
people from the neighbouring regions might have taken<br />
part in the conflicts. Furthermore, the composition<br />
of the offering and its size make it possible not only<br />
to guess the number of warriors, but also the internal<br />
structure of the forces. However, bearing in mind that a<br />
third of the offering was offered, the number of people<br />
making the offering might only be very approximate.<br />
Conflicts might have broken out because of the control<br />
over trade routes, that is, the Mūša–Lielupe water route<br />
and access to the Baltic Sea in the Gulf of Riga and<br />
the lower reaches of the River Daugava. Consequently,<br />
the region was solving an important geopolitical issue,<br />
fighting for control over a crossroads of regional importance.<br />
The concentration of bog offering findspots<br />
in the interfluvia of the Mūša and the Lielupe is a reflection<br />
of this struggle for leadership. Consequently,<br />
large-scale intertribal conflicts once again demonstrate<br />
that the leaders of Semigalian communities were trying<br />
to gain control over this important crossroads, which<br />
ensured power. It was necessary to form wider interregional<br />
alliances in order to amass larger detachments<br />
of armed men. The abundance of silver ornaments in<br />
bog offering findspots, and deposits in land and in burials,<br />
indicates the consolidation of power and authority<br />
in the hands of a small group of people, whereas the alliances<br />
that were formed to maintain power were most<br />
likely not long-lasting; again, this is attested to by the<br />
large number of bog offerings.<br />
Consequently, the Balts took from Germanic peoples<br />
the custom of making war booty or triumphal offerings<br />
in bogs. On the other hand, wetland offerings comprise<br />
universal, panhuman aspects. Therefore, this custom,<br />
as a cultural influence of the Baltic region, spread in<br />
the Early Migration Period, especially in the east Baltic<br />
region. However, such acts of offering were not practised<br />
to an equal extent in all parts of the east Baltic<br />
region. It should also be pointed out that the custom
of bog offerings developed locally, and gradually acquired<br />
features typical of the Balts.<br />
The Lithuanian historiographical tradition characterises<br />
the custom of making war offerings and intentions<br />
in several ways, first and foremost as offerings to the<br />
gods after a victory in a battle (Tautavičius 1972, p.85).<br />
Indeed, the concentration of power in the hands of the<br />
nobility, and the rise of military power, created conditions<br />
for the rise of chieftains of one level or another<br />
(simple chiefdom and complex chiefdom of different<br />
levels) (Kurila 2009, pp.137-153). The development<br />
of a strong leader required a religious basis; therefore,<br />
Perkūnas, the main god, rises to the level of the official<br />
ideology and religion, with an ever-increasing invasion<br />
into the sphere of the protection of the deceased<br />
(warriors), until finally he becomes ‘the guide to the<br />
beyond’, whereas his links to war cause no doubts<br />
whatsoever (Vėlius 1983, p.231; Beresnevičius 2004,<br />
p.257ff; Vaitkevičius 2008b, p.55ff). At the level of the<br />
mythological mentality, an offering into water could be<br />
said to belong to the sphere of the god of the underworld,<br />
Patulas, Velas, Velinas. However, although this<br />
space was often related to Velinas, it performs solely<br />
the function of a mediator transfering the offering in<br />
the required direction and to the desired space, that is,<br />
to its guardian, Perkūnas. As analogies in the Baltic<br />
Sea region indicate, the message carried by a victory<br />
offering must have been individual, and reflected the<br />
merits of every individual warrior in the battle and the<br />
wish to make a good show of himself in advance in the<br />
domain of the future guardian.<br />
Both the Kokmuiža bog offerings have chronological,<br />
regional (brooches of Schönwarling/Skowarcz<br />
type, brooches of Dolkeim/Kovrovo type intermediate<br />
variant, variants of A162 type brooches and belt<br />
buckles with thickened frame), and associative links<br />
with the Frombork Hoard (formerly Frauenburg, in<br />
the Braniewo district, in Poland) (Peiser, Kemke 1914,<br />
p.58ff). This hoard was found during the construction<br />
of a road. Links between the above-mentioned bog offerings<br />
and the Frombork Hoard might be supported<br />
by intentionally broken brooches and the fact that intentionally<br />
damaged, cut and burnt objects were found<br />
in both the offering and the hoard. The latter circumstances<br />
link the Frombork find with a deposit of scrap<br />
metal which belonged to a silversmith of Wielbark culture<br />
and was hidden in land in the traditional boundary<br />
area between the Aestii and the Germanic people; as<br />
is mentioned above, the River Pasłęka/Passargė served<br />
as the boundary (Ciołek, 2001, p.50ff, map; Bitner-<br />
Wróblewska 2001, p.38).<br />
Not for wear: only for property<br />
and glory<br />
In the sixth and seventh centuries, in the interfluvia of<br />
the Nemunas and the Daugava, the amounts of silver<br />
in burials, hoards and bog offerings increased rapidly,<br />
as a manifestation of ideology and power, due to the<br />
fact that the regional and local nobility were getting<br />
stronger thanks to the support of standardised soldiery,<br />
as well as the concentration of power in the hands<br />
of people enjoying the highest status, and their competitive<br />
struggle. Six bog offering findspots should be<br />
attributed to this period (Table 1). In the sixth and seventh<br />
centuries, the composition and the value of offerings,<br />
and the distribution of the offerings, underwent<br />
essential changes. In the first quarter of the sixth century,<br />
before bog offerings were discontinued in southern<br />
Scandinavia, their composition changed, as the symbols<br />
of personal power and authority (a sword with<br />
a highly decorated scabbard) became more and more<br />
emphasised, and more significance was attributed to<br />
the rites; on the other hand, making offerings into land<br />
began (Fabech 1996, p.136; Nøgård Jørgensen 2008,<br />
pp.204-205). In the east Baltic region, the change in<br />
the composition of offerings took place at a slightly<br />
later time, but it is evident that during this change, a<br />
silver neck-ring of a substantial weight and a new form<br />
typical solely of the interfluvia of the Nemunas and the<br />
Daugava, which was a symbol of authority and power,<br />
was given more emphasis and more significance (Fig.<br />
11). It is evident that the people making offerings had<br />
various purposes: to secure the benevolence of the gods<br />
and perhaps the ancestors, and to serve as mediators<br />
between the gods, the ancestors and the community,<br />
and thus secure the legitimacy of their rule (Kristiansen<br />
1991, p.31ff). Consequently, offerings from the<br />
Late Migration Period (the sixth to seventh centuries)<br />
might be characterised as offerings of massive silver<br />
ornaments (Annex 1; Table 1). These are offerings of<br />
accumulated wealth, which were both communicative<br />
(between the gods and the ancestors of the people making<br />
the offerings) and manifestational, that is, offerings<br />
to the gods and the ancestors with the aim of securing<br />
their assistance in this world and in the next. However,<br />
the principal intention of such offerings was a belief in<br />
the power of water as a mediator in the process of the<br />
transfer of accumulated wealth to the afterworld.<br />
Sixth and seventh-century bog offerings are concentrated<br />
in central Lithuania, the interfluvia of the Lielupe<br />
and the Mūša, and in northeast Lithuania. Most likely,<br />
the main flows of silver would reach present-day Lithuania<br />
by the River Daugava, because silver ornaments<br />
from the Daugava just spread in the direction of southern<br />
Semigalia and Samogitia. Such an advancement of<br />
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
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AUDRONĖ<br />
BLIUJIENĖ<br />
The Bog Offerings of the Balts:<br />
‘I Give in Order to Get Back’<br />
Fig. 11. Distributions of fifth to seventh-century silver neck-rings found in bog offerings and hidden in hoards in land<br />
(*interfitted ends; ●facetted ends; ■saddle-shaped terminals; ▲other types): 1–12 in Latvia; 13–18 in Lithuania; 19–21 in<br />
Estonia.<br />
1▲ Piltene (Ventspils district); 2▲ Miškiņeva (Ludza district); 3● Lejaslepju (Madona district); 4▲ Ķīšukalns (Ludza<br />
district); 5▲ Podžu (Bauska district); 6* Lejaslepji (Madona district); 7*■ Ikšķiles apkārtne (Ogre district); 8▲ Dumpji<br />
(and a fragment of crossbow fibula; Bauska district); 9*■ Mūrnieki (Stučka district); 10*▲ Saulīte (Jēkabpils district); 11▲<br />
Baltinava (Balvi district); 12*▲ Sauleskalna I (Krāslava district); 13■ Baubliai (Indriūnai, Rokiškis district); 14* Draustiniai<br />
(Kėdainiai district); 15■ Migoniai (Pasvalys district); 16▲Užpelkiai (and crossbow fibula embellished with ringlets;<br />
Plungė district); 17* Velžiai (Radviliškis district); 18* near Rokiškis; 19●▲ Kardla (and two crossbow fibulae embellished<br />
with ringlets; six bracelets; Tartu district); 20▲ Viira (Tartu district); 21●▲ Villevere (Tartu district) and crossbow fibula<br />
embellished with ringlets, and bracelet (after V. Urtāns 1977, Fig. 124; LAA 1977, Map 5; Tamla, Kiudsoo 2005 with<br />
author’s additions).<br />
154
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Fig. 12. Jauneikiai (Joniškis district, Lithuania); grave-goods from male burial No. 422: 1 bronze, silver plates,<br />
blue glass inlays; 2–4 bronze; 5 silver. The arrow shows a crack in the neck-ring (LNM AR 537 card catalogue;<br />
drawing by A. Ruzienė).<br />
hoards consisting of silver ornaments is reflected not<br />
only by bog offerings, but also by hoards hidden in<br />
land, and especially in Semigalian male burials rich in<br />
silver neck-rings (Jākobsons 1999, p.23, Fig. 1; Graudonis<br />
2003, p.54). In the sixth and seventh-centuries,<br />
massive offerings of silver ornaments (neck-rings with<br />
profoundly faceted or saddle-shaped terminals) started<br />
to prevail (V. Urtāns 1977, p.81; Vaitkunskienė 1981,<br />
p.28ff; for this, see Appendix 1). The weight of these<br />
neck-rings ranges between 250 grams and 860 grams<br />
(V. Urtāns 1977, p.19; Tautavičius 1996, p.181). It is<br />
evident that huge wealth was accumulated in these<br />
hoards; it is difficult, however, to assess the value of<br />
this wealth. 22 It should be pointed out that these mas-<br />
22<br />
The 11th-century hoard from Rijnieki, in the Jelgava<br />
district, was found while ploughing a field; the total<br />
weight of this silver hoard is 5,749 grams (four forged<br />
sive silver neck-rings are of local forms found solely in<br />
central and northeastern parts of the region under discussion.<br />
Unlike the ornaments of the Early Migration<br />
Period, these neck-rings were not broken. Furthermore,<br />
the sacrificed neck-rings had not even been worn. Consequently,<br />
judging by the burial material of the region<br />
and by Scandinavian mythology, the neck-ring became<br />
an insignia of the highest social status (Vaitkunskienė<br />
1996, p.10ff; Fabech 2001, p.190; Bogucki 2003,<br />
p.201ff). These neck-rings might have been intended<br />
solely for various ceremonies. As a wealth of known<br />
ingots, 20 long ingots, a silver neck-ring with saddleshaped<br />
terminals and several spiral bracelets). On the basis<br />
of written sources and the weight of the Russian grivna<br />
(51.19 grams of silver), this hoard could buy 56 horses or<br />
141 cows, or 2,246 sheep, or the same number of pigs (V.<br />
Urtāns 1977, p.248).<br />
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The Bog Offerings of the Balts:<br />
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156<br />
value, they might have been exchanged as presents<br />
among the elite of the region. Heavy silver neck-rings,<br />
or parts of them, might have served as the equivalent<br />
of various payments (a tribute, payment for support<br />
while forming alliances, or a means of payment between<br />
a military chief and his retinue). Accumulated<br />
wealth would be sacrificed into water with the intention<br />
of transferring it to the afterworld. In the early fifth<br />
century, only Germans in the province of Gelderland<br />
in the Netherlands would behave in a similar manner,<br />
where fashionable heavy neck-rings of the Velp type,<br />
produced of gold, are known exclusively from some<br />
hoards (hidden in land) from the Lower Rhine area.<br />
From the Late Roman Iron Age to the Early Migration<br />
Period, gold neck-rings, as insignia of the highest<br />
social status, are quite often known from north Germanic<br />
male burials, or are found as single finds, or as<br />
sacrificial votive offerings in the case of Thorsberg<br />
(cf. Abegg-Wigg 2008, pp.31-37, Figs. 3-5). It should<br />
be pointed out that the said Germanic neck-rings are<br />
of a certain weight, and correspond to one or another<br />
system of units of weight. The weights of the golden<br />
neck-rings from Młoteczno (Warminsko-Mazurskie<br />
voivodship, in Poland, formerly Hammersdorf) that<br />
are widely known in historiography correspond to a<br />
certain quantity of solidii (Kulakov 2007, p.368). The<br />
metrology of gold chain rings and ingots from the Vittene<br />
and Trinboholm hoards in southern Scandinavia at<br />
first indicates that these objects originated in southeast<br />
Europe, and were perhaps related to the Roman uncia<br />
and Scandinavian mark, whereas the weight of the<br />
golden neck-rings in the hoard from Velp in the Netherlands<br />
corresponds to the Roman ounce (Herschend<br />
2001, pp.103-115; Quast 2009, p.215, Figs. 10-11).<br />
The reasons for the deposition of these hoards cannot<br />
be ascertained with certainty, but hoards with neckrings<br />
of the Velp type are only known from areas without<br />
contemporary richly furnished male burials from<br />
the Migration Period. Members of the male elite apparently<br />
displayed their wealth by votive offerings during<br />
their lifetime (Quast 2009, pp.207-217, Figs. 5, 7).<br />
Neck-rings with profoundly faceted terminals from the<br />
sixth and seventh centuries are known nearly exclusively<br />
from wetland offerings, or hoards hidden in land<br />
(Fig. 11), with the exception of the partly destroyed<br />
Jauneikiai (Joniškis district) male burial No. 422 (half<br />
a neck-ring found) and Kakužēni (Jelgava district) female<br />
burial No. 6 and male burial No. 54, in which<br />
silver neck-rings of this type were found (Vaškevičiūtė<br />
1978, p.45, Fig. 10.14; Graudonis 2001, p.56ff, Figs.<br />
5, 13; 2003, pp.28-29, Figs. 19-20, 43-44, Figs. 36-37)<br />
(Fig. 12). Both the Kakužēni burials might date from<br />
the first half of the sixth century, and Jauneikiai burial<br />
No. 422 might date from the first half of the seventh<br />
century. It is probable that the neck-ring found in the<br />
Jauneikiai burial ground was broken when the burial<br />
was being destroyed. The front part of the neck-rings,<br />
with profoundly faceted terminals, is divided into<br />
rhombs; therefore, this made it easy to know the weight<br />
of a rhomb, as well as the weight of whole neck-ring or<br />
part of it. Therefore, it might not be by chance that one<br />
half of a neck-ring was put into the grave intentionally.<br />
Consequently, we can assume that it was a person who<br />
had received remuneration from his tribal or military<br />
chief who was buried in grave No. 422 in the Jauneikiai<br />
burial ground.<br />
Novelties of the times:<br />
bridal offerings<br />
In the ninth to the first half of the 13th century, in the<br />
region under discussion in this article, the number of<br />
bog offerings increased to 17 (Fig. 6; Appendix 1, Table<br />
1). The range of sacrificial intentions also became<br />
wider. First appeared offerings of women’s ornaments,<br />
bridal offerings, a phenomenon that was not encountered<br />
before. These offerings consist of ornaments that<br />
can undoubtedly be attributed to women (diadems, pins<br />
and beads), or ornaments worn by women: neck-rings,<br />
penannular brooches and bracelets (Appendix 1). The<br />
intentions of these women’s offerings must have been<br />
related to symbolic rites, such as the washing of the<br />
bride and further communication with the gods and the<br />
ancestors. ‘Bridal offerings’ might have been related to<br />
requests of various kinds. Such offerings account for<br />
less than 45% of the total offerings dating from this<br />
period.<br />
Communicative offerings account for nearly a third of<br />
bog offerings; their composition, however, is far more<br />
varied compared to those dating from the sixth and<br />
seventh centuries (Fig. 6, Appendix 1). As the number<br />
of silver artefacts became smaller among burial finds<br />
and hoards (Vaitkunskienė 1981, Table 1), no silver artefacts<br />
are found in bog offerings either (Appendix 1).<br />
Although the number of war booty offerings and single<br />
weapon offerings became smaller, the offerings from<br />
Šliktinė I and II, Barstyčiai and Palipšė indicate that<br />
weapons (spear points), axes, swords, belt parts and<br />
iron strike-a-lights were still being sacrificed in large<br />
numbers. Individual parts of horse armour and a warrior’s<br />
accoutrements (spurs) have also been discovered.<br />
In terms of the diversity of the composition and apparent<br />
intentions, the offering from Tīras Bog in Rucava,<br />
dating from the mid-ninth century, is unique. The offering<br />
was recovered accidentally in 1936 during peat cutting<br />
(for the composition of the offering, see catalogue,
Pos. 32). The chronology of this offering is very close<br />
to the events mentioned in the chronicle Vita Sancti<br />
Anschari’ by Rimber, the Archbishop of Bremen, dating<br />
from 853/54, that is, the burning of Seeburg and the<br />
siege of Apuolė (LIŠ 1955, p.31). Therefore, we can<br />
assume that this single and exclusive offering, perhaps<br />
put together by only one person, was in some way related<br />
to the Swedes’ march on Kurzeme. This offering<br />
and exclusive rite might have served as gratitude to the<br />
gods and the ancestors, or as a request for assistance.<br />
The fact that the bog offerings of the time might have<br />
been single ones is supported by the Palipšė deposit; it<br />
is believed that 50 warriors made an offering there at<br />
the same time (Zabiela, Ribokas 1994, p.28).<br />
Conclusions<br />
Offerings made into water are a panhuman experience<br />
known from the Late Palaeolithic. In the region between<br />
the River Nemunas and the River Daugava, the<br />
number of bog offerings increased during the Roman<br />
Period, due to intensive cooperation around the Baltic<br />
Sea. The offerings of those times were a form of communication<br />
with the gods and ancestors, as well as a<br />
form of transfer of wealth to the afterworld. During the<br />
Early Migration Period, war booty or triumphal offerings<br />
in wetlands spread on the Germanic model. The<br />
importance of local customs, which create essential<br />
conditions for originating votive offerings in wetlands<br />
and bogs, should be stressed. In the region under discussion,<br />
the intentions of bog offerings changed during<br />
the Late Migration Period. Bog offerings became<br />
dualistic, and can best be characterised by the principle<br />
‘I give in order to get back.’ On the other hand, the bog<br />
offerings of that period are dedicated to the gods. During<br />
Viking times, a new form of bog offering emerged,<br />
that is, ‘bridal offerings’, which account for as many<br />
as 22% of the total late offerings. During that period,<br />
the percentages of war booty offerings and offerings<br />
intended for communication with the gods and ancestors,<br />
as well as for the transfer of wealth, were more or<br />
less equal.<br />
Translated by Vidmantas Štilius<br />
Annex 1: Artefacts from the first<br />
to the 12th/13th centuries discovered<br />
on boggy river banks and in bogs<br />
(the interfluvia of the River Nemunas<br />
and the River Daugava)<br />
1. Alsungas Almāle (Kuldiga district, Latvia)<br />
Half a bronze neck-ring with wire wound terminals<br />
and a small loop discovered in 1885/1886 in a bog during<br />
peat-cutting.<br />
Chronology: C 3<br />
–D 1<br />
.<br />
Lit. V. Urtāns 1964, p.48, Fig. 14.<br />
Kept in the Doma Cathedral Museum in Riga.<br />
2. Barstyčiai, Skuodas district, Lithuania.<br />
The circumstances of the discovery are not clear. The<br />
offering might have been discovered in a bog situated<br />
at the northern end of Barstyčiai forest; there is a small<br />
lake in Barstyčiai, as well as Lake Laumės to the northwest<br />
of the village. Objects discovered: six socketed<br />
spear points, four hafted spear points, a blunt-ended<br />
axe with a broken-off blunt end, a piece of the blade of<br />
a combat knife (?) or a single-edged sword and a brass<br />
mounting of the scabbard top, and a bronze quadrangular<br />
belt buckle with a mounting.<br />
Chronology: seventh to eighth centuries and tenth to<br />
11th centuries.<br />
ŠAM<br />
3. Baubliai-Indriūnai, Rokiškis district, Lithuania.<br />
three silver saddle-shaped brooches discovered in 1935<br />
when ploughing a peat-bog; the total weight of two of<br />
them was 400 grams.<br />
Chronology: seventh to eighth centuries.<br />
Lit. Michelbertas, 2007, p.13.<br />
VDKM 1090: 1–2; RK170.<br />
4. Bernsteinbruch (Amber bog), Klaipėda 23 city, Lithuania.<br />
A hoard of Roman coins discovered in the early 17th<br />
century (the number of coins is not clear). Three coins<br />
are known: of emperors Augustus (27 BC–14 AD) and<br />
Hadrian (117–138), and one unidentified Roman coin.<br />
Unidentified artefacts dating back to the tenth and 11th<br />
centuries were discovered.<br />
Chronology: A 3<br />
–C 1a<br />
; tenth and 11th centuries.<br />
Lit. Michelbertas 2001, p. 39.<br />
The fate is not clear, until 1945 it was kept at PM.<br />
5. Brendiķu Bog, Valmiera district, Latvia. 24<br />
Two miniature wooden boats (length 630mm, width<br />
158mm, depth 95mm).<br />
23<br />
It is probable that the hoard of Roman coins (one denarius<br />
of Galba (68–69) and two coins of Traianus (98–117) of an<br />
unknown denomination discovered near Klaipėda in 1906<br />
originates from this bog, which had been bogged up by the<br />
time of discovery. The details of the finding of the hoard<br />
are not quite reliable.<br />
24<br />
The details of the finding of the hoard are not quite reliable.<br />
A hoard of a similar composition was discovered on the<br />
left bank of the River Lielupe in the locality of Īslīces<br />
Bornsminde.<br />
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Chronology: tenth to 11th centuries.<br />
Lit. V. Urtāns 1977, p.180, Fig. 89.<br />
LVNM A 8088.<br />
6. Celmiņi Kuldīga districy, Latvia.<br />
Discovered in 1936 when ploughing a peat-bog, at a<br />
depth of 20 to 30 centimetres. The deposit consists<br />
solely of ornaments: three neck-rings, a pin with a cruciform<br />
head, a pin with a triangular head, two horseshoe<br />
fibulae, seven bracelets (massive ribbon-like<br />
bracelets with tapered-off terminals and animal-shaped<br />
terminals), four amber beads.<br />
Chronology: tenth to 11th centuries.<br />
Lit. V. Urtāns 1977, p.196ff, Fig. 101.<br />
LVNM.<br />
7. Dandāle Vecsvirlauka, Jelgava district, Latvia. 25<br />
Roman coins discovered in 1914 and 1918 on the left<br />
bank of the River Lielupe: two coins of Galien (253–<br />
268) and 42 coins of Claudius II (268–270), and a<br />
bronze 7.5-centimetre-high figurine of a naked human.<br />
Chronology C 2<br />
–C 3<br />
.<br />
Lit. Kropotkin 1961, p.101; V. Urtāns 1977, p.134ff,<br />
Fig. 41.<br />
LVNM 120193: 1–27, A 8172.<br />
8. Dargiškė, Telšiai district, Viešvėnai parish, Lithuania.<br />
Discovered in 1934 in a field north of the former village<br />
cemetery, on a hill next to a peat-bog. Two kilograms<br />
of Roman coins are mentioned; a bullion Antoninian<br />
of Gordian III (238–244) minted in Nikea (Asia Minor)<br />
and two third to fourth-century bronze ribbon-like<br />
bracelets have survived.<br />
Chronology: C 2<br />
–C 3<br />
.<br />
Lit. LAA 1977, p.31; Michelbertas 2001, p.56.<br />
ŽAM 518, 519.<br />
9. Daugalaičiai, Joniškis district, Stupurai parish, Lithuania.<br />
Discovered in 1959, when a former marshland was put<br />
under the plough. A birch bark bag (?) contained six<br />
bronze spiral bracelets and 11 neck-rings.<br />
Chronology: tenth to 11th centuries.<br />
Lit. Tautavičius 1977, p.31; Banytė-Rowell, Buža<br />
2005, p.172.<br />
ŠAM 1-A 220: 1–17.<br />
25<br />
The details of the finding of the hoard are not quite clear.<br />
10. Draustiniai, Kėdainiai district, Gudžiūnai parish,<br />
Lithuania.<br />
Discovered in 1935 when ploughing a peat-bog; items<br />
that reached the museum: three neck-rings with profoundly<br />
faceted terminals, a neck-ring with a small loop<br />
and a hooklet (the weight of the neck-rings is 838.7g)<br />
and a bronze bracelet with thickened terminals.<br />
Chronology: sixth to seventh centuries.<br />
Lit. Tautavičius 1977, p.131; LLM 1958, Fig. 284.<br />
VDKM 721: 1–3, 5–6.<br />
11. Dumblynė, on the shore of an island in Lake Sartai,<br />
Rokiškis district, Lithuania.<br />
Contains bronze parts of a female temple ornament,<br />
bells, twisted wires and bronze, glass and amber beads<br />
(about 90 artefacts). A typical bride’s hoard, also interpreted<br />
as a craftsman’s hoard.<br />
Chronology: 11th to 12th centuries.<br />
Lit. Grižas 1998, p.194ff; 2000, p.24ff.<br />
LNM AR: 590: 1–53.<br />
12. Gudėniškės, Utena district, Lithuania.<br />
A quagmire, a pond; specialists in land reclamation<br />
drained water and installed a water collector there in<br />
1977. Finds were discovered from time to time at the<br />
southern end of the quagmire. A blunt-ended axe with<br />
a narrow blade (the blade was broken off) reached<br />
UKM. We cannot eliminate the possibility that the<br />
finds belong to the tumuli of Gudėniškiai situated 0.2<br />
kilometres away.<br />
Chronology: D 2<br />
–Ea.<br />
Lit. Vaitkevičius 2006, p.402, Fig. 672.<br />
UKM.<br />
13. Jucaičiai, Šilalė district, Lithuania.<br />
A clay pot containing ornaments (?) was discovered in<br />
1910; the deposit has not survived. In 1972, at a distance<br />
of about 200 metres from the Ilgotis rivulet, three<br />
bronze neck-rings with loop-shaped terminals, three<br />
pins with cruciform heads, and three spiral bracelets<br />
were discovered during bog draining works.<br />
Chronology: tenth to 11th century.<br />
Lit. Tautavičius 1977, p.131.<br />
LNM.<br />
14. Ķaupi, Liepāja district, Latvia.<br />
Ten ribbon-like bracelets and a twisted neck-ring with<br />
a loop were discovered in 1920.<br />
Chronology: 12th century.
Lit. V. Urtāns 1977, p.203, Fig. 105.<br />
LVNM 7019: 1–12.<br />
15. Kalnamuiža, Dobele district, Latvia.<br />
Discovered in 1888 on the bank of the Tervete rivulet<br />
at a distance of one mile from a hill-fort, under a<br />
large granite boulder; studied by R. Hausmanis and<br />
A. Bīlenšteins in 1892. Ten shield bosses, 54 socketed<br />
spear points, one fragment of a sword blade, eight<br />
socketed spearheads, four knives, nine buckles, one<br />
stirrup (?) (apparently dating from later times) were<br />
discovered.<br />
Chronology: D 2<br />
–E 2<br />
.<br />
Lit. Riekstiņš 1930, p.477; V. Urtāns, 1977, p.149, Fig.<br />
37.<br />
Has not survived.<br />
16. Kokmuiža I, Vītiņi parish, Auce district, Latvia.<br />
Discovered in 1869 between two hill-forts, Incēni and<br />
Forest Hillock, during the drainage of the boggy bed<br />
of the Avīkne. The finds were discovered in an area<br />
of 120 square centimetres, in a pit 0.45 metres deep.<br />
In 1869, the findspot of the hoard was studied by A.<br />
Bīlenšteins. According to the inventory of 1870, a total<br />
of 1,263 artefacts were found; their weight is 120 kilograms:<br />
472 spear points, 186 broken spear point sockets,<br />
131 hafted axes, 40 blunt-ended axes with narrow<br />
blades, six fragments of sword blades, 40 oval stone<br />
strike-a-lights, pieces of nine stone strike-a-lights, two<br />
whetstones, two hammers, eight chisels, 13 picks, a<br />
sickle, three knives, nine bronze crossbow brooches,<br />
one brooch with a star-like foot, a bronze neck-ring,<br />
bronze and iron bracelets, a silver bracelet, a spiral<br />
ring, a piece of silver wire and other small artefacts.<br />
Smith’s tools discovered: three anvils, two hammers,<br />
files, chisels, five pieces of raw iron, and an iron spade.<br />
Their weight is around seven kilograms.<br />
Chronology: D 1<br />
–D 2<br />
/ E 1<br />
.<br />
Lit. Riekstiņš 1930, p.477; V. Urtāns 1977, p.138ff,<br />
Figs. 45–47; J. Urtāns 2008, p.55ff and p.84, Figs. 18-<br />
51.<br />
The artefacts reached LVNM and museums in Jelgava,<br />
Tallinn, Copenhagen and Moscow.<br />
17. Kokmuiža (Līgotņu) II, Vītiņi parish, Auce district,<br />
Latvia.<br />
Found in 1929 at the foot of Forest Hillock hill-fort,<br />
in the boggy valley of the River Avīkne, at a depth of<br />
45 to 60 centimetres, at a distance of 50 metres from<br />
offering site I; the site was studied in 1930 and 1931.<br />
Objects discovered: 138 artefacts, most of them intentionally<br />
broken off and burnt (a piece of a silver neckring,<br />
a bronze bracelet with thickened terminals, a<br />
drinking horn mounting, two bronze and 23 iron buckles,<br />
two iron rings, a nail, a strike-a-light, nine knives,<br />
41 socketed spear points, a socketed axe, iron and bone<br />
artefacts that have not been identified more precisely,<br />
a small iron chain link, nine oval stone strike-a-lights,<br />
nine whetstones, a small sandstone spindle, four bone<br />
beads, pieces of four combs, a piece of a bone weaving<br />
die, a small plate, and 12 annealed dice). The total<br />
weight of the finds was about 16 kilograms. Cremated<br />
bones and charcoal are mentioned in this deposit.<br />
Chronology: D 1<br />
–D 2<br />
/ E 1<br />
.<br />
Lit. Riekstiņš 1930, p.473ff, Fig. 1-2, Plates I-II; V.<br />
Urtāns 1977, p.142ff, Figs. 48-49; J. Urtāns 2008,<br />
p.55ff, p.84, Figs. 18-51; Banytė-Rowell et al. 2003,<br />
pp.72-73.<br />
LVNM 7027: 1–138.<br />
18. Lileikiai, Šilutė district, Lithuania.<br />
In around 1912, some coins were discovered on the<br />
bank of the River Jūra not far from Lileikiai hill-fort:<br />
five or six Roman coins, two bronze coins, the rest<br />
were silver coins. One copper coin of Antoninus Pius<br />
(138–161). The hoard did not reach museums.<br />
Chronology: B 2<br />
/C 1<br />
–C 1b<br />
.<br />
Lit. Michelbertas 1972, p.115.<br />
19. Palanga, in the town of Palanga, Lithuania.<br />
In 1936, when ploughing a drained bog, bronze ornaments<br />
were discovered to the east of the town. A neckring<br />
with a tongued bow, a small loop and a hooklet,<br />
and a pin with a cruciform head were found. The bog<br />
where the ornaments were found might have been situated<br />
near Palanga burial grounds where there were two<br />
small and nearly bogged-up lakes.<br />
Chronology: seventh to ninth centuries.<br />
Lit. Tautavičius 1977, p.131; Žulkus 2004, Fig. 29.<br />
VDKM 784: 1-2.<br />
20. The valley of the River Minija, Klaipėda district,<br />
Lithuania.<br />
In 1866, a copper Gordian III (238–244) was discovered<br />
in the valley of the River Minija next to the village<br />
of Šernai. 26<br />
26<br />
A bronze foundry mould for moulding hafted axes (1600–<br />
1400 BC) was discovered on the bank of the River Minija<br />
in the village of Dovilai (in the Klaipėda district) not far<br />
from the village of Šernai, whereas on the other bank of<br />
the river, in the village of Gedminai, a hoard of bronze<br />
artefacts (1400–1200 BC) was discovered (Čivilytė 2004,<br />
p.226, Figs. 5, 6; Bliujienė 2007, p.51). It seems that this<br />
stretch of the middle reaches of the River Minija might<br />
have served as an offering site from the Bronze Age.<br />
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Chronology: C 1b<br />
–C 2<br />
.<br />
Lit. Michelbertas 1972, p.115.<br />
21. Padievaitis, 27 Šilalė district, Lithuania.<br />
In around 1894, a sestertius of Commodus (180–192)<br />
was discovered on the shore of Lake Dievytis.<br />
Chronology: C 1b<br />
.<br />
Lit. Michelbertas 1972, p.116.<br />
22. Palipšė (formerly Černiai, Černaučyzna), Anykščiai<br />
district, Debeikiai parish, Lithuania.<br />
Discovered in 1928 in a marshy field called ‘Gudės<br />
field’; 43 burnt artefacts discovered under a boulder<br />
are known: five socketed and hafted spear points, four<br />
knives, three awls, two razors, ten strike-a-lights, a<br />
belt buckle and mountings, four blunt-ended axes with<br />
wide blades, one spur, two stirrups, a two-edged sword<br />
with an inscription, the key of a cylindrical lock, four<br />
fragments of pottery and several artefacts, the intended<br />
purpose of which has not been determined. Only some<br />
of the finds reached a museum; the fate of the rest is not<br />
known. The tip of one hafted spear point was broken<br />
off.<br />
Chronology: middle to the second half of the 13th century.<br />
Lit. Ribokas, Zabiela 1994, p.24ff, Figs. 1-2.<br />
UKM A71–77, F-1663.<br />
23. Piltene, Ventspils district, Latvia.<br />
In 1870, a silver gilded neck-ring with a widening bow<br />
and profiled overlapping terminals (593.64g in weight)<br />
was discovered in a boggy area at a depth of 1.2 metres.<br />
Chronology: D 2<br />
–E 1<br />
.<br />
Lit. V. Urtāns 1977, p.137ff, Fig. 44.<br />
LVNM 58201.<br />
24. Pudžas (Salgales Pudžas), Jelgava district, Latvia.<br />
Found in 1882 on the right bank of the River Lielupe,<br />
not far from the bank at a depth of 0.2 metres. The<br />
Vecpudzes cemetery is close to the find site. The present<br />
weight of the hoard is 1,781.325 grams. It consists<br />
of two neck-rings and two pieces of neck-rings, one<br />
crossbow brooch, three spiral bracelets and two forged<br />
ingots.<br />
Chronology: turn of the tenth to the 11th century.<br />
Lit. V. Urtāns 1977, pp.20ff, 37ff, p. 180, Fig. 87.<br />
27<br />
The archaeological complex of Padievaitis consists of<br />
a hill-fort, a lower ward, a burial ground and a boulder,<br />
which on the basis of its form is regarded as a chair or the<br />
Devil’s throne (Vaitkevičius 2003, p.73ff, p.205).<br />
LNVM KPM 799-803, 869, 1002, 2054.<br />
25. Salacas Bog, Limbaži district, Latvia.<br />
Six silver elongated bar ingots (965.35g in weight)<br />
were bought from a collector in 1923; a deposit.<br />
Chronology: 11th to 12th century.<br />
Lit. V. Urtāns 1977, p.200, Fig. 105.<br />
LNVM 93098: 1–6.<br />
26. S26. aulītes, Jēkabpils district, Latvia.<br />
Found in 1882. A silver neck-ring with a small loop<br />
and a hooklet (305.95g in weight) and two silver neckrings<br />
with profoundly faceted terminals (702.65g and<br />
430.2g in weight). The total weight of the silver artefacts<br />
is 1,438.8 grams.<br />
Chronology: around 700 AD.<br />
Lit. V. Urtāns 1977, p.157ff, Fig. 66.1-3.<br />
LNVM 58211–58213.<br />
27. Siraičiai, Telšiai district, Lithuania.<br />
In 1901, when ploughing a field, a hoard of metal scrap<br />
was discovered between the hill-fort and the burial<br />
ground, not far from a bog; the hoard consisted of 44<br />
chronologically different archaeological artefacts. The<br />
place of the hoard was marked with a sword driven into<br />
the ground.<br />
Chronology: B 2<br />
/C 1<br />
– C 2<br />
; tenth to 12th century.<br />
Lit. Brensztej 1903, p.44ff, Plates XV–XVII.<br />
LNM AR 17: 1–44.<br />
28. Šliktinė (Mikytai) I, Skuodas district, Notėnai parish,<br />
Lithuania.<br />
Discovered in 1936 or 1938 in the boggy valley of the<br />
River Šata at a distance of 0.3 kilometres from Mikytai<br />
hill-fort, at a depth of 0.6 metres. A total of 192 artefacts<br />
were found: 113 hafted and harpoon spear points,<br />
some ten to 20 knives, four axes with wide blades, several<br />
bronze mountings of combat knives, a brass spur,<br />
and two bronze horseshoe fibulae. These artefacts were<br />
found in a single spot pressed down with an oak log.<br />
Chronology: ninth to 12th century.<br />
Lit. Tautavičius 1972, p.84; Tautavičius 1977, p.132;<br />
Vaitkevičius 2003, p.154.<br />
VDKM: 1523: 1–192, 2021.<br />
29. Šliktinė (Mikytai) II, Skuodas district, Notėnai parish,<br />
Lithuania.<br />
In 1970, at a distance of 50 metres north of the first<br />
findspot, not far from Mikytai hill-fort, approximately<br />
two kilograms of objects were discovered, which
are now missing. In 1971, another approximately 47<br />
horseshoe fibulae, nine bracelets, two spurs, 15 socketed<br />
and hafted spear points, an axe, five fragments of<br />
combat axes, seven belt buckles and belt mountings<br />
nevertheless reached KM. These objects were collected<br />
within a radius of 30 to 40 metres in the ground cast<br />
out when digging a canal in a boggy area, at a depth of<br />
50 to 60 centimetres. The available data makes it possible<br />
to claim that 200 to 300 objects might have been<br />
sunk at this spot. The bog covers a stretch of land 50 to<br />
60 metres in width. In 1971, ten survey pits were dug<br />
at the findspot in the bog; two horseshoe fibulae were<br />
discovered. However, no finds were found in most of<br />
the survey pits.<br />
Chronology: tenth to 11th century.<br />
KM A 50: 184.<br />
Lit. Tautavičius 1971, pp.1-9; Tautavičius 1972, p.84ff.<br />
30. Šluostikiai, Joniškis district, Lithuania.<br />
Since 1956 and 1958, several finds from Šluostikiai<br />
have been kept at ŽMA: a small cylinder-shaped<br />
stone spindle, three badly deteriorated iron socketed<br />
spear points (one of them has a long socket and<br />
a short rhomb-shaped blade). They were found in the<br />
Vešėtinis rivulet during ditch-deepening works, under<br />
a flat boulder.<br />
Chronology: sixth to ninth century.<br />
Lit. Vasiliauskas, 2009, p.255ff.<br />
ŽMA.<br />
31. Tīras Bog in Rucava, Latvia.<br />
The offering was recovered in 1936, accidentally during<br />
peat cutting. Objects discovered: two wooden<br />
shields and a shield boss, a bow (fragment), 31 small<br />
sticks, ten buckles, nine rings, textiles of various kinds<br />
(a cape, leg bindings and different textile fragments,<br />
a yarn ball), a horseshoe fibula with cylindrical terminals,<br />
a massive bracelet, two spirals, a chisel, two<br />
mountings, the mounting of the mouth of a drinking<br />
horn, and an awl with a wooden handle (?). The offering<br />
was probably wrapped in a cloak and pressed<br />
down with a pole, and the offering site might have been<br />
marked: there were a number of stakes with burnt tips<br />
driven into the ground around the site.<br />
Chronology: around 800 to 850 AD.<br />
Lit. V. Urtāns 1964, p.71, Figs. 17-18; 1977, p.76,<br />
p.124ff, 163ff, Fig.71; Žeire 2008, p.129ff.<br />
LVNM A 9170: 1–28.<br />
32. Užpelkiai, Plungė district, Plateliai parish, Lithuania.<br />
Around 1909–1910 in the Tyreliai peat-bog, at a depth<br />
of 1.5 metres, pieces of two bronze neck-rings with a<br />
box-shaped clasp, a silver crossbow brooch decorated<br />
with notched rings (the clearances between the ringlets<br />
are decorated with gold [?] plates), and a bronze<br />
brooch with a star-like foot but without the spiral part<br />
and the bow were discovered.<br />
Chronology: C 1b<br />
–C 2<br />
; D 2<br />
–D 3<br />
.<br />
Lit. Tautavičius 1977, p.133; Vaitkunskienė 1981,<br />
p.29, Fig. XV.<br />
VDKM 662: 1–4.<br />
33. Vaineikiai, Rokiškis district, Kamajai parish, Lithuania.<br />
In 1943, when ploughing a drained peat-bog, three<br />
corded neck-rings were found. They reached a private<br />
collection, and their further fate is not known.<br />
Chronology: eighth to 12th century.<br />
Lit. Tautavičius 1977, p.133.<br />
Abbreviations<br />
AB – Archaeologia Baltica<br />
Aktuelle Forschungen – Aktuelle Forschungen zu<br />
Kriegsbeuteopfern und Fürstengräbern im Barbaricum.<br />
A. Abegg-Wigg, A. Rau, eds, Schriften Archäologischen<br />
Landesmuseums, 4, Neumünster, 2008<br />
ATL – Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvos. Vilnius (from<br />
1967)<br />
CSA – Current Swedish Archaeology. Stockholm, a publication<br />
of the Swedish Archaeological Society<br />
LA – Lietuvos archeologija. Vilnius (from 1975).<br />
LLM – R. Kulikauskienė, R. Rimantienė. Senovės lietuvių<br />
papuošalai, Vol. I. Vilnius, 1958.<br />
Roman Gold and the Development of the Early Germanic<br />
Kingdoms – B. Magnus, ed. Roman Gold and the Development<br />
of the Early Germanic Kingdoms: Aspects of<br />
technical, socio-political, socio-economic, artistic and<br />
intellectual development, AD 1–550. Symposium held<br />
in Stockholm, 14–16 November 1997. Konferenser, 51.<br />
Stockholm.<br />
Museums<br />
KKM – Kaišiadoriai Land Museum<br />
KM – Kretinga Museum<br />
LNM – Lithuanian National Museum, Vilnius<br />
LVNM – Latvian National Historical Museum, Rīga<br />
RK – Rokiškis Land Museum<br />
ŠAM – Aušra Museum, Šiauliai<br />
UKM – Utena Museum<br />
VDKM – Vytautas the Great War Museum, Kaunas<br />
ŽMA – Alka Samogitian Museum, Telšiai<br />
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
III<br />
WETLAND<br />
ARCHAEOLOGY<br />
161
The Bog Offerings of the Balts:<br />
‘I Give in Order to Get Back’<br />
AUDRONĖ<br />
BLIUJIENĖ<br />
162<br />
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ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
III<br />
WETLAND<br />
ARCHAEOLOGY<br />
163
The Bog Offerings of the Balts:<br />
‘I Give in Order to Get Back’<br />
AUDRONĖ<br />
BLIUJIENĖ<br />
164<br />
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Versus aureus.<br />
Received: 22 September 2010; Revised: 19 November<br />
2010; Accepted: 28 December 2010.<br />
Audronė Bliujienė<br />
Institute of Baltic Sea Region History and Archaeology<br />
Klaipėda University<br />
Herkaus Manto street, LT-92294 Klaipėda, Lithuania<br />
E-mail: audrone.bliujiene@gmail.com<br />
BALTŲ PELKIŲ AUKOS –<br />
DUODU, KAD ATGAUČIAU<br />
AUDRONĖ BLIUJIENĖ<br />
Santrauka<br />
Aukojimas vandenyje yra žinoma nuo vėlyvojo paleolito.<br />
Regione aplink Baltijos jūrą, tarp Nemuno ir<br />
Dauguvos, romėniškuoju laikotarpiu pagausėjo pelkių<br />
aukų (4 pav.; 1 lentelė). To priežastis – intensyvus regiono<br />
gyventojų bendravimas tarpusavyje, siekis dievų ir<br />
protėvių paramos bei užtarimo, noras anapilin perkelti<br />
ir turtą. Ankstyvaisiais tautų kraustymosi laikais, įgaudami<br />
lokalių bruožų, germanų pavyzdžiu išplinta karo<br />
grobio ar triumfo aukojimai šlapiose vietose. Nagrinėjamame<br />
regione vėlyvaisiais tautų kraustymosi laikais<br />
vėl keičiasi pelkių aukų motyvacija. Tokios aukos tampa<br />
dvejopo pobūdžio, išreikšto pagrindiniu principu:<br />
duodu, kad atgaučiau. Vikingų laikais atsiranda nauja<br />
aukojimo vandenyje forma – „jaunamarčių aukos“, kurios<br />
sudaro net 22 procentus visų vėlyvųjų aukų. Karo<br />
grobio ir bendravimo su dievais ir protėviais bei turto<br />
perkėlimo aukos procentiškai sudaro apylyges dalis<br />
(2–12 pav., V įklija).<br />
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
III<br />
WETLAND<br />
ARCHAEOLOGY<br />
165
IV. PREHISTORIC<br />
LANDSCAPES<br />
ON THE COAST<br />
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
167
Trade, War and the Diversity<br />
of Rituals at Late Prehistoric<br />
Harbour Sites on Saaremaa<br />
TRADE, WAR AND THE DIVERSITY<br />
OF RITUALS AT LATE PREHISTORIC<br />
HARBOUR SITES ON SAAREMAA<br />
MARIKA MÄGI<br />
MARIKA<br />
MÄGI<br />
Abstract<br />
The article deals with Viking Age and Late Iron Age (800–1200 AD) maritime cultural landscapes on Saaremaa, the biggest<br />
Estonian island. In the course of an extensive study there since 2003, a number of Late Prehistoric and Early Medieval harbour<br />
sites have been identified. The archaeological evidence from these places suggests different uses of the sites. In the article,<br />
three harbour sites have been chosen for closer analysis. These sites represent different kinds of harbours at a local or regional<br />
level, as can probably be found in many areas around the Baltic Sea.<br />
Key words: Viking Age, maritime landscapes, harbour sites, landing places.<br />
168<br />
Introduction<br />
In Scandinavian countries, the United Kingdom, the<br />
Netherlands, Germany, Finland and Poland maritime<br />
landscapes have been the subject of archaeological research<br />
for decades. One of the pioneers at this field is<br />
Christer Westerdahl, whose research covers maritime<br />
cultural history in a broader sense, starting from historic<br />
sea routes and coastal landscapes and going up to<br />
sea-borne toponymics (Westerdahl 1989). He and the<br />
Gotlandic archaeologist and human geographer Dan<br />
Carlsson have formulated the main principles for defining<br />
a coastal cultural landscape and locating ancient<br />
harbour sites (Carlsson 1991; 1998). These principles<br />
have been successfully tested in neighbouring countries,<br />
including on Saaremaa (Mägi 2004; 2009).<br />
Several investigations of the same kind can be pointed<br />
to in Denmark. An interdisciplinary project treating<br />
coastal areas on the island of Fyn should first of all be<br />
mentioned (Crumlin-Pedersen et al. 1996), which resulted<br />
in the demonstration not only of interlacing connections<br />
between the coastline, maritime activities and<br />
arable lands, but also sea routes and neighbouring areas<br />
on the other side of the surrounding straits. Similar<br />
research on the island of Zealand was carried out and<br />
published by Jens Ulriksen, who associated the different<br />
types and the development of the landing places<br />
primarily with political changes that took place in Danish<br />
society (Ulriksen 1998). All these aspects were also<br />
involved in similar research dealing with the use of<br />
coastal areas and archipelagos in Sweden and Finland,<br />
within the framework of historical habitation on coasts<br />
or islands, treated with interdisciplinary approaches,<br />
and with much attention being paid to changes in the<br />
natural environment and to different economic systems,<br />
first of all to the importance of fishing and seal<br />
hunting (Rönnby 2003; Lilja 2008; Norman 2009).<br />
In Estonia, similar investigations started in the mid-<br />
1990s, but took off only in 2003. Since then, extensive<br />
research has been conducted specially in the coastal<br />
areas of Saaremaa, with the main objective of defining<br />
the settlement pattern in areas closely connected<br />
with maritime activities, as well as locating Prehistoric<br />
and Early Medieval harbour sites. In recent years, the<br />
archaeological investigation of coastal landscapes has<br />
expanded to coastal areas of western and northern Estonia,<br />
continuing simultaneously on Saaremaa.<br />
Terminology<br />
A maritime cultural landscape is defined here not only<br />
as the physical terrain of a coast, but also as the sea<br />
in close proximity to the coast, where signs of human<br />
activity (such as shipwrecks, coastal defence buildings<br />
and jetties) are observable. Coastal areas on land comprise<br />
not only the areas immediately bordering the sea,<br />
but also the whole cultural landscape where maritime<br />
activities have played an essential role in the lives of the<br />
inhabitants of the hinterland. In most cases, it covers a<br />
zone up to five kilometres inland, but some researchers<br />
widen this area to 30 kilometres from the coast (Crumlin-Pedersen<br />
et al. 1996; Mägi 2004). The transformation<br />
of Estonia’s coasts, caused by the upheaval of the<br />
land mass (up to 2.8mm per year), enlarges the area of<br />
research even more. All archaeological and historical<br />
sites located in this area (such as settlements, harbour<br />
sites, graves, ancient fields, churches and chapels, cult<br />
sites and cult stones), and their mutual relations, are the<br />
subject of the research.
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
Fig. 1. Prehistoric harbour sites located on Saaremaa. Places mentioned in the article: 1 Kurevere; 2 Sutu; 3 Muhu hill-fort;<br />
4 Mäla.<br />
This article concentrates on harbour sites, and it is essential,<br />
therefore, to define the difference between what<br />
is called here a harbour site and other places which<br />
were suitable for landing boats and other water craft.<br />
An important aspect is the socio-political location in<br />
cultural landscapes: the hinterland, and especially the<br />
connection between the harbour or the landing site and<br />
its closest political, economic, cult or other centre. It is<br />
also important to remember that not all harbour sites<br />
need to be trading centres, although some researchers<br />
prefer to speak of trade and workshop centres only (for<br />
a discussion of this, see Carlsson 1991; Callmer 1991;<br />
Ulriksen 1998, pp.13, 259). On the other hand, rarely<br />
used and unimportant places for landing boats are seldom<br />
observable in archaeological terms.<br />
I have preferred to use the term harbour site, defining<br />
it as a place oriented towards maritime activity and<br />
accessible to water vessels, and a place whose use is<br />
regulated by agreements and/or tradition, and which<br />
includes a hinterland. Accordingly, landing places with<br />
an accidental character cannot be interpreted as harbour<br />
sites in this text.<br />
Case studies<br />
Before 2003, Prehistoric harbour sites in Estonia had<br />
been excavated only randomly, and even these excavations<br />
had been carried out without proper prior knowledge<br />
of the probable character of such a site (Kustin<br />
1967). Since the archaeological evidence of Prehistoric<br />
harbour sites is normally reported to have been rather<br />
similar to that in ‘normal’ dwelling places, such places<br />
can be first and foremost defined as harbour sites due to<br />
their location and proximity to the coast at the time of<br />
their use (for criteria for locating harbour sites in Estonia<br />
and neighbouring countries, see Mägi 2004). Since<br />
2003, several trial excavations at such coastal sites<br />
were conducted on the island of Saaremaa (Fig. 1),<br />
which in three cases led to larger-scale archaeological<br />
excavations.<br />
Tornimäe: a Viking Age district<br />
harbour<br />
The Viking Age harbour site at Tornimäe is located at<br />
the eastern end of the island of Saaremaa, on an elevation<br />
now nearly two kilometres from the coastline.<br />
The stretch of land between Tornimäe and the present<br />
coastline is, however, flat and temporarily waterlogged.<br />
Around 1,000 to 1,200 years ago, the area<br />
of the excavations was situated right next to the sea,<br />
providing a perfect view over the main part of the Little<br />
Strait (Fig. 2). To the east of Tornimäe, the island<br />
of Saaremaa was separated from the present peninsula<br />
of Kõrkvere by a strait leading from north to south. At<br />
Tornimäe during the Viking Age, the sea next to the<br />
coast was, according to the contour lines, deep enough<br />
to be navigable by sea-going vessels, while along most<br />
of the coastline the water level might have been too<br />
shallow for sailing.<br />
West of Tornimäe lay some of the most fertile arable<br />
lands of the whole island, and several Prehistoric stone<br />
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Fig. 2. Tornimäe and the surrounding cultural landscape today: 1 arable land (partly drained); 2 wetland, former lake;<br />
3 dwellings; 4 approximate coastline 1,000 years ago; 5 Late Prehistoric stone graves; 6 Late Prehistoric hill-forts.<br />
170<br />
graves in the vicinity indicate that the settlement of<br />
this area goes further back in history. At 6.3 kilometres<br />
west of Tornimäe is the Viking Age hill-fort of Pöide<br />
(Lõugas, Mägi-Lõugas 1994; Mägi 2002b).<br />
The area of the cultural layer at Tornimäe is approximately<br />
3.5 hectares. In 1963, rescue excavations were<br />
carried out there on an area of 160 square metres by the<br />
slope, supervised by Aita Kustin (Fig. 3). Clusters of<br />
burnt stones, probably fireplaces, were unearthed, but<br />
she did not detect any building remains in the excavated<br />
area (Kustin 1967). This could have been caused by<br />
her excavation methods: the approximately 45° slope<br />
of Tornimäe hill was excavated in horizontal layers,<br />
not following the surface.<br />
Another rescue excavation, also supervised by Kustin,<br />
was carried out in 1968. This time, only soil piled up in<br />
the course of road building was examined. Kustin estimated<br />
that approximately 1,600 square metres of the<br />
settlement were destroyed by the road building. She<br />
interpreted the site as an ordinary settlement, probably<br />
because of the lack of proper knowledge of the location<br />
of the Viking Age coastline: in the 1960s, exact maps<br />
were kept in secret files.<br />
In 1997, the area of the cultural layer at Tornimäe was<br />
located with help of phosphate-mapping, and in 2004,<br />
80 square metres was unearthed during archaeological<br />
excavations supervised by the author of this article.<br />
The area was slightly sloping, and the excavations were<br />
therefore carried out in strata following the surface.<br />
This method made it possible to identify an area covered<br />
with smaller, burnt granite stones, which could be<br />
interpreted as the remains of a building partly remaining<br />
outside the excavations. In the uncovered area,<br />
the measurements of the construction were 8.5 by 5.5<br />
metres. Whether the layer indicated one or more buildings<br />
constructed during the centuries when the harbour<br />
was in use remained unclear, however. The house or<br />
houses had probably been built in a log technique, as<br />
was the custom in Prehistoric, Medieval and even later<br />
Estonia. Neither post-holes, nor, for instance, burnt<br />
clay was found, but the majority of Prehistoric finds<br />
and animal bones were recorded in the area (for similar<br />
interpretations at archaeological excavations in other<br />
places in Estonia, including the Pöide hill-fort in the<br />
vicinity of Tornimäe, see Lõugas, Mägi-Lõugas 1994;<br />
Lavi 2005).<br />
On the bottom layer at Tornimäe, right on the natural<br />
ground, slightly bigger limestone slabs formed a clear<br />
semi-circle, and had originally surrounded some probably<br />
wooden construction with a diameter of two to<br />
2.75 metres. Similar (semi-) circles of stones have been<br />
detected previously at Estonian sites, and interpreted<br />
as some kind of storage buildings (Deemant 1986).<br />
Finds from the different excavations at Tornimäe<br />
consisted predominantly of ceramics, most of them<br />
potsherds from quite simple cooking vessels, but the<br />
remains of more fine-grained, often carinated Viking<br />
Age bowls were also found (Fig. 4, see Plate VI). A few
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
Fig. 3.Tornimäe harbour site with the excavation plots of 1963 and 2004, (from Kustin 1967): 1 stone fences; 2 present<br />
buildings; 3 trenches from the last war; 4 approximate coastline 1,000 years ago; 7 excavations.<br />
potsherds seemed to be unlike the ceramics of western<br />
Estonia and the islands. The rest of the prehistoric<br />
find material consisted of bronze ornaments, pieces of<br />
silver plating, single weapons, glass beads, fragments<br />
of bone artefacts, and numerous finds of boat rivets.<br />
The most noteworthy was the considerable number of<br />
bones, among which domesticated animals, as well as<br />
seals and different sorts of fish, were represented.<br />
Although altogether about 240 square metres of the<br />
sloping area at Tornimäe was uncovered, no constructions<br />
that could be directly connected with a harbour,<br />
like the remains of a jetty or a pier, were detected.<br />
However, according to some earlier descriptions, local<br />
peasants had found the remains of a ‘wooden palisade’<br />
when ploughing on the slope (Luce 1811). Although<br />
the exact location and character of these finds remain<br />
obscure, it is likely that the ‘palisade’ originally formed<br />
a part of the harbour construction, or perhaps indicated<br />
a wooden jetty.<br />
Pälla: the Late Iron Age river harbour<br />
The site called Pälla or Pällamõis (Pälla Manor) is situated<br />
on southern Saaremaa near the church at Püha, on<br />
the bank of the little River Ristioja, 900 metres from<br />
the present coastline (Fig. 5). It was the location of<br />
the church two kilometres northeast of the site that inspired<br />
the search for a Prehistoric harbour site on the<br />
northwest coast of Sutu Bay. Archaeological investigations<br />
in the area started in 2004, with trial excavations<br />
both at Pälla and on the coast of Sutu Bay 2.5 kilometres<br />
from Pälla. The latter, however, proved to be a<br />
16th-century site (Ilves 2006), most likely the smithy<br />
of a local manor by the coast, perhaps next to a local<br />
manor’s harbour.<br />
The area of the cultural layer at Pälla is approximately<br />
0.2 hectares. Trial excavations were conducted there<br />
between 2004 and 2006, and were followed by largerscale<br />
excavations in 2007 (Fig. 6; Mägi 2006; Mägi,<br />
Nurk 2008). The main finds were connected with the<br />
ruins of a late 16th to 17th-century building complex,<br />
probably functioning as the fortification of a small harbour<br />
for exporting goods from the local manor. In the<br />
remains from the early Modern period, the remains<br />
were detected of a well-preserved, up to 40-centimetre-thick<br />
extensive culture layer from the second half<br />
of the Iron Age.<br />
The site remains some distance from arable land, and<br />
could therefore not have been used as an ordinary living<br />
place. Some potsherds suggest that the place could<br />
have been put to use as early as the middle of the first<br />
millennium AD, when it was situated right on the present<br />
coast, in the estuary of a small river. The location<br />
on the coast, and only a few hundred metres away from<br />
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Fig. 5. Pälla and the surrounding cultural landscape today: 1 agricultural lands; 2 areas covered with buildings; 3 roads.<br />
172<br />
it next to a river, is suitable for a harbour, especially<br />
on the coast of Sutu Bay, which has been and still is<br />
very flat, making it difficult for sea-going vessels to<br />
find a place for landing. The River Ristioja was bigger<br />
before: the wetlands where it starts are completely<br />
drained now, and the former size of the river can be<br />
estimated from the river bed.<br />
The early layer contained mainly animals’ bones and<br />
potsherds from the final part of the Iron Age, as well as<br />
some pieces of single metal finds that could not be dated.<br />
Some of the potsherds belonged to the Migration or<br />
Viking Period. C 14 samples dated the early layer to the<br />
Late Iron Age (cal. 895–920 AD/ cal. 955–1280 AD;<br />
Tln-2946) and to the 14th century (cal. 1301–1369<br />
AD/ cal. 1381–1437 AD; Tln-3053). No Medieval artefacts,<br />
however, supported such a late date of use.<br />
Except for one post-hole, there were no building constructions<br />
relating clearly to the early dwelling layer,<br />
but in 2007 the remains of a quay were uncovered on<br />
the bank of the former river at a point where the bankterrace<br />
had been lowered artificially. In the yellow<br />
river or sea sand, dark impressions of a once wooden<br />
construction, a platform of planks that rested on posts,<br />
could be observed (Fig. 7). These could be interpreted<br />
as the remains of a quay, when the wooden parts of it<br />
had started to decay and were partly broken. Late Iron<br />
Age potsherds, animal bones and some pieces of iron<br />
among these impressions, together with the complete<br />
absence of 16th or 17th-century finds, date the construction<br />
to the earlier activity layer of the site.<br />
Viltina: a late Viking Age assemblage<br />
place<br />
Viltina is nowadays a small village on the southern<br />
coast of Saaremaa, 600 to 800 metres from the sea<br />
(Fig. 8). The Prehistoric sites Asva and Randvere, two<br />
old settlement units one to two kilometres away from<br />
Viltina, can be pointed out. The importance of the area<br />
is emphasised by a small seventh to eighth-century<br />
hill-fort at Asva, in the same place where a fortified<br />
settlement, probably functioning as a centre for bronze<br />
casting and international trade, had been situated during<br />
the Bronze Age.<br />
The fortified settlement of Asva, with a proposed landing<br />
place next to it, can be considered as a Bronze Age<br />
predecessor of the Viltina harbour. Here, the topographical<br />
conditions for a harbour site were favourable:<br />
it was a place on Saaremaa’s generally shallow<br />
southern coast where the comparatively deep sea water<br />
of a protected inlet reached close to arable land. The<br />
actual harbour site moved gradually closer to the present<br />
coastline, in accordance with the upheaval of the<br />
land mass.<br />
The search for a possible harbour site was inspired<br />
by the presence of several Late Iron Age stone graves
Fig. 6. Excavations at Pällamõis between 2004 and 2007,<br />
with reconstructions of modern period buildings.<br />
right on the then coast, but some distance away from<br />
arable land. The largest cemetery,Viltina Rutiränk, was<br />
almost completely uncovered in 1940, and proved to<br />
contain not only a great amount of luxurious weapons<br />
and jewellery, but also a much greater variety of ceramics<br />
than in other cemeteries on Saaremaa (Mägi<br />
2002a, p.60ff).<br />
The harbour site was identified 50 metres northeast<br />
of the Rutiränk grave in 1999 (Mägi 2000), and excavated<br />
from 2004 to 2006 (Mägi 2006; 2007). Altogether,<br />
a 330-square-metre uncovered area was divided<br />
into six separate excavation plots, chosen in a manner<br />
that would enable an overview of the structure of the<br />
harbour site and the functioning of its different parts<br />
(Fig. 9). The total area where traces of human activity<br />
were detected was approximately 0.5 to 0.6 hectares,<br />
not counting the surrounding stone graves.<br />
In the southern part of the harbour site, the boundaries<br />
of small and light buildings were uncovered (Fig. 10;<br />
No 1). Similar remains of buildings have been found<br />
at several Estonian, Finnish and Scandinavian settlement<br />
sites (Westerdahl 1989, p.101ff, Fig. 70; Lavi<br />
2005; Norman 2009; Widerström 2009). The majority<br />
of these buildings had been erected in the traditional<br />
cross-beam technique, and the stone lines were apparently<br />
the stones crammed between the lower beams of<br />
the walls. In addition, a light building with a circular<br />
ground plan was uncovered, indicated by a circle of<br />
boulders and the remains of a hearth inside it.<br />
The buildings had been significantly rebuilt during the<br />
150 to 200-year period of use of the place. The houses<br />
were probably relatively small, and erected close to<br />
each other, which seems to have been caused by the<br />
limited construction space. As will be demonstrated<br />
later, the site was probably surrounded by some kind<br />
of fence.<br />
Although no ovens were uncovered inside the building<br />
remains at Viltina, two fireplaces with a deposit of<br />
cracked stones and a simple U-shaped fireplace built of<br />
stones and open on the top were detected. The absence<br />
of proper ovens implies that the houses were apparently<br />
needed only during the period when the weather<br />
was warmer.<br />
The find material in the area of the remains of the<br />
building was not very abundant, consisting of potsherds,<br />
animal bones and metal artefacts. There was a<br />
considerable number of iron nails and boat rivets, the<br />
first of them presumably indicating wooden buildings.<br />
The most remarkable collection of finds was made in<br />
an area of approximately six square metres, consisting<br />
of several dozen boat rivets, nails, rivet fragments and<br />
other pieces of iron artefacts, as well as an auger and an<br />
axe, together with unburnt and burnt bones. The place<br />
was interpreted as being the waste pile of a carpenter’s<br />
workshop.<br />
In excavation plot No 4, a stone construction was uncovered<br />
that could be interpreted as the land-based<br />
parts of two piers. In this part, the slope had been considerably<br />
steeper, leaving the impression that the former<br />
seashore had been formed artificially in this place.<br />
Another similar section of the slope that had been dug<br />
deeper, at a distance of 16 metres from the first one,<br />
implied that there had been more than two piers at the<br />
Viltina harbour site.<br />
In excavation No 4, two piers supported by posts had<br />
been built almost parallel with each other, at a distance<br />
of 4.2 metres, perpendicular to the coast (Fig. 11).<br />
The length of the piers to the one-time sea remains<br />
unknown; it might be suggested, however, that these<br />
buildings were repeatedly renovated. Single Viking<br />
Age and Late Iron Age potsherds and iron nails were<br />
gathered between the stones that lined the slope, indicating<br />
the use of the piers simultaneously with human<br />
activity in the surrounding area.<br />
Other excavations on the sloping area (Nos 2 and 6), as<br />
well as some constructions next to the piers’ remains,<br />
indicated that the edge of the former seashore was lined<br />
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
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Fig. 7. Wood impressions at Pälla, indicating the Late Prehistoric quay (photograph by M. Mägi).<br />
Fig. 8. Viltina and the surrounding cultural landscape today. 1 agricultural lands; 2 areas covered with buildings; 3 roads.<br />
174
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
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Fig. 9. Archaeological excavations at the Viltina harbour site between 2004 and 2006.<br />
with a compound row of stones that resembled the foot<br />
of a stone wall. It might be suggested that a wooden<br />
barrier had been erected on top of the stone wall, perhaps<br />
surrounding the whole area of the harbour.<br />
An area next to the piers (Nos 4 and 5) had been deliberately<br />
cleared of stones, and consisted of hardtramped<br />
earth. The layer contained single potsherds,<br />
burnt and unburnt bones, some charcoal, and a few<br />
pieces of metal artefacts from the tenth to the 12th centuries.<br />
The area was interpreted as being a gathering<br />
place. Since the southern part of the harbour site had<br />
been densely covered by buildings, the need was obvious<br />
for an open place for meetings and other sorts of<br />
activities. The area directly next to the piers was the<br />
most suitable for this purpose.<br />
At harbour sites in Finland and Scandinavia, single<br />
burials directly inside harbour sites, as well as possibly<br />
sacrificed artefacts and sometimes even hoards, have<br />
been recorded (Lundström 1981, p.117ff; Carlsson<br />
1999; Edgren 1995). This was the case also at Viltina.<br />
A stony elevation situated on the western border of the<br />
harbour site proved to be a stone grave of the same type<br />
as Rutiränk. In one excavation there (No 3), a densely<br />
packed stone layer with cremated bone fragments, Late<br />
Iron Age metal finds and pottery were unearthed. The<br />
most remarkable finds were two 11th-century collec-<br />
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Fig. 10. Building remains in excavation No 1 at Viltina (photograph by M. Mägi).<br />
176<br />
tions of finds, a set of female ornaments, and a set of<br />
weapons, the last found with a metal detector in 1999<br />
(Mägi 2000). Both sets consisted of artefacts typical<br />
of Saaremaa, and could be interpreted as cenotaphs, or<br />
additional offerings in a stone grave.<br />
In addition to the stone grave, four cremations were<br />
found in the excavated area of the Viltina harbour<br />
site. The cremations were located in the built area, or<br />
directly beside the buildings. As far as can be determined<br />
by the tenth to 11th-century molten metal artefacts,<br />
consisting mostly of a female’s jewellery, at least<br />
two of the cremations had probably belonged to local<br />
women. A single cremation, foreign to Saaremaa, was<br />
unearthed next to the foot of the wall lining the coastal<br />
slope. Burnt human bones had been placed in a clay<br />
vessel and covered with a flat stone.<br />
A comparison of the three case studies<br />
The archaeological evidence from the three sites described<br />
above differs in several important respects,<br />
apparently in accordance with the variable functions<br />
they had. Firstly, differences in the characters of the<br />
occupation layers strike the eye. Both Tornimäe and<br />
Pälla were characterised by an extensive 30 to 40-centimetre-thick<br />
cultural layer, while most of the area at<br />
Viltina was covered only with a very thin humus layer,<br />
and somewhat deeper dark soil occurred only in places.<br />
The find material was different as well. The activity<br />
layer at Tornimäe was rich in animal bones and fishbones.<br />
The number of animal remains was quite modest<br />
at Viltina and Pälla, while finds of fishbones were<br />
missing there altogether. At the same time, the natural<br />
conditions for preserving the bone material were similar<br />
at all these sites. It is, however, noteworthy that the<br />
soil at the Tornimäe site was mixed with ploughing and<br />
later occupation layers, implying that some of the animal<br />
bones there might have been from later centuries.<br />
The great number of fish and seal bones among the<br />
find material at Tornimäe suggests that the function of<br />
the site might also, among other things, have included<br />
fishing and seal-hunting. The extensive activity layer,<br />
however, indicates a much broader use than just as a<br />
simple fishing harbour. All the fishbones collected<br />
from Tornimäe belonged to freshwater species (Lõugas<br />
2008). Taking into account the generally frequent occurrence<br />
of domesticated animals’ bones at Tornimäe,<br />
it might be suggested that the fish simply formed part<br />
of the food for people who were active at the site. It
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
Fig. 11. Pier remains in excavation No 4 at Viltina (photograph by M. Mägi).<br />
does not necessarily indicate that the site was a special<br />
fishing harbour.<br />
Approximately the same correlation characterised the<br />
ceramic finds. The number of Viking Age potsherds<br />
unearthed at Tornimäe was considerable, probably<br />
witnessing the very extensive use of the site, at least<br />
seasonally. Remarkably fewer ceramics were found at<br />
Viltina and Pälla. Quite a large part of the potsherds<br />
found at Tornimäe and Viltina represented Viking<br />
Age fine ceramic bowls with smooth black surfaces,<br />
frequently carinated and decorated with lines. At<br />
Tornimäe, these finds had exact parallels with several<br />
potsherds at Pöide hill-fort, at a distance of 6.3 kilometres<br />
from the harbour site (Lõugas, Mägi-Lõugas<br />
1994). During its Viking Age occupation period, the<br />
hill-fort was presumably connected with the political<br />
elite of the district (Mägi 2002b), and parallels in the<br />
find material there and at Tornimäe probably point to<br />
the central importance of the harbour site, at least at a<br />
district level. The central position of Tornimäe is also<br />
underlined by the strategically favourable location on<br />
the highest point next to the Little Strait sailing route.<br />
However, neither were many potsherds of Viking Age<br />
fine ceramics found at Pälla. The rest of the Late Iron<br />
Age find material at Pälla consisted of fragments of<br />
iron and bronze artefacts that could not be dated. It<br />
is worth noting though, that although the Late Iron<br />
Age habitation layer at Pälla had been preserved intact,<br />
the excavated area there was much smaller than<br />
at Tornimäe or Viltina, which without doubt affects the<br />
amount and the content of the find material.<br />
A number of metal finds were collected from Tornimäe<br />
too, including some that might indicate handicrafts at<br />
the site (such as awls, semi-fabricated glass-beads and<br />
iron slag). Several finds at Viltina were also connected<br />
with handicrafts, but the most distinguishable feature<br />
of the Viltina find material, in comparison with the<br />
other two sites, as well as in most ‘ordinary’ dwelling<br />
sites, was the large amount of jewellery or accessories,<br />
including several precious metal items. In particular, a<br />
small collection of finds gathered in 1999 with a metal<br />
detector in the built area should be mentioned. It consisted<br />
of a piece of a silver pin, some weights, and Arab<br />
silver coins, and could be interpreted either as a small<br />
offering or a pouch lost or hidden in the buildings<br />
(Fig. 12). Several other small artefacts found in different<br />
parts of the Viltina site had not been exposed to fire,<br />
and thus apparently were derived from the settlement<br />
layer and not from a grave. These finds included the<br />
metal parts of belts and bridles that might have been<br />
accidentally lost (Fig. 13).<br />
The archaeological evidence at Viltina suggests that<br />
the site was used only seasonally and during short periods,<br />
which did not leave many archaeological traces.<br />
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Fig. 12. Silver items and weights found at Viltina during the<br />
surface survey trip (photograph by M. Mägi).<br />
Fig. 13. Some artefacts found at Viltina<br />
(photograph by M. Mägi).<br />
People who were active there seem, on the other hand,<br />
to have had a higher-than-average social status.<br />
Another feature differentiating Viltina and Tornimäe<br />
from ordinary settlement sites was the large number<br />
of rivets, including boat rivets, and iron nails. In Pälla,<br />
boat rivets were absent, which, however, might again<br />
be explained by the relatively small size of the excavation<br />
that contained the Prehistoric layer there. In Viltina,<br />
approximately 200 iron rivets and nails, or pieces<br />
of them, were gathered, including over 100 possible<br />
boat rivets. Nails at Viltina were more numerous in<br />
areas with light wooden buildings and near the piers<br />
on the slope. Presumed boat rivets were also primarily<br />
gathered from the built areas, and to some extent from<br />
elsewhere.<br />
Differences are also obvious when we take a closer<br />
look at the cultural landscapes surrounding these three<br />
sites. Harbour and trade centres at a regional or a higher<br />
level are often indicated by cemeteries in the vicinity,<br />
which frequently contain some graves distinct from<br />
local burials. There is data of some inhumation burials<br />
with artefacts, unfamiliar for Viking Age Saaremaa,<br />
found at the site of the present cemetery less than one<br />
kilometre from the Viking Age harbour at Tornimäe.<br />
Unfortunately, these finds were not described properly<br />
(Saaremaa ja Muhu 1924, p.102). Some stone<br />
cemeteries, now demolished, have been recorded at<br />
a distance of one to two kilometres from Tornimäe.<br />
They might, however, also mark settlement units in the<br />
surroundings in the middle of arable land. The same<br />
is true for Pälla, where stone cemeteries can be found<br />
some distance away around the later church and manors.<br />
No stone grave has been recorded in the vicinity<br />
of the Pälla site.<br />
The situation is quite different around Viltina, where<br />
it is possible to talk about a concentration of stone<br />
graves close to and even inside the harbour site, although<br />
there is little and not particularly fertile arable<br />
land in the vicinity. The abundance of graves in the, at<br />
first sight, marginal area also characterises Kurevere<br />
and Mäla on the Estonian islands (Mägi 2004). The<br />
abundance of burial places at Viltina, some of them<br />
with foreign features, seems to indicate the ritual significance<br />
of the place. It is possible that there really<br />
were only three Late Iron Age sites of this sort on the<br />
islands of Saaremaa and Muhu, Viltina, Kurevere and<br />
Mäla, which were all situated in spots that were easily<br />
accessible by sea, but somewhat away from agrarian<br />
settlement centres.<br />
The location of Viltina on an agrarian and political<br />
periphery hardly enables us to suggest that the site<br />
functioned as a trading place, even though some transactions<br />
might have taken place there. Neither does the<br />
location make it suitable as a reloading place. The find<br />
material, which includes luxurious items connected<br />
with both men and women, does not support the possibility<br />
of it being a military harbour. The possibility<br />
of it being a fishing harbour is excluded by the total<br />
absence of fishbones, as well as by the abundance of<br />
prestigious artefacts among the find material. The archaeological<br />
evidence at Viltina altogether resembles<br />
that from Hiitis in the south of the Finnish archipelago,<br />
which can be interpreted as a site of ritual significance,<br />
while it also functioned as a harbour for ships sailing<br />
along the international trade route from Sweden to Tallinn<br />
(Edgren 1995).<br />
So the most likely interpretation of the Viltina harbour<br />
site is that we are dealing with a specific place for ritual<br />
assemblages, where people gathered perhaps only<br />
once a year for some weeks. Such Late Prehistoric assemblages<br />
(kärajad) were the Estonian equivalent of<br />
Scandinavian ting. This way, Viltina can, for instance,<br />
be compared with the Alting-place on Iceland, which<br />
is known from Scandinavian sagas (for example, the<br />
story of Burnt Njall, http://www.sagadb.org/brennu-
njals_saga.en). Landowners, or their representatives<br />
and their retainers, gathered for an Alting once a year<br />
for two or three weeks in order to discuss judicial proceedings,<br />
to make agreements and marriages, and to<br />
conduct rituals. Both men and women gathered there,<br />
and visitors had their own light buildings, which were<br />
used only during the Alting.<br />
The functions of Tornimäe and Pälla seem to be much<br />
more practical. All aspects point to Tornimäe as being<br />
the most important of the two. Its importance is indicated<br />
by the much larger area of the site, the more extensive<br />
character of the cultural layer, and the location in<br />
the vicinity of political centres. The cultural layer suggests<br />
that the place was in use for a much longer period<br />
every year than Viltina, presumably during the whole<br />
navigable season, that is, for about seven months. In<br />
this time, Tornimäe was probably inhabited by people<br />
who looked after ships and sailors that landed there.<br />
The buildings in the harbour site are attributed to this<br />
purpose. There were probably also jetties or piers, although<br />
the remains of these have not yet been found.<br />
The visitors to the site arrived predominantly from<br />
Saaremaa and the surrounding shores of the Baltic Sea,<br />
but from time to time vessels from further away might<br />
also have landed.<br />
Although visitors to Tornimäe harbour surely also<br />
traded with locals, it is hard to imagine the site as an<br />
international trading centre. There probably existed<br />
hundreds of similar harbour sites on the Late Prehistoric<br />
coasts of the Baltic Sea, some of them smaller,<br />
some bigger, and all of them ‘invisible’ in written<br />
sources. Only a few of them were important from the<br />
point of view of international trade, and can therefore<br />
be considered as nodal points. Søren Sindbæk has connected<br />
the location of nodal points with natural barriers<br />
on trading routes, where goods needed to be reloaded,<br />
or where it needed different skills to sail further. Regionally<br />
central harbour sites, on the other hand, were<br />
characterised by accessibility and a proper hinterland<br />
(Sindbæk 2009a; 2009b).<br />
Viking Age Tornimäe was probably the most attractive<br />
harbour site for eastern Saaremaa and the island<br />
of Muhu. It was easily accessible, well protected topographically,<br />
and situated in a place that must have<br />
provided a perfect view over sailing routes. The Little<br />
Strait, which at present is not navigable any more due<br />
to the upheaval of the land mass, might have been a<br />
much used water route in Prehistory and in the first part<br />
of the Middle Ages, according to several archaeological<br />
monuments on both sides of it. The eastern part of<br />
Saaremaa, the most likely hinterland for Tornimäe, is<br />
also the most fertile part of the island. The size of the<br />
Pöide hill-fort, the biggest Viking Age fortification on<br />
the island, is in correlation with the arable lands. The<br />
elite residing in the hill-fort presumably controlled the<br />
harbour at Tornimäe: that is, they guaranteed the safety<br />
of visiting ships, and in return collected tolls from<br />
them.<br />
Carlsson has demonstrated how, from about 50 smaller<br />
landing places on Gotland, only six had developed into<br />
district harbours by the Viking Age (Carlsson 1998).<br />
Although connected with trade, somewhat surprisingly,<br />
most of the sites were characterised by a lack or a<br />
shortage of finds directly associated with trade, such as<br />
scales and weights, coins or imported items (Carlsson<br />
1991; for the phenomenon in other areas, see Ulriksen<br />
1998, pp. 113-142; Sindbæk 2009b). The same characterised<br />
Tornimäe, which can be considered a Viking<br />
Age centre of regional trade.<br />
The Late Prehistoric river harbour at Pälla seems to<br />
have had a more local importance. Firstly, its area<br />
was less than a tenth that of Tornimäe. The scarcity<br />
of ceramics and animal bones suggests that people inhabited<br />
the site for a shorter period each year than at<br />
Tornimäe, or that not so much activity was carried out<br />
there. The lack of political centres in the vicinity might<br />
have made Pälla less attractive than Tornimäe to overseas<br />
visitors. Whether there were also buildings at Late<br />
Prehistoric Pälla is not known, because of the small<br />
extent of the excavations there.<br />
It is possible that the river harbour was mainly used<br />
by local settlement units for exporting their agricultural<br />
products or other goods. Still, other functions<br />
were also possible. For instance, the site might have<br />
functioned as a military harbour, where ships from the<br />
surrounding areas gathered to sail on plundering raids<br />
or for other military actions. The sheltered location in<br />
the lower reaches of the River Ristioja, some distance<br />
from settlements, was suitable for a smaller military<br />
harbour of a more or less local character. Harbours that<br />
were meant for the organised gathering of ships with<br />
the objective of land defence, like the ledung harbours<br />
in Scandinavia, were probably situated closer to political<br />
centres, if they differed from ‘ordinary’ harbours at<br />
all (Westerdahl 1989, pp.246-258).<br />
Further development<br />
The subsequent development of the sites was in accordance<br />
with the different functions of the harbours.<br />
Tornimäe also later remained a regional centre. In the<br />
11th century, when the activity at the Pöide hill-fort<br />
stopped for the following 100 to 150 years, the Viking<br />
Age harbour site at Tornimäe was abandoned as well.<br />
This was, among other reasons, probably caused by<br />
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
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ON THE COAST<br />
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Trade, War and the Diversity<br />
of Rituals at Late Prehistoric<br />
Harbour Sites on Saaremaa<br />
MARIKA<br />
MÄGI<br />
180<br />
land transformation processes, which made the location<br />
too difficult to approach by ship. At approximately<br />
the same time, the Muhu hill-fort was founded on the<br />
opposite shore of the Little Strait, which became the<br />
political centre of the enlarged district. Next to it, another<br />
harbour site has been recorded (Mägi 2002b).<br />
The hill-fort at Pöide was rebuilt and put into use again<br />
in the 12th century, when it probably functioned as a<br />
trading centre. It can be presumed that its harbour site<br />
was still situated at Tornimäe, but now in another location<br />
closer to the present coastline. The hill-fort was<br />
finally abandoned in the 14th century. Some time in<br />
the Middle Ages, the Uuemõisa (Neuenhof) manor, a<br />
collecting-point for tax in kind for the Livonian Order,<br />
was founded in the middle of arable lands at a distance<br />
of about one kilometre from Tornimäe. The taxes were<br />
exported through Tornimäe, where the remains of the<br />
Medieval harbour may yet be found 800 metres north<br />
of the Viking Age harbour site, next to a still-visible<br />
stone jetty. Brick fragments found at Tornimäe also<br />
suggest that some buildings were situated there during<br />
the Medieval period.<br />
By the 17th century at the latest, the harbour at Tornimäe<br />
was abandoned: the sea around it was too shallow,<br />
and the Little Strait was not navigable by larger<br />
vessels. On land survey maps from the 17th to the mid-<br />
19th century, the area of the former harbour site is only<br />
marked by bare fields. In the middle of the 19th century,<br />
a Russian Orthodox church was erected right in<br />
the middle of the Viking Age harbour site, and a small<br />
village gradually developed around it. At the present<br />
time, Tornimäe is the centre of the Pöide municipality.<br />
The river harbour at Pälla was abandoned in the 14th<br />
century at the latest. The site was situated among<br />
marshy forests, some distance away from settlements,<br />
and no human activity could be recorded there until<br />
the last decades of the 16th century. At the time a stone<br />
house with outbuildings was erected in the place of the<br />
old river harbour, probably by the owner of the Tõlluste<br />
manor house, at a distance of 6.5 kilometres from<br />
Pälla.<br />
The building of a small stone manor could have been<br />
inspired by resistance by some local vassals against<br />
the Danish king, or by the need for protection against<br />
rebellious peasants or marauders that were common<br />
in these times of unrest. Its location on the bank of a<br />
small river, however, implies that the foundations of<br />
the building complex might have been inspired by attempts<br />
to fortify the manor harbour for exporting local<br />
agricultural products.<br />
The buildings had been abandoned by the beginning<br />
of the 18th century at the latest, when the importance<br />
of manor harbours had diminished. At present, Pälla<br />
is just ruins, covered with trees and bushes in a forest<br />
outside the cultivated area.<br />
The fate of Viltina resembles that of Pälla. After the<br />
site was abandoned in the early 13th century at the latest,<br />
its area remained unused, except for some limited<br />
agricultural activity in a part of it. The conversion to<br />
Christianity, as well as the changed political system<br />
that characterised 13th-century Saaremaa, excluded<br />
the use of assembly places like Viltina. In the Modern<br />
period, the hamlet of Viltina developed around the old<br />
harbour site, which is now marked by a few summer<br />
houses. The Viking Age harbour site is just a bushy<br />
area next to a wetland.<br />
Conclusions<br />
The three case studies demonstrate differences in<br />
Viking Age harbour sites, as is indicated by their archaeological<br />
evidence, and by their locations on the<br />
cultural landscape. Tornimäe could be interpreted as a<br />
central harbour at a district level. Pälla functioned as<br />
a trading or military harbour for a more limited area.<br />
Viltina was partly a ritual, partly a secular assembly<br />
site, probably serving several political districts. This<br />
way, the case studies probably represent three possible<br />
harbour types that were widespread on the Baltic Sea<br />
in the Viking Age. Although the importance of such<br />
sites in the everyday life of Viking Age people is hard<br />
to underestimate, harbour sites of a local or a regional<br />
character have remained generally invisible in written<br />
sources, and their localisation on the cultural landscape<br />
demands a special attitude in archaeological research.<br />
Acknowledgements<br />
The research on Saaremaa was conducted, and this article<br />
written, with the support of grant No 6998 from<br />
the Estonian Science Foundation.<br />
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Received: 30 October 2010; Revised: 20 November 2010;<br />
Accepted: 28 December 2010<br />
Marika Mägi<br />
Institute of History<br />
Tallinn University, Rüütli 6<br />
Tallinn 10130, Estonia<br />
E-mail: marika.magi@mail.ee.<br />
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
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ON THE COAST<br />
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Trade, War and the Diversity<br />
of Rituals at Late Prehistoric<br />
Harbour Sites on Saaremaa<br />
MARIKA<br />
MÄGI<br />
182<br />
PREKYBA, KARAS IR<br />
ĮVAIRIOS SAAREMAA UOSTŲ<br />
GYVENVIETĖS VĖLYVAISIAIS<br />
PRIEŠISTORĖS LAIKAIS<br />
MARIKA MÄGI<br />
Santrauka<br />
2003 m. pradėti intensyvūs Saaremaa pakrančių gyvenviečių<br />
struktūros tyrimai, kurie glaudžiai susiję<br />
su jūrine veikla, taip pat su vėlyvosios priešistorės ir<br />
ankstyvųjų viduramžių uostų gyvenviečių išsidėstymu<br />
(1 pav.). Šiame straipsnyje analizuojamos trys uostus<br />
turinčios gyvenvietės, kurios reprezentuoja skirtingus<br />
Baltijos jūros regione uostus turinčius gyvenviečių tipus<br />
tiek lokaliniu, tiek regioniniu lygmenimis.<br />
Vikingų laikotarpio Tornimäe gyvenvietė yra rytiniame<br />
Saaremaa salos gale (2 pav.). Ji buvo tyrinėta 1963,<br />
1968 ir 2004 m. (3 pav.). Prieš 1000–1200 metų tyrinėjamas<br />
plotas buvo gerai matomoje vietoje, virš pagrindinės<br />
Mažojo sąsiaurio dalies. Tyrimų metu buvo<br />
atkastos menamų statinių liekanos, bet be krosnių. Didžiąją<br />
dalį radinių sudarė keramika (4 pav., žr. įkliją<br />
VI), bronziniai papuošalai, pavieniai ginklai, stiklo<br />
karoliai, kaulinių dirbinių fragmentai ir keletas valčių.<br />
Pälla gyvenvietė yra pietinėje Saaremaa salos dalyje,<br />
netoli Püha bažnyčios, prie Ristioja upelio, 900 m<br />
nuo dabartinio jūros kranto (5 pav.). Šios gyvenvietės<br />
tyrinėjimai vyko 2004–2007 m. (6 pav.). Čia buvo<br />
rasti XVI–XVII a. pastatų kompleksai, po kuriais aptiktas<br />
intensyvus vėlyvojo geležies amžiaus kultūrinis<br />
sluoksnis. Gyvenvietės vieta, esanti toli nuo ariamų<br />
laukų, rodo, kad čia būta ne paprastos, o uosto tipo gyvenvietės.<br />
Radiokarboniniu 14C metodu nustatyta, kad<br />
ankstyvieji gyvenvietės sluoksniai priklauso vėlyvajam<br />
geležies amžiui, o viršutiniai – XIV a. Pagrindinės<br />
uosto krantinės buvo upės pakrantėje (7 pav.). Didžiąją<br />
dalį radinių sudarė gyvulių osteologinė medžiaga ir<br />
puodų šukės bei keli metaliniai dirbiniai.<br />
Šiuo metu Viltina gyvenvietė yra pietinėje Saaremaa<br />
salos pakrantėje, 600–800 m nuo dabartinio jūros kranto<br />
(8 pav.). Vėlyvojo vikingų laikotarpio uosto tipo gyvenvietė<br />
čia aptikta 1999 m. ir tyrinėta 2004–2006 m.<br />
Tirtas 330 m 2 plotas buvo suskirstytas į 6 mažesnius<br />
atskirus plotus (9 pav.). Pietinėje gyvenvietės dalyje<br />
buvo atidengtos statinių liekanos. Nedideli pastatai<br />
stovėjo vienas greta kito (10 pav.). Kultūriniame<br />
sluoksnyje aptikta puodų šukių, gyvulių kaulų ir metalinių<br />
dirbinių, įskaitant ir geležines vinis bei laivų<br />
kniedes. Jūros kranto atšlaitėje buvo atidengtos čia<br />
stovėjusių akmeninių pastatų liekanos ir dvi prieplaukos<br />
(11 pav.). Susirinkimų ir ūkinės veiklos zona buvo<br />
netoli prieplaukų, spėjama, kad gyvenvietė buvo aptverta<br />
akmenine siena su medine užtvara virš jos. Statinių<br />
areale dešiniau nuo uosto gyvenvietės buvo aptikta<br />
keletas palaidojimų ir iš akmenų sukrautas kapas.<br />
Visos trys gyvenvietės skiriasi keletu aspektų, ypač<br />
funkcine priklausomybe. Tornimäe gyvenvietės kultūrinis<br />
sluoksnis buvo intensyviausias, jame aptikta daug<br />
gyvulių ir žuvų kaulų. Viltina gyvenvietės kultūrinis<br />
sluoksnis buvo plonas, o kai kur jo visai nebuvo. Gyvulių<br />
kaulų ir keramikos Viltina ir Pälla gyvenvietėse<br />
aptikta apylygiai. Viltina gyvenvietėje, skirtingai nei<br />
kitose dviejose, aptikta juvelyrinių dirbinių ir keletas<br />
vertingų metalų dirbinių (12–13 pav.). Visų trijų gyvenviečių<br />
gamtinė aplinka skirtinga.<br />
Viltina uosto gyvenvietėje aptikta teritorija, kurioje<br />
kasmet po keletą savaičių galėjo būti atliekamos ritualinės<br />
apeigos. Tornimäe ir Pälla gyvenviečių paskirtis<br />
daugiausia buvo praktinė. Tornimäe aptiktas kultūrinis<br />
sluoksnis rodo, kad čia ūkinė veikla buvo intensyvesnė<br />
nei Viltina uosto gyvenvietėje ir vyko ilgesnį laiką,<br />
matyt, visą laivų navigacijos laikotarpį. Galima manyti,<br />
kad gyvenvietės buvo ir tarptautiniai prekybos<br />
centrai. Ypač tai akivaizdu Tornimäe gyvenvietėje, kur<br />
vikingų laikotarpiu galėjo plėtotis regioninė prekyba.<br />
Pälla uosto tipo gyvenvietė buvo labiau vietinės reikšmės<br />
ir galėjo būti karinis arba žemės ūkio produkciją<br />
eksportuojantis uostas.<br />
Vėlesnė šių gyvenviečių raida funkciniu požiūriu buvo<br />
skirtinga. Tornimäe gyvenvietė ir vėliau išliko regiono<br />
centru. Pälla upės tipo uostas vėliau, jau XIV a.,<br />
buvo apleistas, bet naujaisiais laikais, netoli pastačius<br />
dvarvietę, vėl atgijo. Viltina gyvenvietė XIII a. buvo<br />
apleista.<br />
Vertė Algirdas Girininkas
KODAVERE PARISH BY LAKE PEIPUS:<br />
THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE CULTURAL<br />
LANDSCAPE DURING THE IRON AGE<br />
KRISTA KARRO<br />
Abstract<br />
This article concentrates on an analysis of an ancient lakeside landscape: how a big inland lake in Estonia (Lake Peipus in<br />
eastern Estonia) has affected the development of the settlement on its shores (the example of Kodavere parish). The lake is<br />
part of a landscape with different layers, some of them are mental, some are physical. The article tries to define the landscape<br />
and its layers, and to use the most suitable layer to describe a prehistoric lakeside landscape in Estonia.<br />
Key words: Lake Peipus, lakeside landscape, landing place, harbour site, settlement district, settlement area, settlement unit.<br />
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
Introduction<br />
This article deals with an Iron Age landscape of a lakeside<br />
area. The main question is the possibility of comparing<br />
it with a maritime landscape: the similarities<br />
and differences in natural and cultural processes of a<br />
coastal area and coastline. The basis of this analysis are<br />
the studies by Marika Mägi in Estonian maritime landscapes<br />
(Mägi 2002a; 2004; 2007), which rely on the<br />
earlier research of Scandinavian archaeologists (see,<br />
for example, Carlsson 1991).<br />
Areas by large lakes have not been discussed separately<br />
in Estonian archaeology. Some articles have been<br />
written with a phenomenological approach on the ancient<br />
settlement around Lake Kahala in northern Estonia<br />
(Vedru 1997a; 1997b; 1999), but Kahala is a small<br />
lake, and this gives it an entirely different role in the<br />
ancient landscape connected to it. Some studies (Veski,<br />
Lang 1996; Saarse et al. 1996) have been written on<br />
the prehistoric settlement in the Lake Maardu area,<br />
but this is also a small lake compared to Lake Peipus.<br />
More has been written about maritime landscapes (Vedru<br />
2001; Mägi 2002a; 2004; 2007).<br />
Kodavere parish has not been studied from the point of<br />
view of landscape archaeology before (except the author’s<br />
research, in Karro 2008; 2010). The coastal areas<br />
of Lake Peipus have not been observed from such a<br />
point of view before either. Therefore, this article is the<br />
first attempt to see the Kodavere parish area as a settlement<br />
district connected to Lake Peipus, thus forming<br />
an ancient lakeside landscape.<br />
Layers of landscape<br />
Firstly, let us explain what is meant in this article by<br />
landscape, and what part of it has been used in the discussion.<br />
Archaeologists have a tendency to consider<br />
landscape to be a stage on which people have made<br />
changes over the course of time. They usually categorise<br />
a landscape by dividing it into burial places,<br />
settlement sites, hill-forts, etc. For ancient people,<br />
a landscape was not just an assemblage of static objects;<br />
it was connected with natural conditions, social<br />
relations and religious symbols (Gosden, Lock 1998).<br />
Therefore, a landscape is not merely a stage for human<br />
activity, but a much larger system, consisting of different<br />
parts, or layers. It is not only natural and cultural,<br />
but a system where natural, cognitive and temporal<br />
components are connected (Palang 2001). Landscape<br />
does not exist in such a form outside the human mind<br />
(Vedru 2002). So a landscape is a system created by the<br />
people living in it, consisting of places connected by<br />
paths, roads and stories (Tilley 1994).<br />
Some of these layers of the system are only present in<br />
the minds of the people inhabiting a certain area. They<br />
can be discussed separately, but must be bound in a<br />
unified system in order to analyse a certain geographical<br />
area.<br />
First is the natural layer of a landscape. This consists of<br />
the morphological and geological features of the landscape<br />
(negative and positive land forms, soils) (Arold<br />
et al. 1987; Arold 2005), and also climatic conditions.<br />
The natural layer influences land use systems and types<br />
of economic activity (Aston 1985; Lang 2000).<br />
IV<br />
PREHISTORIC<br />
LANDSCAPES<br />
ON THE COAST<br />
183
Kodavere Parish by Lake<br />
Peipus: The Development<br />
of the Cultural Landscape<br />
During the Iron Age<br />
KRISTA<br />
KARRO<br />
184<br />
A landscape has cultural layers that consist of different<br />
physical features on a landscape created by people.<br />
All archaeological remains, objects and artefacts, are<br />
parts of this cultural layer. All physical changes to a<br />
natural landscape that are made by people can therefore<br />
be called cultural: the erection of dams on rivers<br />
and the formation of new lakes, changing the course<br />
of rivers, piling up hills for different purposes, etc. So<br />
cultural layers are closely connected with the natural<br />
layer described above, because the natural features of<br />
the landscape affect the settlement logic (Aston 1985).<br />
A landscape has mental layers, which also influence<br />
the cultural layer and bring about changes in both the<br />
cultural and natural layers. Mental layers are basically<br />
the cognition of a landscape by the people living in it.<br />
As has been said, in practice it is difficult to see this<br />
apart from the formerly described natural and cultural<br />
layers; but in theory it can be taken as a different aspect<br />
of the landscape’s formation.<br />
Important features of the mental layer are place names,<br />
which turn something physical and geographical into<br />
something historical and social (Tilley 1994). This is<br />
the way people can give cognitive meanings to physical<br />
locations, and change them into places. In time,<br />
these places will be connected by paths and stories. So<br />
a very important part of a mental layer is the identity of<br />
place, which forms when people live in one place for<br />
several years and generations (Hernandés et al. 2007).<br />
Religious symbolism is also a vital part of the mental<br />
layer of a landscape. Together with social relations, it<br />
helps to form a part of the cultural layer, physical sacred<br />
places in the landscape. It can also result in special<br />
meanings being given to important natural places.<br />
This might lead to altering a place physically, by building,<br />
painting or carving something there. This is how a<br />
place can be given new meanings and functions (Bradley<br />
2000).<br />
The most relevant layer of a landscape for this article<br />
is the spatial layer. This is closely connected to all the<br />
other layers described above. We might consider the<br />
spatial layer as a part of the cultural layer, because it<br />
is formed by the human mind, or as a part of the natural<br />
layer, because it depends on the morphological and<br />
geological features of the landscape. For the sake of<br />
clarity, the spatial layer is considered to be a separate<br />
aspect of a landscape, because it represents the differentiation<br />
of geographical areas. The basis of this differentiation<br />
can be geographical or geological (Arold<br />
2005), but also cultural (for example, hill-fort districts<br />
in Lang 2002), or even both (Lang 1996; 2002). Such<br />
a differentiation is in people’s minds; therefore, it cannot<br />
totally be considered a part of the natural or the<br />
cultural layer. As it involves a great deal of geography<br />
and geology, it cannot be taken as wholly cultural or<br />
mental either.<br />
Finally, a landscape has a temporal dimension that<br />
comprises all the above-mentioned layers. Natural,<br />
cultural and mental layers change in time, by forming<br />
a unity at a certain moment (Vedru 2009, p.22).<br />
Case study: Kodavere parish<br />
as an ancient lakeside landscape<br />
A lakeside landscape can be defined as a landscape that<br />
is connected with a nearby lake at the level of all the<br />
above-mentioned layers. This article focuses on the<br />
spatial layer of the Kodavere parish’s Iron Age landscape<br />
(in this article, periodisation system proposed by<br />
Lang & Kriiska 2001 is used) 1 .<br />
A parish as a territory, with its name(s) and geographical<br />
span, either ancient or medieval (for the ancient and<br />
historic name, and the territorial belonging of an area,<br />
see Tarvel 1968; Roslavlev 1970; Lang 2007a, p.275;<br />
Roslavlev, Salo 2007), is part of the spatial layer of<br />
an area. 2 Lang (2002) has defined an ancient parish as<br />
a geographically separated larger settlement unit that<br />
is isolated from neighbouring settlement units by uninhabitable<br />
areas, and inhabited by people who share<br />
a common tribal origin. The author of this article has<br />
no reason not to agree with this definition. The ancient<br />
Kodavere parish can be considered as a separate settlement<br />
district that has been divided into settlement areas<br />
and settlement units, which are connected with the<br />
large lake nearby. Settlement units are a historical form<br />
of people’s living together, established as a result of the<br />
social and economic development of the society (farms<br />
and villages). Settlement units form settlement areas,<br />
which are parts of a geographical area, which, being<br />
suitable for agricultural activity, are culturalised by<br />
people. Settlement districts are defined the same way<br />
as settlement areas, but they are geographically larger<br />
(Lang 1996, p.604). It is likely, though, that settlement<br />
units and settlement areas are not only geographical<br />
constructions, but are formed in local people’s minds.<br />
Therefore, it can also be said that a settlement area<br />
is an area of the cognitive span of the local people,<br />
a cluster of villages with inhabitants who have closer<br />
relations with each other, and who may, for example,<br />
use the same sacred place for rituals. The borders of a<br />
1<br />
Early Iron Age: Pre-Roman (500 BC to 50 AD) and Roman<br />
(50–450 AD) periods; Middle Iron Age: Migration (450–<br />
600 AD) and Pre-Viking (600–800 AD) periods; Late Iron<br />
Age: Viking period (800–1050 AD) and the Latest Iron<br />
Age (1050– 208).<br />
2<br />
From the point of view of another layer, a parish can be<br />
part of a mental and a cultural layer, but this is a topic for<br />
another discussion.
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
Fig. 1. Kodavere parish (base map by the Estonian Land Board, drawn by K. Karro).<br />
settlement area form in inhabitants’ minds as the furthest<br />
places they still ‘know’. This is why a settlement<br />
area cannot be considered wholly geographical, or the<br />
spatial layer entirely physical (see above).<br />
Natural features of the landscape<br />
in the Kodavere settlement district<br />
The Kodavere parish (Figs. 1; 2) lies geographically in<br />
a landscape region called the Ugandi plateau. It reaches<br />
from Omedu to Kallaste in the north, and has been<br />
cut in two by the basin of the River Emajõgi in the<br />
south. The plateau area continues in southeast Estonia.<br />
The Alatskivi settlement area has the greatest absolute<br />
heights of the settlement district (45 to 69 m above sea<br />
level). The natural landscape formed there through the<br />
drumlinisation process during the regression of the glaciers<br />
(Karukäpp, Raukas 1999; Hang 2001; Karukäpp<br />
2008).<br />
The agricultural land in the Kodavere parish consists<br />
of heavy clayey podzols (for the character of the land<br />
by Lake Peipus, see Karukäpp 2008). Palynological investigations<br />
have been carried out in southeast Estonia,<br />
where the soils are of the same type (for example, in<br />
Ala-Pika; Kihno, Valk 1999). Investigations have not<br />
been carried out in the Kodavere parish area, but due to<br />
other cultural similarities (Ligi, Valk 1993; Lavi 1999;<br />
2002; Leimus, Kiudsoo 2004; Kiudsoo 2005; Laul<br />
2009), it can be assumed that the development of agriculture<br />
might be comparable. Climatic analyses among<br />
others from the Männikjärve bog and lakes Prossa and<br />
Raigastvere in eastern Estonia relate to the formerly<br />
presented results from Ala-Pika (Sillasoo et al. 2009).<br />
The soils differ from the lowland soils north and south<br />
of Kodavere parish, and are classified as moderately<br />
cultivatable soils in Estonia (Karukäpp, Raukas 1999;<br />
Maa-Amet 2001). Drainage was carried out in the Kodavere<br />
parish during the Soviet era; therefore, the soils<br />
and the face of the natural landscape have changed<br />
quite a lot. The best soils for agriculture seem to lie in<br />
the Alatskivi settlement area (Fig. 3), but quite suitable<br />
soils for cultivation reach quite close to Lake Peipus in<br />
the Ranna settlement area too (Fig. 4).<br />
There are many small inland water bodies (lakes and<br />
creeks) belonging to the Peipus basin in the Kodavere<br />
parish as well. Prehistoric settlement areas and settlement<br />
units were probably connected with them. As the<br />
ancient settlement units have not shifted compared to<br />
villages on the 17th-century map or the contemporary<br />
map, it can be said that settlement has continued on<br />
islets of suitable agricultural land. The continuity is<br />
probably a result of the fact that the Kodavere parish<br />
area has been a periphery area of Estonia throughout<br />
historical times. The most radical natural changes in<br />
the landscape probably took place during the Soviet<br />
period.<br />
The coastline of the west shore of Lake Peipus (Fig. 2)<br />
is quite straight, although it has some suitable places<br />
for landing. The bottom of Lake Peipus is the steepest<br />
by the Kodavere settlement unit, but the best landing<br />
place is probably in Lake Lahepera, which is a former<br />
bay of Lake Peipus (Mäemets 1977). The water<br />
is quite shallow in the estuary of the River Lahe, connecting<br />
contemporary Lake Lahepera to Lake Peipus.<br />
The water level of Lake Peipus has been rising since<br />
the beginning of the Holocene (for the changes to the<br />
water level, see Rosentau 2006, p.32), but it is still very<br />
IV<br />
PREHISTORIC<br />
LANDSCAPES<br />
ON THE COAST<br />
185
KRISTA<br />
KARRO<br />
Kodavere Parish by Lake<br />
Peipus: The Development<br />
of the Cultural Landscape<br />
During the Iron Age<br />
Fig. 2. The shoreline and bottom relief of Lake Peipus (Raukas 2008, p.95).<br />
186<br />
changeable, and can fluctuate by up to three metres a<br />
year (Tavast 2008). Therefore, the coastal villages<br />
have been affected by it over time, and this gives us<br />
reason to believe the same for the prehistoric period.<br />
According to contemporary inhabitants, the lake has<br />
been a great source of food and an easy way to travel,<br />
but its unpredictability can make the lives of the people<br />
on its shores quite difficult.<br />
The clash of cultures by Lake Peipus<br />
Kodavere parish is an area where both the cultures of<br />
barrows and stone graves spread during different periods<br />
of the Iron Age. Influences from the coastal and<br />
central areas of Estonia (stone grave culture) reached<br />
the west shore of Lake Peipus, and influences from<br />
southeast Estonia and the eastern shore of Lake Peipus<br />
(barrow culture) reached the parts of Kodavere parish<br />
furthest from Lake Peipus. There are archaeological<br />
remains of these different cultural groups in the Kodavere<br />
parish area. The distinctive remains of the two archaeological<br />
cultures have clustered in different parts<br />
of the Kodavere parish area, according to the natural<br />
landscape type that these kinds of burial places are<br />
more characteristic of (see below).<br />
Massive and distinguishable constructions of stones<br />
were erected in Estonia not only in the Iron Age, but<br />
already in the second half of the Bronze Age (for the<br />
stone graves of Estonia, see Lõugas 1975; Lang 1993;<br />
1996; 2007a; 2007b; Laul 2001; Mägi 2005; for Bronze<br />
Age burial sites in Estonia, see Lang 1996, p.290ff;<br />
2007b). Neither Bronze Age nor Pre-Roman Iron Age<br />
stone graves have been found in Kodavere parish or<br />
inland Estonia; therefore, it is believed (Lang 1999)
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
Fig. 3. The Alatskivi, Kokora and Nõva-Vea settlement areas (base map by the Estonian Land Board, drawn by K. Karro).<br />
that stone graves, as well as being noticeable landscape<br />
markers, were built to establish the ownership of agricultural<br />
land. Therefore, according to palynological<br />
evidence from inland lakes (for the example of Ala-<br />
Pika, see Kihno, Valk 1999) and the absence of early<br />
stone graves in inland Estonia, it has been stated that<br />
agriculture spread more widely (when the establishment<br />
of agricultural land had become necessary) in<br />
inland Estonia from the Early Iron Age (Kihno, Valk<br />
1999; Lang 1999). It is probable, though, that monumental<br />
stone graves were not only built for the establishment<br />
of agricultural land, but for the establishment<br />
of power over roads and nodal points, especially waterways<br />
(Mägi 2004; 2007). Therefore, the stone graves<br />
and Late Iron Age cemeteries of Kodavere could be<br />
considered parts of a settlement pattern influenced by a<br />
waterway of Lake Peipus. Lake Peipus was probably a<br />
waterway connecting the Kodavere settlement district<br />
with nearer areas (southeast Estonia, northeast Estonia,<br />
the eastern coast of Lake Peipus), and maybe even with<br />
some more distant areas (Scandinavia?).<br />
Two stone graves in Kodavere parish have been more<br />
thoroughly studied: Alasoo and Lahepera (AI 4584,<br />
4976, 4977). 3 They are not traditional tarand-graves as<br />
can be found in the northern part of Estonia (Lõugas<br />
1975; Lang 1996, p.148ff; 2007a, pp.126-148; Mägi<br />
2005), or in southeast Estonia (Laul 2001, pp.31-86).<br />
According to the artefacts, they were both erected in<br />
the second or third century AD. The Lahepera grave<br />
was put to use again in the Late Iron Age (for the results<br />
of the excavations of the Lahepera grave, see<br />
3<br />
Artefacts from this and other archaeological objects<br />
mentioned in the article are stored at Tallinn Institute of<br />
History, under the numbers in brackets.<br />
Lavi 1977; 1978; Karro 2008), but it is probable that<br />
the grave at Alasoo was not used any more after the<br />
Middle Iron Age. The Alasoo grave has not been well<br />
enough preserved to make any definite assumptions:<br />
only a small part of it has been excavated in the course<br />
of rescue excavations, and the grave had been spoilt<br />
before already (for the results of the Alasoo grave excavations,<br />
see Aun 1972; Karro 2008).<br />
There were probably more stone graves along the west<br />
coast of Lake Peipus, but they have not officially been<br />
discovered or preserved. Some can be assumed according<br />
to oral folk tradition and the landscape situation.<br />
In the Late Iron Age, the burial tradition changed: the<br />
tradition of inhumation burials was used from the 11th<br />
century onwards (Mägi-Lõugas 1995). Such cemeteries<br />
have been discovered in the Kodavere parish area<br />
in Lahepera (AI 4978), around the earlier stone grave,<br />
and Raatvere (AI 4717, 4858, 5087, 5295), close to an<br />
iron smelting site (AI 4717, 4858). The dead started to<br />
be buried here from the 11th century (Lavi 1983; 1999;<br />
Lavi, Peets 1985). Earlier cemeteries of such a character<br />
have been found at Zalahtovye on the east coast<br />
of Lake Peipus (Hvoshtshinskaia 2009) and the north<br />
coast of Estonia (Mägi-Lõugas 1995).<br />
The east coast of Lake Peipus provides an entirely different<br />
archaeological picture. The culture of barrows<br />
(long and round barrows, and the sopka) spread in this<br />
area from the Middle Iron Age (Popov 2009c). Mostly<br />
settlement sites and hill-forts of the Early Iron Age<br />
have been studied on the eastern shore of Lake Peipus,<br />
and no burial places have been discovered from<br />
that period (Popov 2009b). The culture of long barrows<br />
also reached southeast Estonia and some parts of<br />
IV<br />
PREHISTORIC<br />
LANDSCAPES<br />
ON THE COAST<br />
187
KRISTA<br />
KARRO<br />
Kodavere Parish by Lake<br />
Peipus: The Development<br />
of the Cultural Landscape<br />
During the Iron Age<br />
Fig. 4. The Ranna settlement area (base map by the Estonian Land Board, drawn by K. Karro).<br />
eastern Estonia (the west edge of the Kodavere parish<br />
area) (for long and round barrows in Estonia, see Aun<br />
2002; 2009). Late Iron Age barrows spread mostly on<br />
the north coast of Lake Peipus (Ligi 1993).<br />
It is not certain which period the barrows of Kodavere<br />
parish originate from. They could have been erected<br />
in the Middle Iron Age, but also later. The small-scale<br />
excavations in the 1930s, 1950s and 1960s do not provide<br />
enough information on the dating of the Kodavere<br />
barrows, because the amount of grave goods was too<br />
scarce and undatable, and no bones were found, other<br />
than some probable inhumation burials from the Christian<br />
period (for the results, see Selirand 1993; Vassar<br />
1936; 1937). It has also been said that the barrows and<br />
the stone graves of southeast and eastern Estonia do<br />
not have many differences (Aun 2002).<br />
A unifying cultural characteristic on the eastern and<br />
western coasts of Lake Peipus and in southeast Estonia<br />
is the type of pottery: textile ceramics. This is a<br />
distinctive ceramics type of the inland cultural area,<br />
which had probably already started to spread at the end<br />
of the Bronze Age and the Early Iron Age, from the<br />
East European forest zone to Häme in Finland, Estonia<br />
and northern Latvia (Laul 2009). This type of ceramics<br />
has been found at some settlement sites and at the Kalevipoja<br />
säng hill-fort in the Kodavere parish area, too.<br />
There is evidence of brushed pottery at these settlement<br />
sites as well (Lang 1996, p.140ff; 2007a, p.96ff,<br />
p.153ff).<br />
The spatial division of the Kodavere<br />
settlement district<br />
According to Lang’s theory and the natural and cultural<br />
features of the landscape, the Kodavere settlement district<br />
can be divided into four or five settlement areas:<br />
the Alatskivi-(Kokora), Ranna, Pala and Nõva-Vea settlement<br />
areas (Figs. 1; 2). The physical and cognitive<br />
border between the Alatskivi and Kokora settlement<br />
districts seems to be unclear, but the cultural features<br />
of some periods are too different to consider them to be<br />
one settlement area. It is possible that they were separate<br />
settlement areas during some periods of the Iron<br />
Age.<br />
The settlement areas of Alatskivi-(Kokora) and Ranna<br />
are important from the point of view of the ancient<br />
lakeside landscape; therefore, only these two (or three)<br />
will be described and discussed below.<br />
The earliest map of the area dates from the 17th century<br />
(Anon. 1684). Comparing this with later maps (from<br />
the 19th century, the beginning of the 20th century, and<br />
the present day) reveals the changes in the natural landscape<br />
that have taken place over the last four centuries.<br />
In order to ascertain the possible general appearance<br />
of the ancient landscape of the Kodavere parish, cultural<br />
characteristics were combined with available information<br />
on the probable natural conditions in inland<br />
Estonia during the Iron Age. Archaeological data from<br />
the Kodavere parish area and neighbouring areas, and<br />
formerly made assumptions about changes in the natural<br />
landscape, have been used to describe the possible<br />
settlement of the area.<br />
188
The Alatskivi and Kokora<br />
settlement areas<br />
The Alatskivi settlement area was probably the most<br />
important settlement area in the Kodavere parish. The<br />
earliest estate in the Kodavere parish was situated in<br />
Alatskivi, by the River Alatskivi. The River Alatskivi<br />
is probably one of the most important features of the<br />
natural landscape in the Alatskivi settlement area, and<br />
probably played an important role in the formation of<br />
the area’s lakeside landscape. The lakes in the later<br />
mansion park were created by the realignment of the<br />
River Alatskivi and the riverbed was straightened after<br />
the 19th century, hence the river and the natural riverside<br />
landscape looked different during the prehistoric<br />
period. The new estuary lies about 200 m north from<br />
the old estuary. According to local people, the estuary<br />
of the River Alatskivi (north of the village of Rootsiküla)<br />
has never been a suitable place for living, or<br />
as a landing place. The small bay about one kilometre<br />
north along the bank is a much more appropriate place<br />
for a landing place.<br />
There are several settlement units on the banks of the<br />
River Alatskivi, starting from Lake Peipus 4 : Pusi and<br />
Rootsiküla on the shore of Lake Peipus, Alasoo about<br />
two kilometres away, Alatskivi as the oldest estate centre,<br />
and Peatskivi as the prehistoric centre.<br />
Other settlement units in the Alatskivi settlement district<br />
are in Lahepera, Naelavare, and Rupsi, south of<br />
Naelavere. Late Iron Age settlement sites have been<br />
discovered at Lahepera and Naelavere.<br />
The Kokora settlement area lies on a different type of<br />
soil compared to the Alatskivi and Ranna settlement<br />
areas. Pine forests grow on sandy soils, which are less<br />
suitable for agricultural activities than the soils in the<br />
Alatskivi and Ranna settlement areas. Barrows, connected<br />
with an inland burial custom, were widespread<br />
in such natural landscape conditions from the Middle<br />
Iron Age (Aun 2009). As has been said above, it<br />
is not clear which period the barrows in the Kokora<br />
settlement area are from (either from the Middle Iron<br />
Age or the Late Iron Age); but it is clear that a different<br />
kind of burial tradition was used there. The burial<br />
methods seem to be similar to the barrows and stone<br />
graves in the Kodavere settlement district (Aun 2002).<br />
Therefore, it is not clear whether we are dealing with<br />
two different kinds of societies. That is why considering<br />
Kokora to be a separate settlement unit is arguable.<br />
According to the place cognition of the local people, it<br />
seems that the Alatskivi and Kokora settlement areas<br />
used to be connected.<br />
4<br />
Contemporary place names are used in this article.<br />
The settlement area comprises the Savastvere, Kuningvere<br />
and Kokora settlement units, which are connected<br />
with small lakes in the settlement area, lakes Kuningvere<br />
and Mustjärv. A Late Iron Age settlement site has<br />
been found at Savastvere. Long barrows have been<br />
discovered by the road running between the abovementioned<br />
small lakes.<br />
The Ranna settlement area<br />
The Ranna settlement area (Fig. 1, 4) reaches closest<br />
to the coast of Lake Peipus. The shore is drier, and<br />
soil suitable for cultivation reaches to about 500 metres<br />
from the lake. The ground of the Ranna settlement<br />
area is plain, and there are not so many drumlins as in<br />
the Alatskivi settlement area. The even ground is broken<br />
by the valleys of the Torila and Kadrina streams,<br />
and the main road runs along the coast of Lake Peipus,<br />
passing all of the settlement units.<br />
The settlement area comprises the settlement units of<br />
Raatvere-Sääritsa, Ranna, Sassukvere, Kodavere and<br />
later Kallaste, and probably also Punikvere. Ancient<br />
(Late Iron Age and Medieval) settlement sites have<br />
been discovered at all of them, except for Kallaste,<br />
which is now the centre of Kodavere parish.<br />
Discussion<br />
The River Alatskivi seems to have been an important<br />
stretch of water and a landmark, because most of the<br />
settlement units have grown up on its banks. The Alatskivi<br />
cannot be compared with large rivers in neighbouring<br />
settlement districts, for example the rivers<br />
Omedu or Emajõgi. Therefore, we cannot consider it to<br />
be a waterway of that scale; but it is clear that it played<br />
an important role as a source of fresh water. It is arguable<br />
whether it also served as a small-scale waterway. In<br />
fact, river and lake boats did not need very deep water<br />
at all: 50 to 70 centimetres, or 80 to 90 centimetres for<br />
bigger boats (Teigelake 2003). Therefore, it is possible<br />
that the Alatskivi was suitable for use as a waterway<br />
from Lake Peipus to the centre of the Alatskivi settlement<br />
area in Peatskivi.<br />
The prehistoric centre was situated on a natural drumlin<br />
in Peatskivi (AI 4067, 4473). Its first stage of inhabitation<br />
was in the Pre-Roman Iron Age. The earliest<br />
buildings were destroyed some time in the fourth or<br />
third century BC. This period is represented by characteristic<br />
pottery and some artefacts. The wooden defensive<br />
structures were rebuilt, and destroyed by fire at<br />
the beginning of the Middle Iron Age (the fifth to sixth<br />
centuries AD), and no artefacts were found from that<br />
period. Concavities filled with stones and earth were<br />
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During the Iron Age<br />
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discovered at the edge of the yard; they were probably<br />
domestic holes or the remains of defensive structures.<br />
The result of C 14 dating from one of these concavities<br />
identified it as mid-fifth century. The last stage of inhabitation<br />
lasted from the end of the first millennium<br />
AD to the beginning of the second millennium AD. Artefacts<br />
from that period consisted of pottery similar to<br />
the Rõuge ceramics discovered at southeast Estonian<br />
hill-forts (though it had some unconventional features).<br />
Iron knives, spearheads and a northeast type of thrown<br />
pottery from the 11th and 12th centuries were found.<br />
Defensive embankments at both ends of the hill-fort<br />
were probably established during the last stage of inhabitation<br />
too (Aun 1969; 1974). A settlement site (AI<br />
5385, 5493) dating from the beginning of the first century<br />
AD to the 16th or 17th century AD has been discovered<br />
at the bottom of the hill-fort (Kriiska & Lavi<br />
1989; Kriiska 1986-87). The Peatskivi settlement unit<br />
has the oldest remains of inhabitation in the whole Kodavere<br />
settlement district. Other settlement sites have<br />
not been excavated so thoroughly. This might be the<br />
reason why no inhabitation earlier than the Late Iron<br />
Age has been discovered from other settlement sites in<br />
the Kodavere parish, if any existed at all.<br />
The hill-fort was established on a natural drumlin, with<br />
the ground descending and then ascending again in<br />
every direction. The river forms a natural defence on<br />
the north side of the hill-fort. The hill-fort is clearly<br />
noticeable from the Lahepera direction (southeast), but<br />
hidden from other directions (from the Kokora settlement<br />
area) by other drumlins around it. Lahepera was<br />
another settlement unit in the Alatskivi settlement area.<br />
In a way, it can be considered a border area of the Alatskivi<br />
settlement area, because in prehistoric times the<br />
soils closer to Lake Peipus were probably not suitable<br />
for agriculture. The Lahepera settlement unit lies by<br />
Lake Lahepera, a former bay of Lake Peipus. It is a<br />
lake with quite steep shores and lots of fish nowadays,<br />
so it could have been a source of fish in ancient times<br />
too. A settlement site from the end of the Iron Age has<br />
been discovered on the west shore of Lake Lahepera<br />
(AI 5010, 5498). The shores of the west coast of Lake<br />
Lahepera are the most gentle, although at present the<br />
shore often floods in springtime. A road leading to<br />
Peatskivi passes the lake and the settlement site. The<br />
above-mentioned Roman Iron Age stone grave and<br />
the later inhumation cemetery were established to the<br />
north of Lake Lahepera, on higher ground.<br />
It is possible that the settlement site beside Lake Lahepera<br />
used to be an ancient landing place on the shore<br />
of Lake Peipus. The hill-fort and the settlement site<br />
in Peatskivi might then be considered as a prehistoric<br />
trading place (for maritime trading centres, see Carlsson<br />
1991; Mägi 2002a; 2004; 2007). But further excavations<br />
in the Lahepera settlement site are necessary to<br />
give more credence to this hypothesis.<br />
As has been mentioned above, another stone grave<br />
was established in the Alasoo settlement unit. The<br />
small Lake Vilajärv nearby can be seen as an important<br />
landmark during the period of use of the grave. A<br />
settlement site dated to the end of prehistory and the<br />
Middle Ages has been discovered on the shore of the<br />
Lake Vilajärv (Kriiska 1990). 5 It is possible that there<br />
used to be a bigger connection between the River Alatskivi<br />
and Lake Vilajärv, but as the ground around these<br />
water bodies probably changed over time, the landing<br />
stage on the shore of Lake Vilajärv became unusable.<br />
There is a later inhumation cemetery right on the shore<br />
of Lake Peipus in Pusi (Tiitsmaa 1921; conversations<br />
with local people 2010). This might have been a later<br />
landing stage. The road leading from Alatskivi to the<br />
shore of Lake Peipus comes closest to the lake just at<br />
the peninsula where the cemetery lies. The shore of<br />
Lake Peipus is steepest in the whole settlement area of<br />
Alatskivi at that place.<br />
It is possible, though, that the Roman Iron Age stone<br />
grave in Alasoo is connected to the road leading from<br />
the Alatskivi to the Ranna settlement area. As has been<br />
said, the mainland roads in the Kodavere settlement<br />
district run through all the Iron Age settlement and<br />
burial sites; therefore, it is possible that they started to<br />
form already at the beginning of the period of agricultural<br />
settlement in the area.<br />
This road proceeds to the Ranna settlement area up to<br />
the north and further south through Naelavere (where a<br />
Late Iron Age settlement site has also been discovered,<br />
AI 5337) and Rupsi. The area with suitable soil ends<br />
with the Rupsi settlement unit. The ground is damp to<br />
the south of Rupsi. The road runs between bogs, and<br />
leads finally to Tartu, a larger settlement centre and a<br />
crossing place on the River Emajõgi. Lang has stated<br />
that Virumaa became the cultural core of Estonia in the<br />
Roman Iron Age, and communication was the most<br />
regular with the areas in the lower reaches of the River<br />
Visla (Lang 2007b, p.200). Therefore, it is possible<br />
that the waterway along Lake Peipus down to southern<br />
areas of Europe was already being used in the Roman<br />
Iron Age, and it affected the development of the<br />
settlement on the west coast of Lake Peipus (for the<br />
waterway passing Lake Peipus, see Mägi 2011). The<br />
above-mentioned road up to the north from Kodavere<br />
parish could have been a mainland road to the core area<br />
of Estonia in the Roman Iron Age.<br />
The shore of Lake Peipus is today steepest at Kallaste,<br />
where the sandstone bank reaches a height of 9.5 metres<br />
above the lake (Tavast 2008). The present centre<br />
5<br />
The location of the artefacts is unknown to the author.
of Kodavere parish has developed in Kallaste, at the<br />
mouth of the Torila stream. As no signs of prehistoric<br />
settlement have been discovered around this settlement<br />
unit, it is possible that the high bank could have been<br />
too uncomfortable for an Iron Age landing stage. It is<br />
also possible that the ancient cultural layer has been<br />
destroyed in Kallaste, and the ancient landing stage is<br />
now unidentifiable.<br />
There is another settlement unit worth mentioning in<br />
the Ranna settlement area: Sassukvere on the banks of<br />
the Kadrina stream. The present mouth of the stream<br />
has been adapted to create a yacht harbour, and a road<br />
dam has been built over the stream about 500 metres<br />
off Lake Peipus. These works could have changed the<br />
character of the stream, as the stream bed with terraces<br />
is at present about ten metres wide about 50 metres<br />
off the lake, and the water body is today about a metre<br />
deep. 6 According to Aasa Kuusik, a local inhabitant,<br />
there used to be a water mill right beside the road dam<br />
at the beginning of the 20th century (personal communication,<br />
19 April 2010). It is not clear how wide the<br />
river could have been during the Iron Age, but it is possible<br />
that is used to be wider, and maybe also deeper.<br />
As has been mentioned before, river boats do not even<br />
need very deep water (Teigelake 2003). The character<br />
of the possible landing stage is not clear: probably it<br />
was a local fishing harbour. There is a peninsula about<br />
800 metres up the shore of Lake Peipus from the mouth<br />
of the Kadrina stream that could have served as protection<br />
from the wind. There is a Late Iron Age settlement<br />
site in Sassukvere (AI 5217), and there is folkloric information<br />
about a destroyed stone grave about one kilometre<br />
off the coast of Lake Peipus (Tiitsmaa 1921). If<br />
the stone grave really existed, it might refer to a rather<br />
more important landing stage than just a local fishing<br />
harbour, but that is already in the Late Iron Age. The<br />
landing stage could have started as the fishing harbour<br />
of minor importance of a village or a farm.<br />
The shore of Lake Peipus is steepest by the Ranna settlement<br />
unit where a Late Iron Age settlement site has<br />
been found, too (AI 5334). There is an oak tree by the<br />
road that is the source of many folk tales about 17thcentury<br />
Swedish kings, but there was probably a stone<br />
grave in that place (personal communication, 15 February<br />
2008). It is not clear which period it belonged<br />
to: according to some spearheads, swords and bronze<br />
jewellery that were presumably found there and which<br />
have now been lost (Tiitsmaa 1921), it could have been<br />
a Late Iron Age stone grave, or even an inhumation<br />
cemetery. This does not exclude the possibility of it<br />
having been used as a burial place even earlier in the<br />
Iron Age. According to its location about 500 metres<br />
from the shore by the road that runs closest to the shore<br />
6<br />
The measurements were made by the author.<br />
at that place, it is possible that a landing stage could<br />
have been somewhere nearby. This needs further research,<br />
however.<br />
Another settlement unit worth mentioning was probably<br />
Raatvere-Sääritsa, at least during the Late Iron<br />
Age. A Late Iron Age inhumation cemetery has been<br />
discovered and excavated at Raatvere, about one kilometre<br />
from the shore by the main road. The cemetery<br />
is comparable with the Lahepera inhumation cemetery,<br />
although the finds from the Raatvere cemetery seem to<br />
be older. Two blacksmith burials, among others, have<br />
been found there (Lavi, Peets 1985; Lavi 1998c; Lavi<br />
1999). There is also a settlement site and an iron smelting<br />
site nearby (Lavi 1981; 1998c; 1998d; AI 5169,<br />
5497). Ancient and medieval iron smelting has been<br />
studied according to information from this site, but<br />
also a site in Punikvere a few kilometres south of Sassukvere<br />
(Lavi, Peets 1985; Lavi 1998a; 1998d; 1999;<br />
Peets 2003).<br />
A probable prehistoric and later settlement site, and<br />
presumed shore defensive constructions of large stones,<br />
have been found in Sääritsa, about 1.5 kilometres to the<br />
east of Raatvere and to the northwest of the Ranna ancient<br />
settlement site. C 14 dating among the stones gave<br />
a result of 12th or 13th century (Lavi 1998b; AI 5274). 7<br />
The site lies right on the present shoreline. The Sääritsa<br />
coast is open to the wind and plain, with a few large<br />
piles of stones. The soil suitable for cultivation ends<br />
basically with the present line of the main road, and the<br />
coastal area is used for pasture. It is possible that the<br />
limit of cultivated land might have been somewhere<br />
around the Raatvere cemetery and iron smelting site,<br />
especially as iron smelting was usually carried out on<br />
the edges of settlement units (Lavi 1999; Peets 2003).<br />
The barrows were established along the road running<br />
between lakes Kuningvere and Mustjärv. As no artefacts<br />
pointing to the Middle Iron Age were found at the<br />
Kalevipoja säng hill-fort in Peatskivi, it might be possible<br />
that the presumable trading centre moved somewhere<br />
else. According to the opinion that living on the<br />
sea coast became dangerous in the Middle Iron Age<br />
(Mägi 2009), it is possible that the centre in Peatskivi<br />
might have been too accessible from Lake Peipus. It<br />
might also be that we are dealing with different kinds<br />
of societies which had different centres.<br />
A church was established in the Kodavere settlement<br />
unit, which lies on the borders of the Alatskivi, Ranna<br />
and Pala settlement areas. The shore has the best features<br />
for a landing stage in Kodavere, and it seems that<br />
an ancient landing stage could have been somewhere<br />
7<br />
Lavi considers it an inhumation cemetery according to folk<br />
tales, although no bones or artefacts were found during the<br />
excavations.<br />
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During the Iron Age<br />
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nearby (the mouth of the Kadrina stream?). It was quite<br />
common that a medieval church (along with the centre<br />
of a medieval parish) was built on the borders of<br />
prehistoric settlement districts of equal political importance<br />
(Mägi 2002b). This might have been the case in<br />
the Kodavere settlement district as well.<br />
Conclusions<br />
According to the discussion based on a theoretical<br />
and factual overview, it can be said that maritime<br />
landscapes and lakeside landscapes are comparable,<br />
although there are some differences. One significant<br />
difference is the stability of the water level and the<br />
coastline. It is possible to fix the coastlines of different<br />
periods in maritime landscapes, thanks to the elevation<br />
of the land. It is harder in the lakeside landscape described<br />
above, because the water level of Lake Peipus<br />
changes and is much more unstable over the year than<br />
the sea. It still seems that the coast line of the lake is<br />
regressing due to glacioisostatic movement. Therefore,<br />
in the search for prehistoric landing stages, the possible<br />
flood area of the lake must also be considered in addition<br />
to the presumable coast line of the Iron Age.<br />
As Lake Peipus is thought to have been part of a trading<br />
route, it is likely that such nodal points and landing<br />
stages must have existed on the western shore of<br />
Lake Peipus. Therefore, other characteristics of nodal<br />
points and landing stages (Mägi 2004) have been used<br />
to identify the most probable places for them in the<br />
Kodavere settlement district.<br />
From the point of view of settlement archaeology, the<br />
study area can be considered a settlement district, divided<br />
into settlement areas and settlement units. This<br />
is the spatial layer of a landscape, which is the main<br />
standpoint for analysing the landscape of the Kodavere<br />
settlement district. The settlement areas of Ranna<br />
and Alatskivi-Kokora are areas directly connected to<br />
the lake, and consisting of the necessary natural and<br />
cultural features to locate sites, concerning the lakeside<br />
aspect of the landscape. It is clear, though, that a<br />
landscape has many other layers, too, and this article is<br />
only the first piece in much broader research into the<br />
area. Future research will include further archaeological<br />
fieldwork, in the form of excavations and inspections.<br />
Acknowledgements<br />
This paper has been supported by the Estonian Ministry<br />
of Education target-financed project no SF0130033s07<br />
Landscape Practice and Heritage and from the European<br />
Union through the European Regional Development<br />
Fund (Centre of Excellence CECT).<br />
Abbreviations<br />
Estonian Journal of Archaeology – Eesti Arheoloogia Ajakiri<br />
/ Estonian Journal of Archaeology (Published since 1997).<br />
PACT, 57 – U . MILLER, T. HACKENS, V. LANG, A. RAU-<br />
KAS, A. HICKS, eds. PACT, 57 (III.If). Rixensart, 1999.<br />
Peipsi – J. HABERMANN, T. TIMM, A. RAUKAS, eds.<br />
Peipsi. Tartu: Eesti Loodusfoto, 2008.<br />
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ANONYMOUS, 1684. Fempte Deels Transporterad Charta<br />
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HANG, T., 2001. Proglacial sedimentary environment, varve<br />
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Peipsi. Stockholm: Department of Physical Geography<br />
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HERNANDÉS, B., HIDALGO, C. M., SALAZAR-<br />
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LANG, V., 1996. Muistne Rävala. Muistised,kronoloogia ja<br />
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LANG, V., 2000. Keskusest ääremaaks. Viljelusmajandusliku<br />
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LANG, V., KRIISKA, A., 2001. Eesti esiajaloo periodiseering<br />
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LAUL, S., 2001. Rauaaja kultuuri kujunemine Eesti kaguosas<br />
(500 eKr-500pKr). Muinasaja teadus, 9. Tallinn.<br />
LAUL, S., 2009. Tekstiilkeraamika kultuur. Setomaa 2:<br />
vanem ajalugu muinasajast kuni 1920.aastateni. Tartu,<br />
46-47.<br />
LAVI, A., 1999. Põhja-Tartumaa rauatööst muinas- ja varakeskajal.<br />
Estonian Journal of Archaeology, 3,1, 35-62.<br />
LAVI, A., 2002. Kesk-Eesti idaosa linnamägedest. Keskustagamaa-ääreala.<br />
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233-272.<br />
LAVI, A., Peets, J., 1985. Zur archäologischen Forschung<br />
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LIGI, P., 1993. Vadjapärased kalmed Kirde-Eestis (9.-16.<br />
saj). Vadjapärased kalmed Eestis 9.-16. sajandil. Muinasaja<br />
teadus, 2. Tallinn, 7-175.<br />
LIGI, P., VALK, H., 1993. Vadjapärased kalmistud Tartumaal<br />
(13.-15. saj). Vadjapärased kalmed Eestis 9.-16. sajandil.<br />
Muinasaja teadus, 2. Tallinn, 176-214.<br />
LÕUGAS, V., 1975. Tarandkalme uus rekonstruktsioonikatse.<br />
Fenno-ugristika, 1. TRÜ Publications, 344. Tartu,<br />
198-212.<br />
MAA-AMET / Estonian Land Board, 2001. Vabariigi digitaalse<br />
suuremõõtkavalise mullastiku kaardi seletuskiri,<br />
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ee/docs/muld/mullakaardi_seletuskiri.pdf [Accessed 25<br />
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MAA-AMET / Estonian Land Board, 2010. Ajaloolised<br />
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ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
IV<br />
PREHISTORIC<br />
LANDSCAPES<br />
ON THE COAST<br />
193
Kodavere Parish by Lake<br />
Peipus: The Development<br />
of the Cultural Landscape<br />
During the Iron Age<br />
KRISTA<br />
KARRO<br />
194<br />
MAA-AMET / Estonian Land Board, 2010. Mullakaart. Tallinn.<br />
Available from: http://xgis.maaamet.ee/xGIS/XGis<br />
[Accessed March 2010].<br />
MUINSUSKAITSEAMET / National Heritage Board, 2010.<br />
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http://register.muinas.ee/ [Accessed January to July 2010].<br />
MÄEMETS, A., 1977. Eesti NSV järved ja nende kaitse. Tallinn:<br />
Valgus.<br />
MÄGI, M., 2002a. Piirkonnad ja keskused. Asustus muinasaja<br />
lõpu ja varakeskaegsel Saaremaal arheoloogiliste,<br />
inimgeograafiliste ning ajalooliste allikate andmeil. Keskus-tagamaa-ääreala.<br />
Muinasaja teadus, 11. Tallinn-Tartu,<br />
169-232.<br />
MÄGI, M., 2002b. At the crossroads of space and time.<br />
graves, changing society and ideologyon Saaremaa (Ösel)<br />
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MÄGI, M., 2004. ... Ships are their main strength. Harbour<br />
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MÄGI, M., 2005. Mortuary Houses in Iron Age Estonia. Estonian<br />
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MÄGI, M., 2007. Iru linnusest Püha Birgitta kloostrini. Kunstiteaduslikke<br />
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426-428.<br />
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ajalugu muinasajast kuni 1920. aastateni. Tartu, 120-122.<br />
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SILLASOO, Ü., POSKA, A., SEPPÄ, H., BLAAUW, M.,<br />
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to paleoenvironmental changes in Estonia. Vegetation<br />
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kirjandus, 9, 543-550; 10, 585-596.<br />
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applying alternative methods of tracing shipping traffic in<br />
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Sea. Söderton Academic Studies, 17, 37-64.<br />
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paths and monuments. Oxford, Providence: Berg Publishers.<br />
VEDRU, G., 1997a. New settlement sites in the surroundings<br />
of Lake Kahala and revision excavations of stone-cist<br />
grave. Eesti Arheoloogiaseltsi teated. Stilus. Tallinn, Eesti<br />
Arheoloogiaselts, 62-67.<br />
VEDRU, G., 1997b. New archaeological data of the prehistory<br />
of Lake Kahala area. Archaeological Fieldwork in<br />
Estonia. Tallinn, 62-66.<br />
VEDRU, G., 1999. Archaeological evidence for settlement<br />
in the surroundings of Lake Kahala. In: PACT, 57. Rixensart,<br />
405-14.<br />
VEDRU, G., 2001. Põhja-Eesti muinasaegsest rannikukasutusest.<br />
Estonian Journal of Archaeology, 5, 2, 110-127.<br />
VEDRU, G., 2002. Maastik, aeg ja inimesed. Keskus-tagamaa-ääreala.<br />
Muinasaja teadus, 11. Tallinn-Tartu, 101-<br />
118.<br />
VEDRU, G., 2009. Layers of landscape, layers of site.Estonian<br />
Journal of Archaeology, 13,1, 21-35.<br />
VESKI, S., LANG, V., 1996. Prehistoric human impact in<br />
the vicinity of Lake Maardu, Northern Estonia. A synthesis<br />
of pollen analytical and archaeological results. PACT, 51,<br />
189-204.<br />
Received: 12 September 2010; Revised: 8 December 2010;<br />
Accepted: 28 December 2010.<br />
Krista Karro<br />
Estonian Humanitarian Institute/Institute of History<br />
Tallinn University, Rüütli 10,<br />
Tallinn, Estonia<br />
E-mail: krista16@tlu.ee<br />
KODAVERE ALYLINKĖS PRIE<br />
PEIPUS EŽERO: KULTŪRINIO<br />
KRAŠTOVAIZDŽIO KAITA<br />
GELEŽIES AMŽIUJE<br />
KRISTA KARRO<br />
Santrauka<br />
Peipus ežeras yra labai svarbus gamtinis vandens<br />
telkinys, turėjęs didelę įtaką jo pakrančių žmonių<br />
gyvensenai. Tai, matyt, darė poveikį jo priešistorės<br />
kraštovaizdžio formavimuisi (ežeras kaip vandens kelias<br />
ir centrinė kelių susikirtimo vieta). Šiame straipsnyje<br />
mėginama nustatyti galimą Peipus ežero reikšmę<br />
to meto žmonių gyvenimui, taip pat apžvelgti ežero<br />
krantų linijų raidą, turėjusią įtakos kraštovaizdžiui,<br />
įvertinti mažesnių vandens baseinų poveikį didžiajam<br />
ežerui.
Kodavere apylinkės apima Rytų Estijos teritoriją ir yra<br />
žemyninė šalies dalis. Kodavere gyvenvietės aplinka<br />
yra veikiama Peipus ežero, ketvirto pagal dydį Europoje<br />
(pagal Hang, 2001; Rosentau, 2006; ir kt.)<br />
Kodavere gyvenvietės apylinkės – puikus gamtinis<br />
objektas, kurį galima tyrinėti kultūrinio kraštovaizdžio<br />
pagrindu. Kodavere parapija buvo viduramžių centras.<br />
Pelkių ir miškų ji izoliuota nuo kaimyninių teritorijų,<br />
ilgą laiką formavosi kaip atskira sritis. Kodavere<br />
apylinkė buvo skirstoma į smulkesnius arealus ir gyvenvietes:<br />
Alatskivi, Kokora, Ranna, Pala, Nõva-Vea.<br />
Gyvenvietėse buvo istoriškai susiklosčiusi kartu gyvenančių<br />
žmonių socialinės ir ekonominės gyvensenos<br />
forma (kaimai ir ūkiai). Gyvenvietės, kaip geografinis<br />
arealas, tinkamos žemdirbystei ir yra glaudžiai susijusios<br />
su kultūriniu kraštovaizdžiu. Regionas charakterizuoja<br />
kiekvienos gyvenvietės struktūrą ir geografiniu<br />
atžvilgiu yra didesnis (gyvenvietės vieneto, arealo ir<br />
regionavimo apibrėžimas pagal Lang, 1996, p. 604).<br />
Nõva-Vea gyvenvietės apylinkėse nesama geležies<br />
amžiaus paminklų, todėl ji neįtraukta į mūsų tyrimus.<br />
Seniausi archeologiniai radiniai yra žinomi iš Alatskivi<br />
gyvenvietės arealo, kuriame yra piliakalnio gyvenvietė,<br />
vadinama Kalevipoja säng (arba Peatskivi piliakalnis<br />
– pagal gyvenvietės pavadinimą), kuri ir buvo<br />
tyrinėta. Šios gyvenvietės apgyvendinimo laikas apima<br />
nuo ikiromėniškųjų laikų iki XII a. (Aun, 1974).<br />
Piliakalnis buvo administracinis ir prekybos centras<br />
visą geležies amžiaus laikotarpį.<br />
Kodavere parapijos gyventojai tikriausiai palaikė ryšius<br />
su kaimyniniais arealais, esančiais Pietryčių Estijos<br />
teritorijoje, kur ikiromėniškojo ir geležies amžiaus<br />
piliakalniai bei gyvenvietės, kaip ir Peatskivi vietovėje,<br />
tuo metu buvo gyvenami. Šiuo atveju Peipus ežeras<br />
vienijo šio regiono priešistorės gyventojus – jame yra<br />
paplitę vienodi dirbiniai, nustatyti panašūs gyvensenos<br />
papročiai. Kodavere apylinkes kaimyninės įtakos pasiekė<br />
Peipus ežeru. Kitas svarbus prekybos kelias ėjo<br />
Pärnu, Emajõgi upėmis, o tai įgalino formuotis Pärnu,<br />
Viljandi ir Tartu miestus (Mägi, 2010).<br />
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
IV<br />
PREHISTORIC<br />
LANDSCAPES<br />
ON THE COAST<br />
Vertė Algirdas Girininkas<br />
195
Examples of the Research<br />
Potential at Inns Along<br />
Coastlines<br />
ULRICA<br />
SÖDERLIND<br />
EXAMPLES OF THE RESEARCH POTENTIAL<br />
AT INNS ALONG COASTLINES<br />
ULRICA SÖDERLIND<br />
Abstract<br />
The article deals with the research potential of inna along the coastline in Sweden and the Åland Islands. Very little research<br />
has been done on this kind of establishment in Sweden and Scandinavia. The inn on the island of Koffsan off Sweden and the<br />
inn on Rödhamn, Åland Islands, Finland, stand out as examples of what the sites and the archaeological material combined<br />
with written sources can tell us about the function of inns in society and about the food and beverages at these establishments.<br />
The author also discusses the possibilities to reinterpret some of the earlier results from the site on the Åland Islands.<br />
Key words: inns, coastlines, archipelago, interdisciplinary, food, beverage.<br />
196<br />
Introduction<br />
How long inns along the coastlines of Scandinavia and<br />
around the Baltic have existed is very difficult to say;<br />
however, the first written records we have about them<br />
in Sweden come from Olaus Magnus, in his accounts<br />
about the Nordic people in the 1550s. Olaus’ own references<br />
regarding this kind of establishment date back<br />
to 13th-century Germany. According to him, the first<br />
of these kinds of inns were built on the ice, and were in<br />
use until the ice broke in the spring. After some time,<br />
inns were built on the shore instead of on the ice, and<br />
could be used all year round (Olaus Magnus 1975,<br />
p.58).<br />
Very little research has been done in Sweden and Finland<br />
on this kind of establishment, even though some<br />
essays in the field have been written in archaeology<br />
at Stockholm and Södertörns universities. The essays<br />
have a different kind of focus, such as the inns’ geographical<br />
locations, what kind of food and beverages<br />
were served, and the research potential for the inns<br />
(Haglund 1996; Kutounen 1993; Mattison 1994; Virgin<br />
1997, 1998; Söderlind 1999). This article will try to<br />
highlight the research potential at these sites with two<br />
examples, one from Sweden and one from the Finnish<br />
Åland Islands (Figs. 1-2).<br />
Koffsan, Sweden<br />
Koffsan is a small island in Lake Mälaren, in the parish<br />
of Järfälla, in Sweden. During the 17th and 18th<br />
centuries, a tavern or inn was located on the island.<br />
The Swedish botanist Carl von Linné visited the island<br />
on midsummer’s night in 1731. With him were<br />
20 students from Uppsala. While the students congregated<br />
at the tavern and started to drink beer and fall<br />
asleep, Linné himself explored the surroundings, and<br />
wrote his first flora on the island. All that remains of<br />
the building today is part of the foundations (Söderlind<br />
2008). (Fig. 3)<br />
The site and its location<br />
The site was excavated in 1993, and the reason for the<br />
excavation was that a major water company in Sweden<br />
was going to build a new bridge that was going to cross<br />
the remains of the tavern and destroy it. The excavation<br />
was therefore a rescue operation. The results of the<br />
excavation are a very good source for finding out what<br />
was served, regarding food and drink, to the guests<br />
during the 18th century, even if no excavation was carried<br />
out underwater. If we combine the archaeological<br />
material with written sources from the period, we<br />
can also find out how the food and drink was prepared,<br />
and sometimes even what it tasted like. Thanks to the<br />
excavation, the site is the only tavern that has been excavated<br />
in Sweden to date. The location of the tavern<br />
was very close to the water, which was common during<br />
the 18th century. Foundations of comparable buildings<br />
may be seen along the coast and lake shores all over<br />
Sweden (Söderlind 2007, p.202; 2008).<br />
The only part of the tavern foundations that were visible<br />
before the excavation was part of a wall with<br />
measurements of ten by ten metres, and a height of approximately<br />
0.4 metres. Slowly, the construction of the<br />
foundations emerged. The measurements were between<br />
nine by 5.5 metres, and the stove was 2.4 by 2.55 metres.<br />
The stove also included an oven. The foundations<br />
were made out of stone, bricks and a kind of mortar.<br />
After the foundations were completely exposed, they<br />
measured 15 by five metres. During the excavation, a<br />
sewer was found (Söderlind 2007, p.202; 2008).
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
Fig 1. A detailed map of the Koffsans geographical location (prepared by U. Fransson).<br />
During early modern times, visitors to the establishment<br />
came by boat, either in small private ones or on<br />
larger boats that ran between Stockholm and Uppsala.<br />
The boats left Stockholm and Uppsala at similar times,<br />
but only made the trip on Mondays, Wednesdays and<br />
Fridays. During the period April to August, the departure<br />
time was 4 am; during the period September to<br />
October it departed at 6 am; and during November, at<br />
7 am. During the remaining winter months, there was<br />
no traffic on the route. Unfortunately, there is no information<br />
on how long the trip between Stockholm and<br />
Uppsala took with these ships (Rudbeck 1933, pp.297-<br />
299).<br />
During the 18th century, Järfälla parish was a wealthy<br />
community with a large harvest of different kinds of<br />
crops, and the most important manor in the parish was<br />
located not far from the establishment. When we study<br />
old maps from the 18th century, we find that the manor<br />
had its own gardens, with various fruits, herbs, hops<br />
and a brewery. The accounts from the manor indicate<br />
that products from the different gardens were sold in<br />
Stockholm (Gustafsson 1975, pp.662-675). It is very<br />
likely that the owner of the establishment on Koffsan<br />
also bought products from the manor to use for cooking,<br />
or seasoning schnapps, and so forth. Very close to<br />
Koffsan, several mills can be found on old maps, so it<br />
is also likely that the owner could buy newly ground<br />
flour in the neighbourhood (Söderlind 2008).<br />
The findings<br />
Here I will concentrate on the archaeological material<br />
that can be linked to food and beverages from the<br />
site. During the excavation of the site, many pieces<br />
of glass, ceramics, porcelain, coins and animal bones<br />
were found. Most of the bone material was discovered<br />
in the stove. There were no whole bottles found, but<br />
there was quite a large amount of pieces of bottles,<br />
comprising mainly necks and bottles. These pieces are<br />
different in size, colour and quality (Söderlind 2008).<br />
Many of the pieces of glass came from the windows of<br />
the tavern, and show that the glass in the windows was<br />
green and yellow (Mattsson 1994, p.21).<br />
The pottery from the site is domestic ceramic production,<br />
and is of high quality, with a range of colours,<br />
reflecting a great deal of imagination on the part of<br />
the potters. There was an increase in the production of<br />
ceramics and tiles in Sweden during the 18th century,<br />
when the most popular items were plates in different<br />
styles and shapes (Lindqvist 1981, p.83). Potsherds<br />
from coffee cups made of tin-glazed earthenware from<br />
the Swedish Rörstrand company were found. Other<br />
IV<br />
PREHISTORIC<br />
LANDSCAPES<br />
ON THE COAST<br />
197
Examples of the Research<br />
Potential at Inns Along<br />
Coastlines<br />
ULRICA<br />
SÖDERLIND<br />
A variety of animal bones was found at the site, although<br />
pig was most common. This was followed by<br />
beef, veal, sheep/goat, rabbit/hare, hen, perch, pikeperch,<br />
different species of carp, ringed seal and duck.<br />
The parts from the pigs, cattle, sheep/goats are the cuts<br />
that would have had the most meat on them. One reason<br />
why there appear to have been so few species of<br />
fish from the location may be that the types with more<br />
fat in them decomposed over the years. It is very common<br />
on archaeological sites that fattier species vanish<br />
from the archaeological record, especially fish containing<br />
small bones. The occurrence of ringed seal is rather<br />
surprising, because it is a species of seal without outer<br />
ears which lives in arctic and sub-arctic waters, the<br />
Baltic Sea, Lake Ladoga and Lake Saima. The ringed<br />
seal has never lived in Lake Mälaren, since it needs<br />
saltier waters. During the summer and autumn, the<br />
ringed seal is hunted using rifles, while in the winter<br />
clubs are used (Söderlind 2008).<br />
198<br />
Fig 2. A map of the geographical location of Gloskär on the<br />
Åland Islands (after D. Papp, 1977, p.44).<br />
shards of porcelain came from the Swedish Marieberg<br />
and Gustavberg companies. Swedish porcelain<br />
and tin-glazed earthenware companies faced tough<br />
competition from porcelain imported from China. The<br />
imported porcelain was of a much higher quality than<br />
the domestic kind. Shards of Chinese porcelain were<br />
also found at the site during the excavation (Söderlind<br />
2008).<br />
Table 1. Animal bones found in the<br />
stove during the excavation of the inn<br />
on Koffsan. The osteological analysis<br />
of the bones from the stove was made<br />
by the osteologist Jonsson, Gustav,<br />
Sweden, 1999<br />
English name Latin name No<br />
Beef/veal Bos taraus 15<br />
Rabbit/hare Oryctolagus cuniculus 4<br />
Sheep/goat Ovis/Capra 15<br />
Pig Sus scorfa 23<br />
Ringed seal Phoca hispida botnica 1<br />
Perch Perca fluviatilis 2<br />
Pike-perch Lucioperca lucioperca 2<br />
Species of carp Cyprinidae sp. 1<br />
Duck Anser sp. 1<br />
Hen Gallus sp. 2<br />
Carl von Linné’s flora<br />
From Carl von Linné’s first flora Flora Koffensiensis<br />
(1732) and notes from the location, we can see that<br />
Linné listed 88 different species on the island. Among<br />
these 88 species, there are 18 that are suitable for use<br />
in preparing food and drink. Out of the 18 species, nine<br />
are also medicinal herbs, which were also suitable for<br />
the proprietor (she was a woman, but her name is unknown)<br />
of the establishment to use in preparing her<br />
own schnapps. This schnapps could also be seasoned<br />
with berries, like hawthorn and wild strawberries. She<br />
could make pies out of strawberries or seasoned water,<br />
and then the water could be used to flavour other food<br />
dishes. She could make jam out of the strawberries,<br />
along with berries like redcurrants and gooseberries,<br />
and these berries would also have been very good for<br />
making wine or juice. Another possibility for these<br />
kinds of berries is that the owner stirred some sugar<br />
into them and served them as a dessert or as condiments<br />
with a main course, mainly meat dishes. Dandelion<br />
could be prepared and served as a vegetable, or<br />
it could be made into wine. If the roots were dried and<br />
ground, it made good flour to use in cooking meals.<br />
Dandelion is rich in vitamin C and several minerals.<br />
Another plant rich in vitamin A and C, potassium, calcium<br />
and iron is the stinging nettle. Leaves from the<br />
young stinging nettle could be used as a vegetable,<br />
served as a soup, or made into tea. Bird cherry could<br />
be used to make juice, liquor and seasoned schnapps<br />
(Söderlind 2007, p.203ff).
Fig 3. Sweden, the Järfälla Kultur of the inn on Koffsan (drawing by M. Skarelius).<br />
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
IV<br />
PREHISTORIC<br />
LANDSCAPES<br />
ON THE COAST<br />
Fig 4. A map of the geographical area of the inn on Gloskär, Åland Islands: A the foundations of a stove; B the foundations<br />
of a stove or a rubbish dump; C, D the foundations of stoves; E the inn (the latest one); F an earth cellar; G a terrace; H a<br />
measure point; I the foundations of a stove; K, J measure points; M a jetty/dyke; N a measure point; P a jetty; Q a measure<br />
point; R a jetty; S a measure point (prepared by M. Lindholm).<br />
199
Examples of the Research<br />
Potential at Inns Along<br />
Coastlines<br />
ULRICA<br />
SÖDERLIND<br />
Rödhamn, Åland Islands, Finland<br />
Generally speaking, the Åland Islands can be divided<br />
into an eastern and western part. In the eastern part, the<br />
landscape is shaped by the archipelago, and consists<br />
of a lot of small islands. The western part is made up<br />
of larger land areas that are joined by bridges. In the<br />
southern part of main Åland, there is a parish called<br />
Lemland. Lemland is delimited in the east and in the<br />
north by two open bays, Lumparen and the Bay of<br />
Föglö. In the southwest part of Lemland, a large archipelago<br />
can be found that is delimited by the Åland Sea.<br />
The Åland Islands in itself are located at a geographical<br />
point of intersection for different kinds of trade in<br />
the Baltic Sea area. As far back as humans have been<br />
involved in trade, different kinds of seafarers and ships<br />
have passed the Åland Islands from east to west or the<br />
other way round (Fig. 4). Rödhamn and Gloskär are<br />
located in the outer archipelago in this parish (Papp<br />
1977).<br />
A short history of the inn<br />
on Rödhamn<br />
After studying old maps of the area, it is clear that an<br />
inn as a business establishment was in use on Rödhamn<br />
during the first half of the 17th century. At the<br />
end of the 18th century, it was a good business, and<br />
the owner, called Per Lindholm, paid more in tax than<br />
the largest inn in the parish located in Granboda. The<br />
inn was in use until 1939, when the last owner passed<br />
away (Papp 1977). The area that will be discussed in<br />
the text consists of two islands that are very close to<br />
each other, Rödhamn and Gloskär.<br />
water in the harbour is very shallow. The strong currents<br />
in the area put small items such as parts of clay<br />
pipes in danger of disappearing very soon. The currents<br />
are so strong that large items like full wine bottles<br />
that were not visible to the eye during one dive are<br />
fully exposed two hours later. Test pits were made in a<br />
foundation that is directly connected with the harbour.<br />
It is not absolutely clear what the building was used<br />
for, but there was a fire and a construction emerged<br />
inside the foundation that seems to have been a large<br />
oven of some sort. Some distance from the harbour,<br />
located in wetlands, the remains of a freshwater well<br />
were detected (Söderlind, Tskvitinidze 2009, p.39ff).<br />
The foundations on Rödhamn which in the earlier inventory<br />
were described as a foundation for a chapel are<br />
located in the northern part of the island, very close<br />
to the harbour. The walls of the construction that run<br />
in a north-south direction are between 8.15 and 8.53<br />
metres, and the walls in an east-west direction measure<br />
9.75 and 10.45 metres. In the eastern corner of the<br />
foundations, there is an opening that measures 0.80<br />
metres. Inside the foundations there is also a collapsed<br />
wall. The collapsed wall indicates that the building had<br />
two rooms. The foundations are located very close to<br />
a so-called stone field. The area around the foundations<br />
are full of rock carvings. The rock carvings have<br />
been documented on a one-to-one scale, and their locations<br />
have been measured, and so far slightly over 20<br />
carvings have been found. Very small natural wells of<br />
fresh water could be detected on the island (Söderlind,<br />
Tskvitinidze 2009, p.39).<br />
The findings<br />
Excavations of the area<br />
In 1979, an archaeological inventory was made at the<br />
site, and it was concluded that a foundation was discovered,<br />
and it was listed as the foundation of a chapel<br />
dating from the Middle Ages. Rock carvings were also<br />
observed (Planeringsrådet 1980).<br />
The first excavations took place in 2005 and are still<br />
going on. Early on in the fieldwork season in 2006, it<br />
was clear that artefacts under the water in the natural<br />
harbour area on Gloskär were in danger of disappearing.<br />
The reason for this is the strong currents from the<br />
ferries that pass several times a day. The currents were<br />
measured at three to four knots. This means that underwater<br />
work is difficult and time-consuming, since the<br />
The findings so far from both the sites are items that<br />
can be linked to the business of running an inn with<br />
visiting customers. In general, we can say that the artefacts<br />
are shards of bottles, plates and drinking vessels,<br />
both in glass and ceramics. The locally produced earthenware<br />
is of high quality, and there are also imported<br />
goods such as faience. Approximately 75% of an earthenware<br />
bottle for vodka was found that had a seal/label<br />
from Lithuania. Whether the bottle was imported or<br />
was dropped from a ship lying in the area is not easy to<br />
determine. Among the findings are parts of wine bottles<br />
from the 17th century in different colours. Other<br />
items are parts of clay pipes with ornamentation that<br />
is datable, one of the finer clay pipes is one so-called<br />
revolutionary pipe from the days of King Gustavos III<br />
(Söderlind, Tskvitinidze 2009, p.40). (Fig. 5).<br />
200
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
Fig 5. Parts of clay pipes found during the excavations on Koffsan (drawings by N. Tskvitinidze and Z. Tskvitinidze).<br />
IV<br />
PREHISTORIC<br />
LANDSCAPES<br />
ON THE COAST<br />
Fig 6. Documentation of sherds from a faience plate found in the harbour area on Gloskär (drawing by MA student of<br />
archaeology Paata Donadze; photograph by D. Paata)<br />
201
Examples of the Research<br />
Potential at Inns Along<br />
Coastlines<br />
ULRICA<br />
SÖDERLIND<br />
Table 2. Findings from the ongoing<br />
excavation on Rödhamn,<br />
Åland Islands. After Söderlind, U,<br />
2005, 2006, 2007<br />
Material<br />
Number<br />
Glass 156<br />
Porcelain 99<br />
Faience 9<br />
Ceramics, red clay 57<br />
Bricks, clay 7<br />
Roofing tiles 6<br />
Birch-bark 7<br />
Clay pipe 42<br />
Bones 84<br />
Teeth 8<br />
Limestone 4<br />
Sandstone 1<br />
Iron/Metal 32<br />
Textile 1<br />
Leather 5<br />
Wood 2<br />
Coins 1<br />
Grindstone 3<br />
Flint 1<br />
Wine bottle 1<br />
Stoneware 4<br />
A lot of animal bones were found, species such as seal,<br />
sea birds, cattle, sheep/goats, pigs and other clovenfooted<br />
animals. What is interesting is that most of<br />
the bones came from young animals. From a historical<br />
point of view, societies that did not live in good<br />
economic conditions did not slaughter young animals,<br />
so the bones from the young individuals from the site<br />
indicates that Rödhamn was a wealthy society in past<br />
times (Söderlind, Tskvitinidze 2009, p.40ff).<br />
Closing discussion<br />
The inns that were used as examples in this article were<br />
very common in Sweden and Finland, and probably in<br />
all of the Baltic area since at least the Middle Ages and<br />
at least up to the age of steamers.<br />
They were often located close to seashores and on<br />
small islands in lakes and in the archipelago. The clientele<br />
of these inns is not known, but most likely they<br />
were passengers on boats on their way to another final<br />
destination. The speed of the journey and the opportunities<br />
to sail from one place to another depended on<br />
the wind.<br />
The archaeological material from Koffsan gives us a<br />
fairly good picture of what was served at this kind of<br />
establishment in Sweden during the 18th century as regards<br />
food and beverages. The artefacts from the site<br />
are a mixture of domestic production, like pottery, porcelain<br />
and tin-glazed earthenware, and imported fine<br />
porcelain from China. The domestic production is of<br />
very high quality, and was used, for example, for large<br />
storage jars. The large jars give an indication that the<br />
number of patrons was not insignificant. If the customers<br />
came in small numbers, there would have been no<br />
need for large storage jars.<br />
The archaeological results of the excavation give us<br />
new clues as to what kind of food an establishment<br />
like Koffsan served. The stove had an oven, and that<br />
gave the owner many options for preparing a variety of<br />
dishes. She could bake them in the<br />
oven, roast them over an open fire,<br />
fry them in a frying pan, or make<br />
boiled dishes. The osteological material<br />
from the stove shows that the<br />
inn served different kinds of fish,<br />
ringed seal, and different kinds of<br />
meat and foul (both domestic and<br />
game). These products could be<br />
served as sausages, stews, roasted<br />
whole, fried or boiled, with different<br />
seasonings from local plants and<br />
vegetables grown nearby. The owner<br />
could also season her homemade<br />
schnapps and beer with local herbs<br />
and berries.<br />
202<br />
Fig 7. One of the group members (Rubi Jaramillo) documenting the rock<br />
carving on Rödhamn, Åland Island, Finland (photograph by H. Alopeus).<br />
The artefacts for food and cooking,<br />
the animals’ bones, Linné’s flora<br />
from the site, the location itself and
Fig 8. Linné and his students travelled from<br />
Uppsala to Stockholm on a vessel like this on the night of<br />
midsummer´s day 1731 (drawing by B. Wallbom, Värmlands<br />
museum, Sweden).<br />
its surroundings, and the proximity to the parish’s most<br />
important manor and the mills suggest that the proprietor<br />
of the inn did not need to travel to Stockholm to buy<br />
the necessary staples for cooking. All that was needed<br />
could be bought in the local area. If we combine the<br />
archaeological material from the site with written records,<br />
we can also reconstruct some of the dishes that<br />
were served.<br />
Even if the area at Rödhamn has not yet undergone<br />
a total excavation, either on land or underwater, it is<br />
clear that the area and the artefacts are of great interest.<br />
What the building was used for in the harbour at Gloskär<br />
is too early to tell, but it is very likely that it was<br />
either a smithy or some kind of bakery or smokery. The<br />
building contains a huge oven, and the space between<br />
the oven and the walls is very narrow, just enough for<br />
one person to move and walk around. It is not uncommon<br />
for buildings that include a hearth and a fire to be<br />
placed close to water, and a short distance away from<br />
the main buildings, due to the fire hazard.<br />
The area at Rödhamn is a more complex site than the<br />
one on Koffsan, since it consists of two islands very<br />
close to each other. It is my belief that it is time to<br />
redefine the foundation on Rödön, which has been<br />
described as the remains of a chapel from the Middle<br />
Ages. The foundation on Rödön has no similarities<br />
to what is known about chapels from the Middle<br />
Ages on the Åland Islands. The chapels had one square<br />
room, the sacred area was surrounded by a wall, burials<br />
were carried out at the sites, and there are no traces<br />
of carvings close to the chapels. There is no wall in<br />
the foundations on Rödön, there are no signs of burials<br />
at the site. The foundations indicate that it consisted<br />
of at least two rooms, and they are more rectangular<br />
than square. The foundations are located very close to<br />
a stone field, so there would have been no problem in<br />
building a wall around the building if necessary. The<br />
closest carving to the foundations/building is located<br />
approximately only 1.5 metres away. When the area<br />
from the harbour up to the foundations of the building<br />
was cleared of bushes, a path emerged. The carvings<br />
are done in such a way that they are easy to read if<br />
someone walks from the harbour up to the building.<br />
One of the carvings attracted a lot of interest, since it is<br />
a clock with crosses. These clocks are very uncommon<br />
in Finland, and are dated to the Catholic era, before the<br />
Reformation. The hours of the clock, which is marked<br />
with crosses, are the same hours as when prayers were<br />
said to give grace for the food on the table during the<br />
Catholic era. I am of the opinion that the foundations<br />
are the remains of an inn instead of a chapel. Since<br />
there is very limited access to fresh water on Rödön,<br />
I think that the establishment at one point moved to<br />
Gloskär instead, since there is much more fresh water<br />
on that island. The move of the establishment most<br />
likely took place no earlier than in the 18th century,<br />
since there are carvings from the late 17th century on<br />
Rödön. The remains of the building itself, and the artefacts<br />
that were found during excavations, indicate that<br />
the inn was established on the site much earlier than<br />
what written records tell us.<br />
The next step in the research on Rödhamn is to map out<br />
the travelling patterns on the Åland Islands for visitors<br />
to this kind of establishment. This can be done by studying<br />
the guest books for travellers which are kept in the<br />
Landsarkivet in Mariehamn. Even if these records date<br />
from the 18th and 19th centuries, it is an indicator of<br />
the travelling routes for earlier times as well. Further<br />
excavations on the site will provide us with more answers<br />
regarding the establishment’s role in the society<br />
of the time, and the constructions that made it up.<br />
I am convinced that this kind of establishment can be<br />
found all around the Baltic area, and it would be very<br />
interesting if excavations could take place at these<br />
sites.<br />
References<br />
Manuscripts<br />
LINNEUS CAROLUS, 1732, Flora Koffensiensis (unpublished,<br />
the original is at the Linnean Society in London,<br />
England).<br />
HöGLUND, S., 1996. På krogen i södra södertörn- en studie<br />
av en maritim centralplats. Stockholm University.<br />
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
IV<br />
PREHISTORIC<br />
LANDSCAPES<br />
ON THE COAST<br />
203
Examples of the Research<br />
Potential at Inns Along<br />
Coastlines<br />
ULRICA<br />
SÖDERLIND<br />
KUTUONEN, M., 1993. Sjökrogar runt Stockholm. Stockholm<br />
University.<br />
MATTISON, H.L., 1994. Koffsan och andra sjökrogar längs<br />
segelleden Stockholm-Stäket. Stockholm University.<br />
SöDERLIND, U., 1999. Vad serverades på sjökrogen vid<br />
Koffsan? Stockholm University.<br />
VIRGIN, K., 1997. Sjökrogar och sjögästgiverier i Stockholms<br />
skärgård mellan Arholma och Landsort under perioden<br />
1650-1850. Stockholm University.<br />
VIRGIN, K., 1998. Maritima mötesplatser- om gamla<br />
skärgårdskrogars arkeologiska kunskapspotenial.<br />
Södertörn University.<br />
Literature<br />
GUSTAFSSON, J:R.L., 1975. Järfällaboken. Stockholm.<br />
MAGNUS, O., 1975. Historia om de nordiska folken, första<br />
till femte boken (reprint). östervål: Gidlunds förlag.<br />
PAPP, D., 1977. Åländsk allmogeseglation. Lund: Rabén &<br />
Sjögren.<br />
Planeringsrådet: Museibyrån, 1980. Fornminnesinventering,<br />
Lemland, Lumparland. Mariehamn.<br />
RUDBECK, J., 1933. Svenska postverkets fartyg och sjöpostförbindelser<br />
under trehundra år. Stockholm.<br />
SöDERLIND, U., 2007. What was served at the Koffsan inn<br />
during the 18 th century? In: U. FRANSSON, ed, Cultural<br />
interaction between east and west: archaeology, artefacts<br />
and human contacts in northern Europe. Stockholm:<br />
Stockholm Studies in Archaeology.<br />
SöDERLIND, U., 2008. På krogen med Linné. Stockholm:<br />
Grenadine förlag.<br />
SöDERLIND, U., TSKVITINIDZE, N., 2009. Sjökrogar<br />
i allmänhet och sjökrogen vid Rödhamn i synnerhet.<br />
Skärgård 1/2009, Åbo.<br />
Nuo kada ir kiek ilgai egzistavo smuklės Skandinavijos<br />
pakrantėse prie Baltijos jūros, sužinome iš istorinių<br />
šaltinių. Pirmų užuominų apie smukles aptinkame<br />
XVI a. kartografo, istoriko ir katalikų arkivyskupo<br />
Olaus Magnus darbuose. Istorikas teigia, kad pajūrio<br />
smuklės Vokietijoje buvo žinomos jau XIII a. Pasak jo,<br />
pirmosios smuklės buvo statomos ant ledo ir buvo naudojamos<br />
iki pavasario. Vėliau smuklės buvo statomos<br />
jūros pakrantėse ir veikė ištisus metus. Šiame straipsnyje<br />
aprašomi dviejų smuklių archeologiniai tyrimai:<br />
Koffsan vietovėje, Švedijos teritorijoje, ir Alandų saloje<br />
(Suomija). Koffsan smuklė (arba taverna) buvo<br />
pastatyta XVII a. Mälaren ežero saloje ir naudota iki<br />
XVII a. Ją 1731 m. aprašė švedų botanikas Carl von<br />
Linne. Ši užeiga archeologų buvo tyrinėta 1993 m.<br />
Pastatas buvo su krosnimi, turėjo kanalizaciją. Tyrimų<br />
metu aptikta stiklinių indų, keramikos, porceliano, monetų,<br />
žuvų ir gyvulių kaulų.<br />
Kita užeiga (taverna) buvo tyrinėta Rödhamn vietovėje,<br />
Alandų salose, Lemlando parapijoje. Ji egzistavo<br />
nuo XVII a. pirmosios pusės iki 1939 m. Taverna buvo<br />
tyrinėta 2005–2006 m. Tyrimų metu aptikta butelių,<br />
lėkščių, taurių ir daug keramikos. Tarp osteologinės<br />
medžiagos aptikta ruonių, jūros paukščių, galvijų, ožkos/avies,<br />
kiaulių kaulų. Įdomu, kad visi gyvūnai, naudoti<br />
maistui, buvo jauno amžiaus. Šie smuklių tyrimai<br />
rodo, kad to meto užeigų lankytojai įvairių kelionių<br />
metu buvo aprūpinami maistu ir nakvyne.<br />
Vertė Algirdas Girininkas<br />
Received: 6 September 2010; Revised 11 January 2011; Accepted:<br />
28 December 2010<br />
Ulrica Söderlind<br />
Department of Economic History,<br />
Stockholm University<br />
106 91 Stockholm, Sweden<br />
E-mail: ulrica.soderlind@ekohist.su.se<br />
PAJŪRIO SMUKLIŲ TYRIMŲ<br />
GALIMUMO PAVYZDŽIAI<br />
ULRICA SÖDERLIND<br />
204<br />
Santrauka
REUSING A LOG-BARRIER EMBANKMENT<br />
AT THE SUOMENLINNA SEA FORTRESS ISLANDS<br />
MINNA LEINO<br />
Abstract<br />
It has always been technically and economically challenging to build constructions on a shoreline. For that reason, those<br />
constructions can be used and maintained for a long time, and today contain interesting archaeological information. Despite<br />
this, at the time of carrying out repairs, archaeologists are not usually consulted, and the history of a construction is seen as<br />
unimportant. However, with this case study of a log-barrier embankment from the early 20th-century Suomenlinna fortress,<br />
a new approach is available, challenging the way archaeologists collect data. The data collected from the site can be used<br />
together with the archaeological interpretation to aid in the plan for the reuse of the site.<br />
Key words: maritime archaeology, underwater archaeology, Baltic Sea, Suomenlinna, Sveaborg, reuse, embankment.<br />
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
Introduction<br />
Sveaborg, the Sea Fortress in front of Helsinki, was<br />
founded in 1747. Today it is called Suomenlinna, and it<br />
is a Unesco World Heritage Site and receives 700,000<br />
visitors every year, making it one of the most important<br />
cultural heritage sites in Finland. Suomenlinna is a<br />
state-owned area, managed by the Ministry of Education<br />
and Culture. The Governing Body of Suomenlinna<br />
is the agency that manages, restores and maintains the<br />
fortress. Maintaining a fortress on a group of islands is<br />
not an easy task. For this reason, the Governing Body<br />
has started to take into consideration the potential of<br />
underwater archaeology to provide new insights into<br />
maintaining and reusing the constructions which are<br />
still in use.<br />
The increasing interest in marine archaeology has<br />
heightened the need to evaluate the process of archaeological<br />
documentation, and to choose what can be understood<br />
as an important site.<br />
This article presents the first project in Finland on a<br />
shoreline where archaeological documentation was<br />
carried out on a construction which was still partly in<br />
use. This construction is a log-barrier embankment, and<br />
its context presents certain challenges to the collection<br />
of archaeological evidence. Together with archaeological<br />
interpretations, the documentation material can be<br />
used as a practical tool for architects making a plan for<br />
the reuse of physical remains. Usually archaeological<br />
excavations destroy the physical remains; but this article<br />
shows how archaeological methods and interpretations<br />
can be used in the systemic context, where the site<br />
remains in use as a reused construction.<br />
The historical background of the<br />
dockyard<br />
Suomenlinna has had several functions, but its main<br />
focus has been to serve as a naval base and a dockyard.<br />
The main dockyard is the dry dock, located on<br />
the island of Susisaari, one of the main islands. This<br />
dry dock is still a home port for historically important<br />
vessels (Matikka 2008, p.23). The dockyard area has<br />
gone through several phases of rebuilding since it was<br />
established in 1750. The dry dock used to form the central<br />
area of the fortification, and it has a rich history<br />
connected to the strategic situation of the Baltic Sea<br />
area. The focus of this article is, however, the end of<br />
the Russian period in the 1910s, when the islands had a<br />
large population of over 6,000 men (Gardberg, Palsila<br />
1998, p.136). Suomenlinna was serving the Russian<br />
Baltic Fleet, and the dockyard was called ‘the Admiral<br />
Essen dockyard’, after a former commander of the<br />
Baltic Fleet in the Russian army (Rosén 2008, p.19;<br />
2007, pp.8-15). More precisely, this article deals with<br />
the very last year of the Russian era, 1917 to 1918. This<br />
period includes the February Revolution, the October<br />
Revolution and the Finnish Declaration of Independence<br />
on 6 December 1917. All this political activity<br />
influenced the decision-making and the formation of<br />
archives at the time, creating a shortage of sources for<br />
historical study.<br />
The history of the construction of the dry dock was<br />
published in the 1950s by Lars Petterson (1953) in his<br />
series of general articles on the Suomenlinna dockyard.<br />
The plan for building a completely new basin was only<br />
referred to by Petterson as an unfinished plan (Petterson<br />
1953, p.3). What we have left from the process of<br />
building a new dockyard basin today are the physical<br />
remains, two log-barrier embankments. They are<br />
IV<br />
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ON THE COAST<br />
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Reusing a Log-Barrier Embankment<br />
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Islands<br />
Fig. 1. The larger log-barrier embankment under construction, 17 February 1917, at the mouth of Tykistölahti Bay (Helsinki<br />
City Museum).<br />
206<br />
located on opposite sides of the planned basin, which<br />
was a bay called Tykistölahti between two islands. It is<br />
unclear when exactly these two remains were discovered.<br />
The smaller embankment was later left under a<br />
landfill, and is more or less visible in the water; but the<br />
origin of the construction was almost forgotten until<br />
this case study.<br />
The larger embankment is submerged and invisible<br />
from the surface. It was identified by the marine archaeologist<br />
Harry Alopaeus in an article in 1984. He<br />
had found the only ‘eyewitness’ to the construction<br />
work, which had so far been referred to as only an<br />
unfinished plan without any kind of building activity.<br />
This eyewitness is an old photograph from the archives<br />
of the Helsinki City Museum, dating from 17 February<br />
1917 (Fig. 1). In this picture, the larger log-barrier embankment<br />
is partly floating on top of the current location,<br />
giving us an excellent dating for the construction<br />
work (Alopaeus 1984, p.34).<br />
It is not clear if these two embankments were built simultaneously,<br />
or one after the other. Nevertheless, the<br />
construction work of the new basin was unfinished by<br />
the time the Russians handed over the fortification to<br />
Finland on 14 April 1918 (Enqvist, Härö 1998, p.17).<br />
Suomenlinna technical administration’s engineering<br />
workshop took over the site, and relatively quickly<br />
presented a plan for enlarging the dockyard with a<br />
new basin (Sipilä 2007, p.39). From this plan, there is<br />
at least one copy of a map (Fig. 2), partly preserved,<br />
together with public records and minutes revealing<br />
the lively discussions involved. The plan for building<br />
a new dockyard basin on Suomenlinna stayed in active<br />
political discussion until the 1940s (Sipilä 2007,<br />
p.42; Petterson 1953, p.5). It was finally rejected as<br />
old fashioned, but it can be referred to as evidence of<br />
the importance of shipbuilding at the time. These two<br />
underwater remains of log-barrier embankments show<br />
the amount of hard work related to this process.<br />
Source material from two different<br />
log-barrier embankments<br />
The smaller embankment construction is the site of archaeological<br />
documentation in this case study. There is<br />
also one surviving old photograph of this smaller embankment<br />
(Fig. 3). This photograph is from the year<br />
1918, before the landfill, which later on covered up<br />
the construction. (Rosén 1994, p.49). This smaller log-
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
Fig. 2. The plan of 30 July 1918 for building a new basin. Both embankments are presented in the drawing (Archives of the<br />
National Board of Antiquities).<br />
IV<br />
PREHISTORIC<br />
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Fig. 3. The smaller log-barrier embankment is visible before the landfill. This picture was taken in 1918 (Helsinki City<br />
Museum).<br />
207
MINNA<br />
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Reusing a Log-Barrier Embankment<br />
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Islands<br />
Fig. 5. Archaeological documentation on the smaller log-barrier embankment was carried out with the help of Total Station<br />
(photograph by M. Leino).<br />
208<br />
barrier embankment was partly reused as a jetty in the<br />
1980s. It was used as a temporary bridge before the<br />
construction of the jetty. About a third of the structure<br />
has been dredged away, and the last third of the structure<br />
is now visible in the water.<br />
The larger embankment at the mouth of the bay was<br />
never finished, and it was left at the bottom where we<br />
can find it today. It is probably the biggest underwater<br />
wooden barrier construction in the world, covering<br />
the whole width of the mouth of the bay. It is made<br />
up of three different parts in a V-shape, and altogether<br />
it forms an almost 100-metre-long and 12-metre-high<br />
wall of logs. The available documentation of this construction<br />
was made by voluntary divers in the 1980s,<br />
after more than 100 diving hours. At the time, its origin<br />
was interpreted to be a sailing obstacle. These original<br />
sketches and measurements were found in the Marine<br />
Archaeological Archives of the National Board of Antiquities<br />
in Finland. In addition, multibeam sonar documentation<br />
was carried out in June 2010, in connection<br />
with the archaeological survey of the area conducted<br />
by the author between the years 2007 and 2010 (Fig.<br />
4, see Plate VI).<br />
The documentation of the smaller<br />
embankment<br />
Archaeological documentation was carried out on this<br />
structure from 8 to 12 June 2009, covering altogether<br />
160 square metres. The construction of the log-barrier<br />
embankment was first excavated with shovels. The underwater<br />
part of the construction, mainly the end and<br />
the side profiles, was brushed and cleaned of vegetation<br />
and sediment. The whole construction was documented<br />
by photographing it with digital cameras. The<br />
construction was documented in detail with Total Station<br />
(Fig. 5). The side profiles were only visible in the<br />
underwater parts, and were thus in addition measured<br />
and drawn by hand. These two sets of information<br />
were combined afterwards. In the documentation, the<br />
focus was on different kinds of joints and the condition<br />
of the wooden material (Fig. 6).<br />
The dendrochronological sampling<br />
of the smaller embankment<br />
The aim was to see if dendrochronological analyses<br />
can give us new information on the time of construction.<br />
Besides the confirmation of dating, there was a<br />
possibility for gaining new information on the logistics<br />
of the time. Where did the wood come from, and what
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
Fig. 6. A map of the smaller log-barrier embankment (drawn by Otso Manninen).<br />
type of wood was used? The sampling was organised<br />
on 3 September 2009 with the use of a chainsaw. Altogether,<br />
four different samples from different trunks<br />
were taken. These samples were analysed by the Dendrochronological<br />
Laboratory of the University of Joensuu<br />
(Zetterberg 2010).<br />
No of sample Years of growth Estimation of the year<br />
of felling<br />
FIU6101 1826-1911 0-10 years after 1911<br />
FIU6102 1859-1916 0-3 years after 1916<br />
FIU6103 1736-1915 0-3 years after 1915<br />
FIU6104 1831-1915 0-3 years after 1915<br />
All four samples were pine (Pinus sylvestris), which<br />
gives us reason to believe that the whole construction<br />
was made of pine wood. Four samples were not<br />
enough to determine the exact location of the growth of<br />
the wood, but curves from southern Finland were used<br />
as reference material. Every trunk used in the construction<br />
was peeled, leading to some inaccuracy in the dendrochronological<br />
results. After the last identified ring,<br />
the soft surface could still have contained more annual<br />
rings. The number could only be estimated from<br />
the depth where the heartwood changes into sapwood<br />
(Zetterberg 2010).<br />
Theoretical background of reuse in an<br />
archaeological context<br />
At the time the archaeological documentation was carried<br />
out, it was obvious that the construction maintained<br />
its use. This is not a typical solution, and therefore it<br />
is necessary to look into the theoretical background<br />
of reuse in an archaeological context. Reuse and recycling<br />
have been discussed in archaeology in several<br />
contexts. In a marine archaeological context, recent<br />
views are expressed by Nathan Richards in his book<br />
Ship Graveyards. On the questions of reuse and recycling,<br />
Richards refers to the principles laid down previously<br />
by Schiffer, Downing and McCarthy in their<br />
article ‘Waste Not, Want Not: An Ethnoarchaeological<br />
Study of Reuse in Tucson, Arizona’. They expressed,<br />
at the beginning of the 1980s, how little is known about<br />
what happens to artefacts after their original owners<br />
no longer find them useful. Do they end up as waste,<br />
or something else? We can agree that waste is a human<br />
concept. In nature, nothing is wasted: everything<br />
IV<br />
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MINNA<br />
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Reusing a Log-Barrier Embankment<br />
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Islands<br />
Fig. 7. A detail of the map: red presents the archaeological documentation of 2009; green the dredging in the 1980s; the blue<br />
area of the construction is under a jetty (by M. Leino).<br />
210<br />
is part of a continuous cycle (Hayes 1978, p.6). Does<br />
waste equal an archaeological context, where remains<br />
from a systemic context end up as protected ancient<br />
sites; and does the continuous cycle of use end there?<br />
Schiffer et al. explain the elementary nature of reuse<br />
behaviour: it is a process where a change occurs either<br />
to the user, the use or the form of a particular artefact.<br />
Distinct behaviours are connected to different reuse<br />
mechanisms. According to Schiffer, recycling requires<br />
the reintroduction of material into an industrial process,<br />
where the material is transferred to some other form or<br />
function. A typical process of recycling is the salvaging<br />
of objects and the dismantling of watercraft. Secondary<br />
use, meaning reuse, refers to a situation where<br />
the form of an object is not changed, but its function<br />
is altered to something different to the original. It is<br />
typical that this occurs in objects which are worn out<br />
(Richards 2008, p.55; Schiffer et al. 1981, pp.67-86).<br />
From this perspective, we could argue that turning a<br />
log-barrier embankment into a jetty construction could<br />
be called reuse.<br />
Conservation processes are related to the process<br />
where the techno-function of an object changes from<br />
techno-function to socio- or ideo-function. A good<br />
example is the number of historic ships used as museums,<br />
where they are not technically speaking serving<br />
as ships, but as historical objects (Richards 2008,<br />
p.55; Schiffer et al. 1981, pp.67-86). In the case of log-
arrier embankments, there could also be some aspects<br />
of a conservation process, if the historical background<br />
of the construction could be made visible in the landscape.<br />
This could be achieved by establishing information<br />
signs explaining the history of the log-barrier<br />
embankments, and also presenting pictures visualising<br />
the construction.<br />
Results<br />
After documentation and dendrochronological sampling,<br />
we were able to transfer the structure from an<br />
archaeological context to a systemic context. The site<br />
can again be in active use, but in a different way to what<br />
it was originally built for. The site can be reused as a<br />
base for a new jetty. In order to be reused, a different<br />
kind of information was collected from the structure<br />
compared to normal archaeological documentation.<br />
Attention was paid to the condition of the wood as a<br />
building material, and to the strength of the structure.<br />
It was a surprise how big a difference there could be in<br />
the preservation of the wood in different parts of the<br />
structure. On the side towards dry land, the wood was<br />
badly destroyed by erosion and bacterial activity. In the<br />
water, it was waterlogged, and, kept as such, it will stay<br />
in good condition. If the wood is taken on to dry land,<br />
it will not last for long. The best preserving conditions<br />
were, however, inside wet sand: even tool marks were<br />
still visible.<br />
Only visual estimations of the preservation of the wood<br />
could be carried out, no ultrasound measurements were<br />
made. The same estimation happened with the conditions<br />
of different joints. The whole structure had been<br />
influenced by the dredging of a third of the structure,<br />
and in particular joints close to the dredged end of the<br />
construction had opened up, decreasing the structural<br />
strength of the whole construction. This does not necessarily<br />
mean that the ability to preserve the land on<br />
the shoreline from erosion is weakened. Steering poles<br />
on both sides of the wall anchor the construction into<br />
the ground, making it a stable construction.<br />
We could not reach a more precise dating for the structure.<br />
We have a dating for the construction already<br />
from a previously mentioned old photograph, where<br />
the construction is visible in the year 1917. It was taken<br />
in the spring of 1917. In this sense, the dendrochronological<br />
samples do not give us new information for<br />
dating the construction.<br />
In our case study, we were able to compare two similar<br />
constructions, two embankments on opposite sides of<br />
a planned dockyard. Both structures were made with<br />
roundwood, using saddle notches, box-like structures<br />
which are better known from traditional log cabins.<br />
The bay called Tykistölahti offered a natural basin between<br />
two islands, making it geographically suitable<br />
for enlarging the old dry dock with a new dockyard basin.<br />
Still, it was technically and logistically very challenging<br />
to build a wooden construction in these kinds<br />
of geographical conditions. Even the underwater topography<br />
of the water area varies a great deal, and is 21<br />
metres at the deepest point by the larger embankment,<br />
while the depth around the smaller embankment is less<br />
than two metres. This might be the reason why the<br />
smaller log-barrier embankment has no tabled splice<br />
joints, that is, a type of joint which is more durable but<br />
more difficult and time-consuming to make than a simple<br />
scarf- or butt joint, which were both used. Instead<br />
of these, tabled splice joints, or ‘lock-joints’, were used<br />
in the larger embankment.<br />
Traditionally, wooden pegs are used in these kinds of<br />
constructions as nails attaching logs on top of each<br />
other in order to prevent them from moving sideways.<br />
Using iron nails instead of wooden pegs in an embankment<br />
made for underwater conditions is an exceptional<br />
and unusual choice. The embankments were probably<br />
made very quickly, and were intended to be short-term<br />
embankments that were supposed to prevent the sea<br />
water from entering the basin while permanent constructions<br />
were being made. In other words, it should<br />
have been possible to build permanent embankments<br />
within the shelter given by these embankments. It is<br />
clear that neither work hours nor costs were saved<br />
by making both of these constructions with axes and<br />
knives. The exact techniques of the building operations<br />
are worth closer study. Were they built on the site on<br />
top of ice, as we would expect from the eyewitness<br />
photograph?<br />
Discussion<br />
This presentation was given as part of the international<br />
conference called ‘Underwater Archaeology in the<br />
Baltic Region: Challenges and Perspectives’. Challenges<br />
are present in research in general, but they are<br />
particularly prominent in different kinds of fieldwork.<br />
This log-barrier embankment case study was challenging<br />
because it was a combination of land-based archaeological<br />
documentation and underwater archaeological<br />
methods. Even more challenging was the need to collect<br />
information on the condition of the construction<br />
and the material to plan the future of the structure. The<br />
combination of all of these can be very successful.<br />
In dealing with very recent history, as in our case the<br />
year 1917, we always have to find a way to use different<br />
kinds of sources. Archaeological records are the<br />
main source of information describing the manner of<br />
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
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Reusing a Log-Barrier Embankment<br />
at the Suomenlinna Sea Fortress<br />
Islands<br />
MINNA<br />
LEINO<br />
interpretation when an archaeologist is doing research.<br />
This kind of construction can easily be studied by other<br />
disciplines, concentrating more on historical data. It is<br />
a question of a different kind of approach, and all are<br />
equally important in forming a reconstruction of the<br />
past. Archaeology should not be used merely to verify<br />
the historical record, nor is the historical record enough<br />
if there is a possibility for collecting archaeological<br />
data. We marine archaeologists should be able to convince<br />
not only our colleagues but other scholars and a<br />
wider audience as well that an archaeological perspective<br />
is necessary in a situation where there is already<br />
a wealth of information from other sources. Widening<br />
the scope of the documentation, as in this case study,<br />
could be one way of making people understand the<br />
possibilities that archaeological research can offer contemporary<br />
society.<br />
One problem with marine archaeology is that sites are<br />
not visible: they are not real! New techniques, like<br />
multibeam sonar, help in visualising the underwater<br />
cultural landscape and archaeological remains such as<br />
the larger log-barrier embankment. The smaller logbarrier<br />
embankment was in a location where people<br />
could partly see the construction. A lot of effort during<br />
the fieldwork went into disseminating information: it<br />
was happening in a Unesco World Heritage Site. We<br />
accept that people are fascinated by archaeological<br />
excavations in general, and, instead of being unreceptive<br />
towards curious visitors, we should take the time<br />
to explain what we are doing. This is a way of making<br />
people respect their environment and appreciate<br />
the historical layers in the landscape. Archaeologists<br />
should, in this respect, realise the educational side of<br />
archaeological research. This research also honours<br />
the work of past generations. We should not remove<br />
all these signs of work from the landscape; rather, we<br />
should aim to make them more visible and accessible,<br />
by working together with other professions.<br />
All this does not exclude the fact that, being a research<br />
discipline, we should also be able to come up with<br />
new information. There is a trend in marine archaeological<br />
research to refer to constructions as artefacts.<br />
This creates the possibility to concentrate on a study<br />
of the lifespan of an object or a construction, offering<br />
the possibility for a new kind of approach. It can also<br />
mean that we can study sites which are not ancient, but<br />
which have been abandoned rather recently or are still<br />
in use.<br />
Acknowledgements<br />
I would like to thank the Governing Body of Suomenlinna<br />
for their cooperation, and the field team of Otso<br />
Manninen, Eeva Vakkari, Kalle Salonen, Timo Palin,<br />
Pekka Paanasalo, Riikka Tevali and Ari Pajunen. I<br />
would also like to thank Riikka Alvik, Veli-Pekka Suhonen,<br />
Jari Hacklin and Ove Enqvist for their advice.<br />
Finally, I would like to dedicate this article to my colleague<br />
Helena Rosén, a great expert in the history of<br />
Suomenlinna, who recently passed away.<br />
References<br />
ALOPAEUS, H., 1984. Suomenlinnan vedenalaiset esteet.<br />
Narinkka, Helsinki City Museum 1984, 19-58.<br />
ENQVIST, O., HÄRÖ, M., 1998. Varuskunnasta maailmanperinnöksi.<br />
Suomenlinnaseura ry, Uudenkaupungin Sanomat<br />
Oy.<br />
GARDBERG, C.J, PALSILA, K., 1998. Viapori, Suomenlinna.<br />
Otavan Kirjapaino.<br />
HAYES, D., 1978. Repairs, Reuse, Recycling – First Steps<br />
Toward a Sustainable Society. Worldwatch Paper, 23, September<br />
1978.<br />
MATIKKA, H., 2008. The Importance of Dockyards in ships<br />
protection. The Future of Historic Dockyards, Round-Table<br />
Report Suomenlinna 2008. Helsinki, 22-27.<br />
PETTERSON, L., 1953. Valmetin Suomenlinnan telakan<br />
vaiheita, Suomen itsenäisyyden aika. Valmet N:o 3 Perhelehti.<br />
Helsinki, 1-7.<br />
RICHARDS, N., 2008. Ships’ graveyards. Florida University<br />
Press.<br />
ROSÉN, H., 2008. The History of Suomenlinna Dockyard.<br />
The Future of Historic Dockyards, Round-Table Report<br />
Suomenlinna. Helsinki, 16-21.<br />
ROSÉN, H., 2007. Suomenlinnan telakan rakennusvaiheet<br />
1700-1900 –luvulla. Suomenlinnan telakka ennen ja nyt.<br />
Lahti, 8-17.<br />
ROSÉN, H., 1997. Bastioni Taube. Suomenlinnan rakennusten<br />
historia. Jyväskylä, 48-49.<br />
SCHIFFER, M.B., DOWNING, T.E., McCARTHY, M.,<br />
1981. Waste Not, Want Not: An Ethnoarchaeological<br />
Study of Reuse in Tucson, Arizona. Studies in Archaeology.<br />
London: Academic Press, 67-86.<br />
SIPILÄ, P., 2007. Suurtelakkasuunnitelmia: Suomenlinnan<br />
telakka itsenäisyyden alkuvuosina. Suomenlinnan telakka<br />
ennen ja nyt. Lahti, 38-43.<br />
ZETTERBERG, P., 2010. Helsingin Suomenlinnan Varvilahden<br />
patorakenteen puunäytteiden iänmääritys, dendrokronologiset<br />
ajoitukset FIU6001-FIU6009. Joensuun<br />
yliopisto, Biotieteiden tiedekunta, Ekologian tutkimusinstituutti,<br />
Dendrokronologian laboratorio, ajoitusseloste<br />
362. Joensuu, 1-8.<br />
Received: 12 September 2010; Revised: 19 October 2010;<br />
Accepted: 28 December 2010.<br />
212
Minna Leino<br />
National Board of Antiquities<br />
Marine Archaeology Unit<br />
Hylkysaari, FI-00570<br />
Helsinki, Finland<br />
E-mail: minna.leino@nba.fi<br />
PAKARTOTINAI PANAUDOTA<br />
RĄSTŲ UŽTVARA<br />
SUOMENLINNA SALOS<br />
TVIRTOVĖJE<br />
MINNA LEINO<br />
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
Santrauka<br />
Suomenlinna salos jūros tvirtovė, įkurta 1747 m., yra<br />
šalia Helsinkio miesto. Ši tvirtovė pastatyta siekiant<br />
apsaugoti jūros bazę ir laivų statyklą.<br />
Dvi medinių rąstų užtvaros buvo pastatytos tuo pačiu<br />
metu – 1918 m. Didžioji rąstų užtvara yra 10 m aukščio<br />
ir 70 m ilgio. Antra rąstų užtvara trumpesnė ir yra<br />
kitame įlankos gale. Archeologiniai užtvarų žvalgymai<br />
vykdyti 2009 m 160 m 2 plote. Dendrochronologinių<br />
tyrimų metu nustatyta, kad rąstai buvo paruošti<br />
1911–1916 metais. Tarpusavyje rąstai sujungti kabliais<br />
ir geležinėmis vinimis. Šių rąstų sujungimo darbai<br />
buvo atliekami po vandeniu. Povandeninių archeologinių<br />
tyrimų metu konstatuota, kad rąstų užtvara yra<br />
geros kokybės ir būtų kliūtis net dabartiniams laivams.<br />
Tyrimų metu sukauptos medžiagos analizė rodo, kad<br />
jūros vanduo mediniams rąstams irimo atžvilgiu didelės<br />
įtakos neturėjo. Šios užtvaros taps jūros muziejaus<br />
ekspozicijos dalimi.<br />
Vertė Algirdas Girininkas<br />
IV<br />
PREHISTORIC<br />
LANDSCAPES<br />
ON THE COAST<br />
213
V. RECENT UNDERWATER<br />
ARCHAEOLOGICAL<br />
RESEARCH IN<br />
THE BALTIC SEA REGION<br />
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
215
The Underwater<br />
Archaeological Search Project<br />
in the Eastern Part of the Gulf<br />
of Finland Between 2006<br />
and 2009: Shipwrecks<br />
in the Russian Zone<br />
of the Nord Stream Project<br />
THE UNDERWATER ARCHAEOLOGICAL SEARCH<br />
PROJECT IN THE EASTERN PART OF THE GULF<br />
OF FINLAND BETWEEN 2006 AND 2009:<br />
SHIPWRECKS IN THE RUSSIAN ZONE<br />
OF THE NORD STREAM PROJECT<br />
PEtr<br />
SOrOKIN,<br />
AYVAr<br />
StEPANOV<br />
216<br />
PEtr SOrOKIN, AYVAr StEPANOV<br />
The plan for the North European Gas Pipeline (NEGP)<br />
from Russia to Germany under the Baltic Sea across<br />
the territorial waters and economic zones of Russia,<br />
Finland, Sweden, Denmark and Germany was<br />
the reason for this large-scale underwater archaeological<br />
research project that has led to the identification<br />
of new objects of the cultural heritage (Fig. 1).<br />
Between 2006 and 2009, integrated underwater research<br />
was carried out, including the identification and<br />
exploratory surveys of shipwrecks along the course of<br />
the projected pipeline in the Russian waters of the Gulf<br />
of Finland. Going from Portovaya Bay to the west of<br />
Maly Fiskar Island, southeast of the Bolshoy Fiskar<br />
Archipelago, passing Sommers Island, to the west of<br />
Hogland Island, the route goes beyond the territorial<br />
waters of the Russian Federation into the economic<br />
zone of Finland. Its total length in Russian waters is<br />
about 110 kilometres.<br />
The route of the projected pipeline crosses historic<br />
water routes which connected the Baltic Sea with the<br />
eastern part of the Gulf of Finland. As early as the<br />
Middle Ages, there were waterways from the Nordic<br />
countries to the mouth of the River Neva, the Beryozovye<br />
Islands and the Gulf of Vyborg. From the Viking<br />
period (the eighth to the 11th centuries) until the late<br />
Middle Ages (the 17th century), the route along the<br />
northern coast of the gulf served as the main route for<br />
voyages by Norsemen, Hanseatic merchants and other<br />
inhabitants of northern Europe to Russia. After the<br />
foundation of Vyborg in 1293, there were routes which<br />
passed through the area, linking the town with Sweden.<br />
Given that the existing routes developed in the basic<br />
directions of traditional waterways used for navigation<br />
since the Middle Ages, it can be expected that wrecks<br />
from the Medieval period that are not mentioned in historical<br />
documents will be found. The time was characterised<br />
by sailing within sight of the shore, so the most<br />
likely discovery of Medieval vessels is predicted to<br />
be in the immediate vicinity of the northern coast and<br />
near coastal island archipelagos. Since the Late Middle<br />
Ages, international routes using large vessels formed,<br />
which were some distance from the coast, and which<br />
mostly coincide with modern shipping routes. At the<br />
same time, navigation by small and medium-size vessels<br />
often continued along the traditional routes.<br />
The busiest period of navigation in these waters<br />
emerged after the foundation of St Petersburg in 1703,<br />
as most trade between Russia and Western Europe was<br />
carried out through the city. In the 18th to the 20th<br />
centuries, the major waterways to St Petersburg and<br />
Vyborg north of the island of Hogland was included in<br />
the zone of two lighthouses, Sommersky and Northern<br />
Hogland. Another way was to go south of Hogland.<br />
The Northern Hogland shoal, located a few kilometres<br />
from the northern tip of Hogland Island, is the place<br />
with the most shipwrecks of commercial and military<br />
ships from the 18th to the 20th centuries in the eastern<br />
Baltic.<br />
Information about wrecks of commercial and military<br />
vessels in these waters can be found in archive documents.<br />
In the 18th and 19th centuries, the following<br />
vessels were lost here: two 32-gun frigates, the Hector<br />
(sunk in 1742) and the Archangel Michael (1760),<br />
the 66-gun battleship the Vyacheslav (1789), the galliot<br />
Enge Tobias (1771), the transport yacht Theodosius<br />
(1814), and the transport ship America (1856)<br />
(Sokolov 1855, pp.20, 88; Morskoy 1856, p.32ff; Sorokin<br />
2007, p.6).<br />
According to incomplete statistics on the wrecks of<br />
vessels in the area, between 1841 and 1858, 14 vessels<br />
sank; and between 1856 and 1866, 12 vessels sank.<br />
Most of these ships were private merchant vessels,<br />
mostly foreign, English, Dutch, Norwegian, German,<br />
Finnish and Swedish.<br />
There is information that as late as 1856 the Swedish<br />
schooner Victor sank here, and the English vessels<br />
Alexander, the brig Young Dixon, and the steamer<br />
Dzhakkal. In 1860 the Finnish schooner Ida, the British<br />
merchant ships Fanny and Gomsval, and the Dutch<br />
ship Triton were lost there. This data can be considered<br />
as an average annual figure (Sorokin 2007).
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
Fig. 1. The plan for the North European Gas Pipeline.<br />
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Fig. 2. The locations of shipwrecks identified in the zone of the pipeline.<br />
217
The Underwater<br />
Archaeological Search Project<br />
in the Eastern Part of the Gulf<br />
of Finland Between 2006<br />
and 2009: Shipwrecks<br />
in the Russian Zone<br />
of the Nord Stream Project<br />
PEtr<br />
SOrOKIN,<br />
AYVAr<br />
StEPANOV<br />
218<br />
The remains of two ships, a Finnish gunboat that sank<br />
in the last war, and a Soviet auxiliary ship (supposed<br />
to be the tugboat Shauliai), which was lost during its<br />
transfer from Tallinn in 1941, were examined by the<br />
St Petersburg Archaeological Expedition of the Institute<br />
for the History of Material Culture of the Russian<br />
Academy of Sciences, and the Northwest Institute of<br />
Heritage in 2005 in the Northern Bay area (Suurkyulyan-lahti)<br />
of Hogland Island (Sorokin 2005).<br />
Work on finding wrecks along the Russian section of<br />
the North European Gas Pipeline between 2006 and<br />
2009 was carried out by the Nord Stream company, using<br />
side-scan sonar and a remotely operated underwater<br />
vehicle (ROV) with a television camera. In 2008<br />
and 2009, most of the work was completed (Fig. 2).<br />
The total number of detected objects is 18. Three of<br />
the vessels have been dated to the 18th century, two<br />
to the 18th or 19th centuries, four to the 19th century,<br />
three to the 19th or 20th century, and four to the 20th<br />
century. The dating of two other vessels is difficult.<br />
Previously identified were two cargo ships, one Dutch<br />
from the18th century, and the other English from the<br />
19th century, and also two Soviet torpedo boats, lost in<br />
the Sommers area during the Second World War. They<br />
all received conventional names in accordance with<br />
a previously established system based on the nearest<br />
geographical point. Given the proximity of some<br />
of them to the route of the projected gas pipeline, in<br />
2009 there was further monitoring work on a number<br />
of objects. In the course of this work, on the southern<br />
section of the line, close to Hogland, four sites were<br />
examined, including the discovery as a result of a sonar<br />
scan at the base of the eastern slope of Hogland bank<br />
of a previously unknown, sunken cargo ship from the<br />
19th century, probably English, called ‘Hogland 14’.<br />
Glass, ceramics and crockery, and pipes were retrieved<br />
from the ship (Fig. 3, see Plate VII). Another ship surveyed<br />
by the divers was the merchant ship ‘Hogland<br />
11’. Judging by the construction and cargo, it can be<br />
identified as Dutch, from the last quarter of the 18th<br />
century. Also found were glass, ceramic and porcelain<br />
tableware, pipes and copper coins of Dutch and Russian<br />
origin (Fig. 4, see Plate VIII). Based on the shape<br />
and design features, this vessel can be defined as a galliot.<br />
The third cargo ship inspected, ‘Hogland 13’, with<br />
a large Admiralty anchor, dates from the first half of<br />
the 18th century (Fig. 5, see Plate VIII). The fourth cargo<br />
ship, ‘Sommers 4’, with a helm, dates from the 19th<br />
century (Fig. 6, see Plate VIII). In the course of the<br />
investigations, an examination, preliminary measurements<br />
and the identification of architectural elements<br />
were made (Stepanov 2009). Other sites were studied<br />
based on hydro-acoustic surveys and image acquisition<br />
materials.<br />
All of the vessels identified were recommended for inclusion<br />
in the list of cultural heritage objects. At this<br />
stage in the study, the precise determination of wrecks<br />
on the basis of written documents is difficult, given the<br />
large number of shipwrecks in the area and the insufficient<br />
knowledge of the vessels themselves, as well as<br />
the full range of archival information on the ships lost<br />
in that area. At the same time, we can say that medium-size<br />
commercial vessels belonging to several north<br />
European states prevail. This is consistent with historical<br />
data, according to which the main cargo transport<br />
across the Baltic Sea between Western Europe and<br />
Russia was carried out in the 18th and 19th centuries<br />
by West European, mostly British and Dutch, vessels.<br />
Given that most of the shipwrecks found lie at a considerable<br />
depth and are well preserved, the preservation<br />
of all the vessels found along the site of discovery<br />
during the construction work along the pipeline is recommended.<br />
To guarantee their conservation, the projected<br />
pipeline route should be constructed no closer<br />
than 100 metres from the identified sites. In the event<br />
of a reduction of this distance, it is necessary to develop<br />
a special project for the preservation of objects<br />
of the cultural heritage. In the event of the salvaging<br />
of ships, or parts of them, their full conservation and<br />
delivery to state museum care should be ensured.<br />
References<br />
Manuscripts<br />
SOROKIN, P.E., 2005. Nauchnyj otchet o provedenii podvodnykh<br />
arkheologicheskikh isledovaniy v akvatorii Finskogo<br />
zaliva v 2005 g. Arkhiv I.A. RAN.<br />
SOROKIN, P.E., 2007. Expertnoe zaklyuchenie ob istorikokul’turnoy<br />
zennosti vyyavlennykh podvodnykh ob’ektov<br />
po trasse Nord Stream (SEG) v predelakh territorial’nykh<br />
vod I isklyuchitel’noy ekonomicheskoy zony Rossii. St.<br />
Peterburg.<br />
STEPANOV, A.V., 2009. Otchet o proizvodstve archeologicheskikh<br />
razvedok v akvatorii Fiskogo zaliva v rayone<br />
ostrovov Sommers, Gogland v Kingisepskom rayone Leningradskoy<br />
oblasti v 2009 g. Arkhiv Instituta archeologii<br />
RAN.<br />
Literature<br />
BOGATYRYOV, S.V., 1994. Poteri boevykh I katerov VMF<br />
SSSR v period Velikoy Otechestvennoy voyny. Leningrad.<br />
Krushenie transporta “Amerika” na sev. okonechnosti Goglanda.<br />
15.10. 1856. Morskoy sb. XXVI №14, 32-35.<br />
Morskoy atlas, Vol. 3. Moskva, 1966.<br />
SOKOLOV, A.P., 1855. Letopis’ krusheniy I pozharov sudov<br />
russkogo flota ot nachala ego po 1854 god. Sankt Peterburg.<br />
Received: 26 September 2010; Revised: 18 October 2010;<br />
Accepted: 28 December 2010.
INVESTIGATIONS OF THE EVOLUTION OF THE<br />
BALTIC SEA AND EARLY HUMAN SETTLEMENT<br />
IN THE EASTERN BALTIC AREA (BASED ON<br />
MATERIALS FROM THE KALININGRAD REGION)<br />
OLGA DRUZHININA, IVAN SKHODNOV<br />
Abstract<br />
This article treats a wide-ranging scientific project ‘The Evolution of the Baltic Sea and the Stages of the Earliest Human<br />
Settlement in the Southeast Baltic’ that started in 2009. The main research methods consist of multidisciplinary investigations<br />
of key archaeological sites and former glacial water-pools and bogs. The final result of the project is expected to be a<br />
model of demographic processes that occurred in the southeast Baltic during the Late Glacial and Early Holocene set against<br />
environmental changes.<br />
Key words: evolution of the Baltic Sea, palaeogeographic reconstructions, Palaeolithic, earliest settlements, southeast Baltic.<br />
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
Introduction<br />
The question of the earliest settlement of a territory is<br />
one of the most important and principal ones in Stone<br />
Age archaeology. It is a kind of benchmark in relations<br />
between nature and humans. Stone Age archaeological<br />
sites, especially Palaeolithic and Mesolithic ones, are<br />
vary rare. They are of great value because of the unique<br />
information they give us about the earliest stages of the<br />
development of human society. For various historical<br />
reasons, there is less information about social and economic<br />
processes in the Palaeolithic and Mesolithic in<br />
the Kaliningrad region of Russia than about neighbouring<br />
areas of northern Poland and southwest Lithuania.<br />
The present state of our knowledge on the Palaeolithic<br />
in the Kaliningrad region is based on previously single<br />
finds that are not linked with any complex. Basically,<br />
it is casual finds of the tips of arrows, harpoons, and<br />
other products made from bone and horn which have<br />
been found during land reclamation work (Gross 1938,<br />
p.83ff). Most of them exclude not only the possibility<br />
of determining their cultural identity, but also their indisputable<br />
recognition as belonging to the Late Glacial.<br />
Research into the Late Palaeolithic of the area under<br />
discussion goes back to the middle of the 19th century.<br />
The initial stage of studying questions concerning<br />
the development of the environment of East Prussia,<br />
the cultural identity of the first settlers of the region,<br />
and the time and routes of the settling was covered by<br />
the German archaeologists C. Engel (1935), W. Gaerte<br />
(1929), H. Gross (1938) and Engel W. La Baume<br />
(1937), and the work of some specialised research establishments,<br />
the Prussian Society of Antiquities (Altertumsgesellschaft<br />
Prussia), formed in Кönigsberg in<br />
1844, and a naturalists’ society, Physikalisch-Ökonomische<br />
Gesellschaft, formed in 1870. The time from<br />
the beginning of the 19th century to 1945 was marked<br />
by a steady interest in studying the development of the<br />
environment and human society in East Prussia, the<br />
beginning of purposeful archaeological research, and<br />
the accumulation of information. The study of issues<br />
of primitive archaeology in the Kaliningrad area after<br />
the Second World War and in the modern period of research<br />
is characterised by a lack of uniformity. Without<br />
exhaustive data on Late Palaeolithic sites, it is impossible<br />
to form a complete and consistent picture of the<br />
earliest settlement of the area. Considering this, in the<br />
investigation of the Palaeolithic-Mesolithic settlement<br />
of the Kaliningrad region, the methods and data of the<br />
palaeogeography, and computer reconstructions of the<br />
ancient environment that are based on them, should be<br />
treated in the same light as the archaeological research.<br />
The project ‘The Evolution of the Baltic Sea and the<br />
Stages of the Earliest Human Settlement in the Southeast<br />
Baltic’ was initiated by Immanuel Kant State<br />
University in Kaliningrad. The project looks at fundamental<br />
problems related to the Late Glacial and Post-<br />
Glacial evolution of the Baltic Sea, and its impact on<br />
prehistoric migrations of populations in the southeast<br />
Baltic.<br />
Advanced methods of radiocarbon dating, combined<br />
with palaeoenvironmental and palaeolimnological<br />
studies, make it possible to correlate the early stages of<br />
human settlement with the evolution of the Baltic Sea<br />
and internal waterways in the southeast Baltic.<br />
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Investigations of the Evolution<br />
of the Baltic Sea and Early<br />
Human Settlement in<br />
the Eastern Baltic Area<br />
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Kaliningrad Region)<br />
OLGA<br />
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IVAN<br />
SKHODNOV<br />
220<br />
The project’s objectives include:<br />
1. An assessment of the impact of environmental<br />
change on prehistoric settlements in the southeast Baltic.<br />
2. The role of waterways in the contacts of local groups.<br />
3. The impact of ecological factors on the emergence<br />
of economic entities.<br />
4. New data on Stone Age archaeology and palaeogeography,<br />
and climate and landscape changes on the<br />
border of the Late Glacial and Holocene.<br />
Methods<br />
Within the framework of our research, there are two<br />
main parts to our investigations. In the first preliminary<br />
stage, numerous data on palaeogeography were summarised,<br />
and several conclusions about features of the<br />
Late Glacial environment were made. To optimise the<br />
archaeological research, especially prospective, some<br />
methods of palaeogeography were applied in the preliminary<br />
stage of the studies. They included different<br />
kinds of palaeogeographic reconstructions, and working<br />
out maps based on them. These last reflect the geomorphological,<br />
climatic and landscape situations for<br />
each period of the Late Pleistocene and Early Holocene.<br />
The correlation of these maps and a retrospective<br />
analysis permits us to define territories with the<br />
most convenient natural characteristics, and therefore<br />
which were settled by ancient people first. The factors<br />
that contributed to colonisation were parameters of the<br />
meso-relief, water resources, the location of sources<br />
of raw materials, and the character of the substrate.<br />
The following tendencies for the distribution of Palaeolithic<br />
and Mesolithic sites in Kaliningrad region<br />
were noticed: a geographical linkage to river valleys,<br />
continental dunes, and sandy and gravel substrates a<br />
small distance from sources of raw materials. This approach<br />
allows us to make a prognosis, and to divide<br />
areas which offer the most hope for field prospecting.<br />
The second part of our project includes field research,<br />
which consists of archaeological prospecting, the investigation<br />
of key archaeological sites, and the investigation<br />
of objects of the palaeohydrological net.<br />
The archaeological sites and wetlands are investigated<br />
with the use of:<br />
1. A GIS-aided survey<br />
2. Radiometric dating<br />
3. Pollen analysis<br />
4. Diatom analysis<br />
5. Geochemical analysis<br />
6. The development of an electronic archaeological<br />
and palaeolandscape database<br />
7. The development of GIS-aided maps.<br />
The main methods of palaeogeographical investigation<br />
are coring and sampling of bog, lake and mire deposits,<br />
with the subsequent high-resolution radiocarbon<br />
dating, pollen and diatom analyses. The sampling is<br />
carried out with the use of a strengthened one-metrelong<br />
Hiller’s corer, a Russian corer (inner diameter 5<br />
and 7.5cm). The coring of lake bottom deposits is carried<br />
out both from ice (in winter and early spring) and<br />
from rafts (in summer). Samples for pollen and diatom<br />
analysis are taken from the cores at five-centimetre intervals,<br />
and prepared using standard techniques. The<br />
identification is carried out at the Institute of Limnology<br />
RAS and the Institute of Geography at St Petersburg<br />
State University. The radiocarbon dating of organic<br />
samples is carried out at the laboratories of the Institute<br />
of Geography, St Petersburg State University, and the<br />
Institute of History of Material Culture RAS, with the<br />
use of the liquid scintillation (LS) counting method.<br />
Within the framework of the project, the duration of<br />
the field research is three years. In 2009, the internal<br />
eastern areas of the Kaliningrad region (the valley of<br />
the River Sheshupe/Šešupė) were investigated. In 2010<br />
and 2011, studies in the central part of the region and<br />
the western coastal areas will be held. Special attention<br />
will be paid to changes in the Baltic Sea regime on the<br />
border of the Late Glacial and the Holocene, and the<br />
investigation of the ancient coastal terraces.<br />
Intermediate results<br />
of the archaeological and<br />
palaeogeographic research<br />
The palaeogeographic situation of the Palaeolithic is<br />
reconstructed proceeding from an analysis of quaternary<br />
stratigraphy (Druzhinina 2005, pp.34-78). On the<br />
existing topographic base, data reflecting the levels of<br />
the glacier lakes’ expansion was put down, and then a<br />
number of maps were worked out using graphic software<br />
(Figs. 1, 2). Figures 1 and 2 show the correlation<br />
of land, bodies of water and the ice sheet of the area<br />
under discussion in the Lower Dryas period. Approximately<br />
15,000 to 14,000 years BP, after the recession<br />
of the ice sheet, numerous barrier lakes appeared in the<br />
ancient valleys of the rivers Neman/Nemunas, Šešupė/<br />
Sheshupe and Pregolya. The area to the east and south<br />
was tundra zone, where reindeer migrated for summer<br />
grazing, and they could be followed by the first human<br />
groups of hunters. We can conclude that the earliest<br />
Stone Age sites could be found just in these parts of<br />
the region. The palaeogeographic data justify the sur-
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
Fig. 1. The palaeogeographic situation of the Kaliningrad region in Dryas I.<br />
Fig. 2. The palaeogeographic situation of the Kaliningrad region at the end of Dryas I.<br />
mise that from the end of the Lower Dryas period the<br />
environmental conditions were rather favourable, or<br />
at least did not hamper human settlement there. Under<br />
arctic climatic conditions characterised by the lack<br />
of a humus layer, only limited arctic biocenoses could<br />
survive. Specific landscapes, typified by a combination<br />
of tundra-steppe features, periglacial steppes, were<br />
widespread. Humans could penetrate the area from<br />
the south after the recession of the glacier by moving<br />
along the sides of the glacier water pools. During<br />
the Böling period, the first significant warming of the<br />
Late Glacial took place. This led to the spread of parktundra<br />
landscapes. Since this time, being free of ice,<br />
the whole region became suitable for settlement. It is<br />
our assumption that the valley of the River Sheshupe<br />
was the kind of area where traces of the earliest settlement,<br />
dating from the Late Palaeolithic, can be found.<br />
After the recession of the ice sheet, a barrier lake appeared<br />
here. In the process of a decrease in the basis<br />
of erosion on the site of an extensive glacial reservoir<br />
in the River Sheshupe valley, the numerous isolated<br />
lakes, of which the existence could last hundreds of<br />
years, were formed, and parts of the rivers gradually<br />
united in a uniform system. The district bordering<br />
residual reservoirs represented the alternation of flat<br />
and hilly sites of the relief, combined by sand, sandy<br />
loams, peat and sand-gravel mixes. Thus, in a relief<br />
of plain files and ridges, morainic hills with average<br />
heights of 30 to 40 metres, and also a flat closed downturn,<br />
emerged. One feature of the relief forming at the<br />
end of the Pleistocene was the high activity of eolian<br />
processes. As a result, the surface of the Sheshupskaya<br />
plain is complicated by well-developed eolian forms,<br />
single dunes, systems of complex branched-out dunes,<br />
and small ridges. It is possible to assume that a varied<br />
relief, including continental dunes, ancient streams<br />
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OLGA<br />
DRUZHININA,<br />
IVAN<br />
SKHODNOV<br />
Investigations of the Evolution<br />
of the Baltic Sea and Early<br />
Human Settlement in<br />
the Eastern Baltic Area<br />
(Based On Materials From the<br />
Kaliningrad Region)<br />
Fig. 3. The studied area: the valley of the River Sheshupe and Palaeolithic-Mesolithic sites.<br />
Fig. 4. A 3-D model of the relief and the Palaeolithic-Mesolithic sites. The valley of the River Sheshupe.<br />
222<br />
valleys, river capes, the prevalence of a sandy substratum,<br />
and the availability of flint raw material presented<br />
in the structure of sandy-gravel outputs, could<br />
become attractive features of valley landscapes still in<br />
the Late Glacial. The climatic conditions at the end of<br />
the Pleistocene varied repeatedly; however, even the<br />
significant cold snap in the Dryas period was possibly<br />
not an obstacle for visiting the region. The landscape<br />
conditions within the limits of the River Sheshupe valley<br />
also underwent numerous changes. The general<br />
picture of change in the environment looks as follows:<br />
landscapes of open tundra in the Early Dryas take the<br />
shape of park tundra with a light pine-birch forest and a<br />
high role of grasses in the Böling; in the Middle Dryas,<br />
grassy communities gave way to pine-birch woods in<br />
the Alleröd; at last, finishing the Late Glacial, the cold<br />
snap in the Late Dryas led to the regeneration of landscapes<br />
of tundra and forest-tundra, with the domination<br />
of grasses and dwarf forms of birch and willow,<br />
and also juniper. The investigations in the lower course<br />
of the river started in 2006 (Druzhinina 2007, pp.3-30).<br />
During the prospecting between 2006 and 2009, the
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
Fig. 5. The Ryadino 5 site: flint finds from 2008.<br />
surface of the partly preserved second and third ‘high’<br />
terraces was surveyed (Figs. 3; 4). On the left bank of<br />
the river, several sites were uncovered. They are 100 to<br />
200 metres from each other, and are situated eight to 12<br />
metres above the river on the edge of the second terrace.<br />
Its modern surface is sandy, covered with a pine<br />
forest. The collection of flint tools includes the fragments<br />
of cores, end scrapers on blades, burins, knife<br />
blades and bladelets. They are made of local dark grey<br />
flint. Most of the finds are covered with a porcelainised<br />
patina. The topographical features of the localisation<br />
of monuments on a high second terrace, a strong patina<br />
and an archaic kind of subjects, allow us to date them<br />
preliminarily to the Late Palaeolithic period.<br />
In November 2009, excavations of one of these sites,<br />
Ryadino 5, took place. The arrangement of the Ryadino<br />
5 site is characterised by the greatest height (12m)<br />
above the water level in comparison with other objects<br />
in the group. In the relief, the site occupies a flat plat-<br />
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the Eastern Baltic Area<br />
(Based On Materials From the<br />
Kaliningrad Region)<br />
OLGA<br />
DRUZHININA,<br />
IVAN<br />
SKHODNOV<br />
form on the edge of a terrace. The preliminary dimensions<br />
of the site defined on an elevated level are 200<br />
metres (NW–SE) by 80 metres (SW–NE). The quantity<br />
of flint finds is about 900. The flint finds are presented<br />
as products without secondary processing, and<br />
cores and instruments of labour (Fig. 5). Two forms of<br />
cores have been found: cone-shaped one-platform and<br />
prismatic. Worked cores were possibly used as burins.<br />
Among the products without secondary processing, the<br />
majority are flakes; the quantity of blades is much less.<br />
Tools in the Ryadino 5 collection are of various kinds.<br />
The majority of the scrapers found are circular-end<br />
ones, made from flakes; several are with the remains<br />
of nodule crusts. Their working edges are finished by<br />
large and small blunting retouch, which is put only on<br />
the back of products, and thus covers from half to two<br />
thirds of the perimeter of the scrapers. End-scrapers on<br />
the blades have been found, too. Bladelets, fragments<br />
of knife blades, have been found. For the technique<br />
of manufacturing products, the presence of truncated<br />
semi-finished products and splitting by a rigid pressure<br />
flaking tool is characteristic. It is intended to make a<br />
trasological analysis of the finds. In the cultural layer,<br />
traces of economic constructions, including ash-filling<br />
and coal have been found; samples have been selected<br />
for radiocarbon analysis. Traces of buried soil, giving<br />
the chance to make a palynological analysis, have possibly<br />
been revealed. This archaeological site is the most<br />
ancient of the Stone Age settlements excavated so far<br />
in the Kaliningrad region (Druzhinina 2008, pp.5-20).<br />
However, there is not yet enough data to make conclusions<br />
about the cultural attribution of the Palaeolithic<br />
population which left this settlement.<br />
Archaeological work in the River Sheshupe valley was<br />
supplemented by a set of palaeogeographic research<br />
aimed at reconstructing the evolution of the Late Glacial<br />
to Early Holocene environment. As an object of<br />
study, in 2009 the Great Peatbog (54º 57’06 “N, 22º<br />
20’28” E, 34 m above sea-level) was chosen. The cut<br />
of the Great Peatbog is represented by layers characterising<br />
changes in the environment throughout the last<br />
7,500 years. The earliest dating, 7520±70 cal. years<br />
(LU-6261), was received from a depth of 6.6 to 6.5<br />
metres from the present surface of the peatbog. Botanical<br />
and diatom analyses, together with radiocarbon<br />
dating, allow us to track the history of the development<br />
of the reservoir, of which the occurrence concerns the<br />
beginning of the Atlantic period. As a whole, the data<br />
obtained keeps within the existing scheme of the development<br />
of a hydronetwork in the southeast Baltic<br />
in the Holocene, thus essentially enlarging on it. The<br />
expected results of the palynological study of tests will<br />
add a picture of changes in the landscape conditions in<br />
the River Sheshupe valley.<br />
An important component of the research done is the<br />
application of GIS-technology. All information on<br />
Stone Age monuments gathered during field research<br />
in 2009, and also in work with archives and literature,<br />
has been systematised in the form of drawing up an<br />
electronic database. During the relevant period, the<br />
working version specialised AGIS ‘Stone Age Sites in<br />
the Kaliningrad Region’, which contains information<br />
on 110 objects, was created. The electronic database<br />
includes the following characteristics: geographical<br />
position, modern topographical position, palaeogeographical<br />
characteristics, cultural attribution, chronology,<br />
and features of the material culture (data on tools<br />
and other finds). The structure of the system created<br />
provides storage, search and the analysis of information,<br />
without a dependence on foreign software, and<br />
the organisation of its direct interaction with a geoinformation<br />
system for subsequent analysis means GIS<br />
with the use of digital maps.<br />
As the final result of the project, we expect to obtain a<br />
model of demographic processes that occurred in the<br />
area of the southeast Baltic during the Late Glacial and<br />
Early Holocene against environmental changes.<br />
Acknowledgements<br />
This exploratory project is financed by the Russian<br />
Foundation for Basic Research (project 09-06-00150a).<br />
References<br />
Manuscripts<br />
DRUZHININA, О.А., 2005. Vzaimodeistvie prirody i obshchestva<br />
v mezhdurech’e Nemana i Visly na rubezhe pleistocena<br />
i holocena. Disert. kand. geogr. nauk, Каliningrad,<br />
34-78.<br />
DRUZHININA, О.А., 2007. Otchet ob arkheologicheskikh<br />
issledovanii (razvedkakh) v nizhnem techehii reki<br />
Sheshupe v Nemanskom i Krasnoznamenskom raionakh<br />
Kaliningradskoi oblasti v 2006 gadu. Arkhiv Instituta<br />
arkheologii RAN, Moskva, 3-30.<br />
DRUZHININA, О.А., 2008. Otchet ob arkheologicheskikh<br />
issledovanii (razvedkakh) v nizhnem techehii reki<br />
Sheshupe v Nemanskom i Krasnoznamenskom raionakh<br />
Kaliningradskoi oblasti v 2007 gadu. Arkhiv Instituta<br />
arkheologii RAN, Moskva, 5-20.<br />
224
Literature<br />
ENGEL, C., 1935. Vorgeschichte der altpreussischen<br />
Stamme. Königsberg.<br />
ENGEL, C., LA BAUME, 1937. W. Kulturen und Volker der<br />
Fruhzeit im Preussenlande. Königsberg.<br />
GAERTE, W., 1929. Urgeschichte Ostpreussens. Königsberg.<br />
GROSS, H., 1938. Die altesten steinzeitfunde Altpreussen.<br />
Altpreussen, 3, Königsberg.<br />
Received: 14 June 2010; Revised 19 October 2010;<br />
Accepted: 28 December 2010.<br />
Olga Druzhinina<br />
Immanuel Kant State University of Russia<br />
404, A. Nevsky street 14b<br />
Kaliningrad, 236038, Russia<br />
El-mail: olga-druzinina@rambler.ru<br />
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
Ivan Skhodnov<br />
Prebaltic Archaeology Scientific Research Centre<br />
6, Emelyanov street 53<br />
Kaliningrad, 236034, Russia<br />
E-mail: skhodnov@mail.ru<br />
V<br />
RECENT<br />
UNDERWATER<br />
ARCHAEO-<br />
LOGICAL<br />
RESEARCH<br />
IN THE<br />
BALTIC SEA<br />
REGION<br />
225
VI. CONTACTS ACROSS<br />
THE BALTIC SEA<br />
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
227
The Crossbow Animal-Headed<br />
Brooches From Grave 165<br />
of the Sambian-Natangian<br />
Culture Burial Ground<br />
at Bol’shoe Isakovo<br />
(Formerly Lauth)<br />
OLGA<br />
KHOMIAKOVA<br />
THE CROSSBOW ANIMAL-HEADED BROOCHES<br />
FROM GRAVE 165 OF THE SAMBIAN-NATANGIAN<br />
CULTURE BURIAL GROUND AT BOL’SHOE<br />
ISAKOVO (FORMERLY LAUTH) *<br />
OLGA KHOMIAKOVA<br />
Abstract<br />
The article presents the publication and an attempt at the analysis of the brooches from grave 165 of the Bol’shoe Isakovo<br />
(formerly Lauth) burial ground. These are special finds which produces pieces of animal-headed crossbow brooches of the<br />
Migration Period in Sambian-Natangian culture and the western Baltic region. Brooches from the grave of the Bol’shoe<br />
Isakovo burial ground should be one of the earliest examples of the animal style in the southeast Baltic, and an instance of<br />
contacts between northern Europe and the Sambian population in the Early Migration Period.<br />
Key words: Bol’shoe Isakovo burial ground, Sambian-Natangian culture, animal-headed crossbow brooches, Early Migration<br />
Period.<br />
228<br />
Crossbow animal-headed or zoomorphic brooches became<br />
widespread in the eastern Baltic and on the islands<br />
in the Baltic Sea in the fifth to seventh centuries.<br />
Multiple specimens are known in the Finno-Ugric area<br />
and in antiquities of Kiev culture (Kazakevičius 1983,<br />
p.189ff; Tautavičius 1996, p.201ff; Bitner-Wróblewska<br />
2001, p.195ff). These brooches play a special role in<br />
archaeological evidence of the Balts, as one of the reflections<br />
of the complex cultural situation in the region.<br />
It is worth devoting attention to any of them, especially<br />
to brooches of sub-types that were formerly unknown.<br />
The main subject of this article are two crossbow<br />
animal-headed brooches, found in grave 165 of the<br />
Bol’shoe Isakovo burial ground in the Guryevsky district<br />
of the Kaliningrad region (formerly Lauth, Kreis<br />
Königsberg), which belongs to Sambian-Natangian<br />
culture (or Dollkeim-Kovrovo culture). This work is<br />
also devoted to a material analysis of these ornaments,<br />
to the question of dating and identifying them in the<br />
context of already-known typological schemes.<br />
Grave 165 was uncovered during excavations of the<br />
Bol’shoe Isakovo burial ground conducted by the<br />
Sambian-Natangian archaeological expedition of the<br />
Kaliningrad State Museum of History and Art (KOI-<br />
HM) by K.N. Skvortsov 1 (Skvortzov 2003, p.31ff,<br />
* This work was carried out in the framework of the project<br />
RGNF № 09-01-00511а ‘Contacts and Interactions of the<br />
Forest and Forest-Steppe Zone Population of East Europe<br />
in the Late Roman Period and Migration Period (according<br />
to female costume)’.<br />
1<br />
The author is grateful to K.N. Skvortsov for the opportunity<br />
to use unpublished data from the Bol’shoe Isakovo<br />
(formerly Lauth) burial ground.<br />
Figs. 140-143). The grave was located in the eastern<br />
part of the burial ground, and was described as a cremation<br />
of 0.79 by 0.57 metres in size and 0.21 metres<br />
in depth. The remains of cremated bones were put in a<br />
ceramic urn 2 and placed in the lower part. The upper<br />
part of the urn was disturbed by ploughing. The grave<br />
goods consisted of clothes and personal ornaments.<br />
The finds were situated above the bones, and were<br />
affected by fire. In the centre were two bronze crossbow<br />
brooches with stylised animal heads on feet (Fig.<br />
1.1-2). Near them was a fragment of a third brooch,<br />
ornamented with wire coils (Fig. 1.3-4), which possibly<br />
belonged to the so-called Große Armbrustfibeln<br />
type. In the filling of the pit, a spiral bronze ring was<br />
found (Fig. 1.6). This belonged to the C. Beckmann<br />
Type 30 form (Beckmann 1969, Plates 2 and 30-38,<br />
Figs. 14-17). Near the southwest side of the urn, a clay<br />
biconical spindle-whorl was discovered (Fig. 1.7). The<br />
only find untouched by fire was a disc-shaped lathed<br />
amber bead ТМ 439 (Tempelmann-Mąçzynska 1985,<br />
p.75, Plate 67), found in the northwest part of the urn<br />
(Fig. 1.5). The character and combination of finds in<br />
this grave allow us to consider it as a female grave, and<br />
to date it to the Early Migration Period (phase D 1<br />
after<br />
the chronological system proposed by K. Godłowski).<br />
The brooches described above (Fig. 2, see Plate V)<br />
have a crossbow construction, with flat (about 0.3cm<br />
thick) feet with a short cast catchplate. They are small<br />
in size. The length of their body is about 4.9 and 4.6<br />
centimetres, the axis 2.7 and 2.5 centimetres, and the<br />
2<br />
A bone data anthropological analysis of grave 165 has not<br />
yet been done. The individual gender of the buried person<br />
is determined by identification of the grave goods.
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
Fig. 1. Bol’shoe Isakovo, female grave 165. Grave goods: 1–4, 6 bronze; 5 amber; 7 pottery. 1–4, 5<br />
(drawings by O. Khomiakova; 5, 7 after Skvortzov 2003, Fig. 143).<br />
height of the bows about 2.2 centimetres. The terminals<br />
of the axis are decorated by hemispherical knobs.<br />
At the head of the feet are small faceting notches. The<br />
side surface of the bow is decorated with relief decoration,<br />
zones of grooves. The ribs are also decorated with<br />
notches. The long foot of every such brooch has an imitation<br />
of an animal head. It is characterised by a slight<br />
rise in the profile, which is covered by an embossed<br />
belt with skew notches. There were also similar belts<br />
on the feet terminals. The side surface of the brooches’<br />
feet between belts was filled by riffling.<br />
A classification of the crossbow animal-headed<br />
brooches was proposed for the first time by N. Åberg.<br />
The basis consists of examples from former East Prussia<br />
(Åberg 1919, p.94, Figs. 127-131). This scheme for<br />
the development of the type, which was completed by<br />
examples from other areas, is accepted today (Bitner-<br />
Wróblewska 2001, p.77ff, Figs. 15, 17). But it should<br />
be admitted that there is not a common viewpoint on<br />
the typology of crossbow animal-headed brooches of<br />
the Balts. Thus, in compliance with another classification,<br />
these fibulae are divided into three groups, characterised<br />
by their decoration and chronology: specimens<br />
with animal motifs and spirals, pieces decorated in the<br />
Germanic style, and brooches made according to Germanic<br />
prototypes (Bliujienė 2002, р.151ff, Figs. 6-12).<br />
Another typology of crossbow animal-headed brooches<br />
has been proposed by V. Kulakov (Kulakov 1990,<br />
pp.204-215), but this typology cannot be regarded as<br />
satisfactory. It has no clear classification criteria; in<br />
this case, brooches of the same type belong either to<br />
different variations (group 2 and 4), or combine into<br />
one (group 3) (Kulakov 1990, Figs. 3-4).<br />
Most similar to brooches from Bol’shoe Isakovo, according<br />
to morphology and stylistics, might be examples<br />
from Mrạgowo (formerly Sensburg) of the<br />
Masurian Lakeland (Åberg 1919, Fig. 12) (Fig. 3.1),<br />
which represent the earliest phase of the development<br />
of zoomorphic fibulae (Bitner-Wróblewska 2001,<br />
pp.79ff, 195). They were made of bronze, their corpus<br />
had a prolonged form, being decorated with relief<br />
ornament, and had a stylised snake’s head on the<br />
foot. Findings of such brooches have been known in<br />
Germanic areas: the islands of Öland and Bornholm<br />
(Magnus 2004, p.271ff) (Fig. 3.2). From here, as a result<br />
of different interactions, they came into the area of<br />
the Balts (Kazakevičius 1983, p.194ff; Bliujienė 2002,<br />
p.145ff; Šimėnas 2006, p.58).<br />
The main difference between the Bol’shoe Isakovo<br />
and Mrạgowo specimens is the major schematisation<br />
in the decoration of Sambian fibulae: the feet terminals<br />
here are represented by quite conditional animal head<br />
images (it seems like a ‘hint’ of a zoomorphic head).<br />
In addition, there are some morphological features uncharacteristic<br />
of these sub-types: facetings at the foot’s<br />
head, hemispherical knobs in the terminals of the axis,<br />
relief ornamentation and an elongated catchplate.<br />
These features are more appropriate to Schönwarling/<br />
Skowarcz type (Tischler, Kemke 1902, Plate IV.16,<br />
VI<br />
CONTACTS<br />
ACROSS<br />
THE BALTIC<br />
SEA<br />
229
OLGA<br />
KHOMIAKOVA<br />
The Crossbow Animal-Headed<br />
Brooches From Grave 165<br />
of the Sambian-Natangian<br />
Culture Burial Ground<br />
at Bol’shoe Isakovo<br />
(Formerly Lauth)<br />
Fig. 3. Crossbow animal-headed brooches of Sensburg/Mragowo sub-type: 1 Mrạgowo, stray find (Warmian-Masurian<br />
voivodeship, Poland); 2 Bornholm, unknown site; 3 Wyszembork site IVa (Warmian-Masurian voivodeship, Poland); 4<br />
Bol’shoe Isakovo burial ground, grave 165 (Kaliningrad region, Russia); 5 Rubokai burial ground, grave 43 (Šilutė district,<br />
Lithuania) (1 after Åberg, 1919, Fig. 127; 2 after Bitner-Wroblewska 2001, Plate LII.5; 3 after Szymanski 2005, Plate V. 6;<br />
4-5 after Kazakevičius 1983, Fig. 5).<br />
230<br />
23, 25; Skvorzov 2007, Table 49, 72; Kulakov 2007,<br />
Figs. 50.1, 53.1; Bitner-Wróblewska 2001, pp.34-41)<br />
and Dollkeim/Kovrovo type brooches (Tishler, Kemke<br />
1902, Table V.14; Bitner-Wróblewska 2001, Plates<br />
V-VI), which became widespread in Sambian-Natangian<br />
culture at the beginning of the Migration Period<br />
(Godłowski 1974, Plate VII.7), or on Stufe IV of the<br />
Dollkeim burial ground (interface of phases D/E) after<br />
W. Nowakowski (Nowakowski 1996, p.20ff, Table<br />
17). Such a mixture, in my opinion, might be interpreted<br />
as a consequence of the Sambian Peninsula’s<br />
special situation. It was situated at a crossroads of<br />
different cultural influences. So Sambian craftsmen,<br />
in their production, could orientate towards different<br />
sets of traits. As a result of such ‘combinations’, a new<br />
sub-type of brooches could be produced. This phenomenon,<br />
known as ‘superimposition of influences’, has<br />
been noted earlier (Bitner-Wróblewska 2001, p.81ff).<br />
Crossbow animal-headed brooches similar to Sambian<br />
specimens are known from the Lower Nemunas<br />
region. They are considered to be a sort of imitation of<br />
Sensburg/Mrạgowo forms, with stylisation and roughening.<br />
Their forms become massive, their zoomorphic<br />
heads become shorter, they are more stylised now. The<br />
bow is additionally decorated by ‘cockscomb’, more<br />
usual for much earlier patterns from Öland and Bornholm.<br />
Their dating compares to the end of the fifth<br />
century to the beginning of the sixth century. A ‘classic’<br />
example of this sub-type is a brooch from the region<br />
of the Lower Nemunas, from Rubokai, grave 43<br />
(Kazakevičius 1983, Fig.1.3) (Fig. 3.5). Such brooches<br />
also find analogies in materials from central Lithuania,<br />
particularly from the Plinkagailis burial ground, burial<br />
107 (Kazakevičius 1993, Fig. 172; Tautavičius 1996,<br />
Figs. 88, 89; Bliujienė 2002, р.155, Fig. 12.1).<br />
The brooches from Bol’shoe Isakovo described here<br />
do not have analogies in Sambian-Natangian culture.<br />
Specimens of zoomorphic fibulae from Osokino (formerly<br />
Gross Waldeck, Kreis Pr.-Eylau), Prudovka<br />
(formerly Popelken, Kreis Wehlau) and Yaroslavskoe<br />
(formerly Schlakalken, Kreis Fischausen) belong to<br />
another version of West Balt crossbow animal-headed<br />
brooches, which find parallels in Tumiany (formerly<br />
Daumen) (Åberg, 1919, Figs. 130, 131; Bitner-<br />
Wróblewska 2001, p.197, Fig. 17; Bliujienė 2002,<br />
p.152, Fig. 6). Such brooches, dated to the fifth and<br />
sixth centuries, are also known from survivals from the<br />
Lower Nemunas region: Vidgiriai grave 30 (Šimėnas<br />
2006, p.58, Figs. 42, 43) and Plinkaigalis graves 106<br />
and 107 (Kazakevičius 1983, Fig.1; Vaitkunskienė
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
Fig. 4. The distribution of crossbow brooches of Sensburg/Mrągowo sub-type: 1 Bol’shoe Isakovo burial ground and<br />
Wyszembork site IVa; 2 brooches of Sensburg/Mrągowo type; 3 brooches of Bornholm (Smørenge) variant; 4 brooches of<br />
Rubokiai variant (after A. Bitner-Wroblewska 2001, Fig. 16, with additions).<br />
1986, pp.38-39). This sub-type differs by morphology:<br />
the foot and the axis of the fibulae are of almost<br />
equal proportions, and there is a strong stylisation of<br />
the foot’s zoomorphic terminal. The axis is decorated<br />
with knobs in the shape of buds. Precious metals might<br />
have been used in the process of manufacturing these<br />
brooches. Probably, traditions of strong stylisation inherited<br />
by brooches from Bol’shoe Isakovo might have<br />
some influence on this sub-type, notably Sambian-<br />
Natangian fibulae. Maybe there was a common ‘field’<br />
(or set of traits), in the framework of which West Balt<br />
craftsmen worked and created new forms of clothes fittings<br />
and ornaments.<br />
By the character of the main features, it should be mentioned<br />
that these specimens were not used exclusively<br />
by tribal elites. This might be topical only in the case of<br />
Daumen/Tumiany-type brooches (Vaitkunskienė 1987,<br />
pp.46-47; Šimėnas 2006, p.58), which were made from<br />
precious metals. Bronze goods from Bol’shoe Isakovo<br />
were discovered in a complex which was not noticeable<br />
against the background of other Early Migration<br />
Period burials of this site (Skvorzov 2007, Tables 28,<br />
40, 49, 58, 61).<br />
A fibula almost identical to the crossbow animalheaded<br />
brooches from Bol’shoe Isakovo is known<br />
among the finds from Wyszembork site IVa. The crossbow<br />
animal-headed fibula from Wyszembork IVa is a<br />
loose find. This fine ornament is just briefly mentioned<br />
among the finds of Bogaczewo culture (Szymański<br />
2005, Table V.6) (cf. Fig. 3.3-4). However, the brooch<br />
from Wyszembork site IVa is similar to ornaments<br />
from Bol’shoe Isakovo, by the similar decoration and<br />
the measurements of the foot (the foot’s length is about<br />
4.8cm, the bow’s height about 2.6cm, and the thickness<br />
of the bow’s cross-section about 0.4cm). Such a similarity<br />
of morphological features allows us to consider<br />
that the brooch found in Wyszembork site IVa might<br />
have been imported from the Sambian-Natangian culture<br />
area during period D 1<br />
. Of course, it is possible that<br />
the brooch from Wyszembork site IVa was produced<br />
locally, under the influence of Sambian-Natangian culture.<br />
During the Early Migration Period close connections<br />
between both regions are mentioned (Szymański<br />
2008, р.170).<br />
Thus, brooches from burial 165 of Bol’shoe Isakovo<br />
should be one of the earliest local specimens of Sensburg/Mrągowo<br />
type, and probably one of the earliest<br />
examples of animal-style in the southeast Baltic. The<br />
mapping of such zoomorphic brooches (Fig. 4) allows<br />
us to make clearer presumptions about the main vector<br />
of its progress. By this point, the Sambian Peninsula<br />
might be a major interaction area in the formation of<br />
this type. The west Lithuanian coast might also be such<br />
a zone of contact. Probably, new finds of brooches belonging<br />
to this type in the region will allow us to confirm<br />
or deny this suggestion.<br />
VI<br />
CONTACTS<br />
ACROSS<br />
THE BALTIC<br />
SEA<br />
231
The Crossbow Animal-Headed<br />
Brooches From Grave 165<br />
of the Sambian-Natangian<br />
Culture Burial Ground<br />
at Bol’shoe Isakovo<br />
(Formerly Lauth)<br />
OLGA<br />
KHOMIAKOVA<br />
232<br />
The appearance of such brooches in Sambian materials<br />
might be considered as one of many manifestations<br />
of the intensification of contacts between northern<br />
Europe (especially with islands in the Baltic Sea, like<br />
Öland and Bornholm) and the local population in the<br />
Early Migration Period. On the other hand, the brooches<br />
described here should be a striking example of the<br />
individuality of the art of Balt jewellers.<br />
Translated by Roman Shirouchov<br />
Abbreviations<br />
Arhiv IA RAN – Arhiv Instituta arheologii Rossiiskoi Akademii<br />
nauk, Moskva.<br />
MADA – Lietuvos TSR Mokslų akademijos darbai, A serija,<br />
Vilnius, from 1955 to 1989.<br />
References<br />
Manuscripts<br />
SKVORTSOV, K.N., 2003. Arhiv IA RAN. R-I. №25796.<br />
Otchet po raskopkam gruntovogo mogil’nika Lauth-<br />
Bol’shoe Isakovo Sambiisko-Natangiiskoi arheologicheskoi<br />
ekspeditsiei v 2003 godu.<br />
Literature<br />
ÅBERG, N., 1919. Ostpreusen in der Völkerwanderungszeit.<br />
Uppsala: Almqvist & Wiksells Boktryckeri-A.-D.<br />
BECKMANN, C., 1969. Metallfingerringe der Römischen<br />
Kaiserzeit im Freien Germanien. Saalburg Jahrbuch, 37,<br />
7-106.<br />
BITNER-WRÓBLEWSKA, A., 2001. From Samland to Rogaland.<br />
East-west connections in the Baltic basin during<br />
the Early Migration Period. Warsaw.<br />
BLIUJIENĖ, A., 2002. The Main Stylistic Features of the<br />
Baltic Crossbow Brooches in the Migration Period. Archaeologia<br />
Baltica, 5, 145-161.<br />
GODŁOWSKI, K., 1974. Chronologia okresu późnorzymskiego<br />
i wczesnego okresu wędrówek ludów w polsce<br />
północno – wschodniej. Rocznik Białostocki, 12, 9-109.<br />
KAZAKEVIČIUS, V., 1983. A rare animal-headed crossbow<br />
brooch from Plinkaigalis in Lithuania. Fornvännen,<br />
78, 189-196.<br />
KAZAKEVIČIUS, V., 1993. Plinkaigalio kapinynas. Lietuvos<br />
archeologija, 10.<br />
KULAKOV, V.I., 2007. Dollkeim–Kovrovo. Issledovaniia<br />
1992–2002 gg. Minsk: Institut istorii NAN Belarusi.<br />
KULAKOV, V.I., 1990. “Zverinogolovye” fibuly baltov (V-<br />
VII vv.). Sovetskaia arheologiia, 2, 204-215.<br />
MAGNUS, B., 2004. Brooches on the move in Migration Period<br />
Europe. Fornvännen, 99, 271-283.<br />
NOWAKOWSKI, W., 1996. Das Samland in der römischen<br />
Kaiserzeit und seine Verbindungen mit dem römischen<br />
Reich und der barbarischen Welt. Veröffentlichung des<br />
Vorgeschichtlichen Seminars Marburg. Sonderband, 10.<br />
C. von CARNAP-BORNHEIM, ed. Marburg–Warszawa.<br />
ŠIMĖNAS, V., 2006. Etnokultūriniai procesai. Vakarų Lietuvoje<br />
pirmojo mūsų eros tūkstantmečio viduryje. Vilnius:<br />
Vilniaus universiteto leidykla.<br />
SKVORZOV, K., 2004/2005. Das Gräberfeld der römischen<br />
Kaiserzeit von Bolšoe Isakovo (ehemals Lauth, Kreis<br />
Königsberg). Katalog der Funde aus den Grabungen 1998<br />
und 1999. Offa, 61/62,111-219.<br />
SZYMAŃSKI, P., 2005. Mikroregion osadniczy z okresu<br />
wpływow rzymskih e rejonie jeziora Salęt na Pojezierzu<br />
Mazurskim. Światowit. Supplement. Series P: Prehistory<br />
and Middle Ages X, Warsaw.<br />
SZYMAŃSKI, P., 2008. Kurgannii mogil’nik sudavskoi<br />
kul’tury v Chervonom Dvore vozle Goldapa. In: O.<br />
RADJUSH, K. SKVORTZOV, eds. Germania-Sarmatia.<br />
Drevnosti Central’noi i Vostochnoi Evropy epohi rimskogo<br />
vliianiia i pereseleniia narodov. Kaliningrad, 166-179.<br />
TAUTAVIČIUS, A., 1996. Vidurinis geležies amžius Lietuvoje<br />
(V–IX a.). Vilnius: Lietuvos pilys.<br />
TEMPELMANN-MĄÇZYNSKA, M., 1985. Die Perlen<br />
der römischen Kaiserzeit und der fruher Phase der Völkerwanderungszeit<br />
im mitteleurohaischen Barbaricum. In:<br />
Römisch-Germanische Forschungen, 43, Mainz am Rhein.<br />
TISCHLER, O., KEMKE, H., 1902. Ostpreißishe Altertümer<br />
aus der Zeit der großen Graberfelder nach Christi Geburt.<br />
Konigsberg i.Pr.<br />
VAITKUNSKIENĖ, L., 1986. Mitologiniai ir ritualiniai simboliai<br />
m. e. 1 tūkstantmečio vidurio Lietuvos metalo plastikoje.<br />
MADA, 3(96), 37-50.<br />
VAITKUNSKIENĖ, L., 1987. Mitologiniai ir ritualiniai<br />
simboliai m.e. I tūkstantmečio viduri Lietuvos metalo<br />
plastikoje (2. Kosmogoniniai vaizdiniai). MADA, 4(101),<br />
44-55.<br />
Received: 20 September 2010; Revised 14 December 2010;<br />
Accepted: 28 December 2010.<br />
Olga Khomiakova,<br />
Institute of Archaeology<br />
Dm.Ulianova street 19<br />
Moscow, Russia<br />
E-mail: olga_homsy@mail.ru<br />
SEMBOS-NOTANGOS KULTŪROS<br />
LANKINĖS ZOOMORFINĖS<br />
SEGĖS IŠ BOLŠOJE ISAKOVO<br />
(BUV. LAUTH) KAPINYNO<br />
KAPO 165<br />
OLGA HOMIAKOVA<br />
Santrauka<br />
Lankinės zoomorfinės segės iš Bolšoje Isakovo (buvęs<br />
Lauth) kapinyno kapo 165 datuojamos D1 faze (1–2<br />
pav. įklija). Dabartiniu metu jos yra vienintelės panašios<br />
segės Sembos-Notangos kultūros archeologinėje<br />
medžiagoje. Schemiškas gyvulinės galvos ant kojelės<br />
atvaizdas, taip pat keletas kitų morfologinių požymių<br />
leidžia laikyti jas artimas Mrạgowo (buvęs Sensburg)
adiniams (3: 1 pav.). Kai kurie jų morfologiniai požymiai<br />
yra būdingi kitoms to laikotarpio kultūros segėms.<br />
Apžvelgiami papuošalai gali būti vienas ankstyviausių<br />
lankinių zoomorfinių segių pavyzdžių vakarų baltų<br />
areale. Šių segių tolesnė raida rutuliojosi Vakarų Lietuvos<br />
teritorijoje ir Nemuno žemupyje. Artimiausios<br />
analogijos Bolšoje Isakovo kapinyno segėms žinomos<br />
D1 periodu, datuojamame Wyszembork IV kapinyne,<br />
kur jos galėjo patekti kaip importas arba būti kultūrinių<br />
kontaktų pasekmė (3: 3 pav.). Panašių segių atsiradimas<br />
Semboje tautų kraustymosi laikotarpio pradžioje<br />
liudija bendravimo su Šiaurės Europos (ypač su Olando<br />
ir Bornholmo salų) gyventojais sustiprėjimą.<br />
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
Iš rusų kalbos vertė Roman Shirouchov<br />
VI<br />
CONTACTS<br />
ACROSS<br />
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SEA<br />
233
On the Track of the Ancestors<br />
of the Scalvians. The Remains<br />
of the Migration Period<br />
Cemetery at Tilsit<br />
ON THE TRACK OF THE ANCESTORS OF THE<br />
SCALVIANS. THE REMAINS OF THE MIGRATION<br />
PERIOD CEMETERY AT TILSIT<br />
WOJCIECH NOWAKOWSKI<br />
WOJCIECH<br />
NOWAKOWSKI<br />
Abstract<br />
The Early Medieval Scalva region, situated on the Lower Neman, * was, it seems, already relatively densely populated in the<br />
Migration Period. The concentration of Migration Period cemeteries on the eastern outskirts of the later city of Tilsit might<br />
indicate this. The Am Philosophengang necropolis was one of these sites. Completely unknown until recently, the cemetery<br />
is now being ‘rediscovered’ on the basis of archive records.<br />
Key words: archaeology, Scalva, Scalvians, Migration Period, Lower Neman.<br />
234<br />
In the research carried out by Vladas Žulkus, who celebrates<br />
his jubilee this year, archaeological studies of<br />
the west coast of Lithuania (Žulkus 2003), the history<br />
of the development of Klaipėda (Žulkus 1994), and the<br />
history of the Curonians (Žulkus 2000; 2004; 2006a)<br />
predominate. Also, his research into the Scalvians<br />
(Žulkus 2000, p.101), or more specifically studies of<br />
the prehistory of the valley of the Lower Neman, raises<br />
important issues that sometimes lead to far-reaching<br />
and surprising, and even controversial, conclusions<br />
(Žulkus 2004, Figs. 1-2; 2006b).<br />
This course of investigations into Scalva in the Lower<br />
Neman is an important continuation of the discoveries<br />
and research carried out in the 19th century and at the<br />
beginning of the 20th century around Tilsit (now Sovetsk).<br />
That city had a special position on the map of<br />
Germany: the multi-cultural and multi-national character<br />
of the population of the city and of its surroundings<br />
used to attract the German intellectual elite, which can<br />
be seen, for instance, in the short stories dating from<br />
that time written by Hermann Sudermann (1921). Tilsit<br />
simultaneously played a very specific role in the development<br />
of Lithuanian culture, as it was the seat of the<br />
Litauische Literarische Gesellschaft. This association<br />
came into being in 1879, and at the beginning it had<br />
only a few members, mainly Germans, not Lithuanians.<br />
It flourished between 1899 and 1918, when it was<br />
chaired for the first time by a Lithuanian, Alexander<br />
Kurschat, a professor at a gymnasium in Tilsit and the<br />
author of a German-Lithuanian dictionary (Forstreuter<br />
1971, p.62ff) which was published after his death. After<br />
the First World War, a dispute arose about the land<br />
located on the Lower Neman, an example of which in<br />
archaeology could be the booklet written in a hysterical<br />
tone by E. Hollack (1919), which thwarted the chance<br />
for the further development of the association, which<br />
was regarded as an organisation of Lithuanian nationalists<br />
by the Germans, and as a clique of collaborators<br />
by the Lithuanians. This situation led to the association’s<br />
voluntary dissolution in 1927 (Kurschat 1928).<br />
The Litauische Literarische Gesellschaft focused<br />
mainly on research into linguistics and folklore, this<br />
way contributing to the Lithuanian national revival.<br />
Despite this fact, it collected a small but rather interesting<br />
collection of antiquities, most of which were found<br />
in the environs of Tilsit (cf. Hoffheinz 1887, p.426ff;<br />
1889, p.195). After the dissolution of the association, it<br />
was moved to the Prussia-Museum in Königsberg, and<br />
then, together with the rest of the Prussia-Museum collection,<br />
it was lost in the turmoil of the war.<br />
In this situation, all information concerning archaeological<br />
discoveries 1 in Tilsit and its area are interesting,<br />
especially as the finds seem to form a distinct concentration.<br />
Emil Hollack, the author of a monumental catalogue<br />
of archaeological sites in the former East Prussia<br />
which was published in 1908, mentions numerous<br />
sites dating from the Bronze Age and the Early Middle<br />
Ages which were situated in Tilsit or around the city<br />
(Hollack 1908, pp.165-166; cf. Grenz 1971, p.36). We<br />
should add to the last group an inhumation cemetery<br />
in Splitter, a western suburb of Tilsit (Hollack 1908,<br />
* In Lithuanian this river is called the Nemunas; the lower<br />
reaches of the river are known as Memel (DEMERECKAS,<br />
K. Memelis – Klaipėdos vardas. In: V. ŽULKUS, ed.<br />
Vakarų baltų istorija ir kultūra, II. Klaipėda, p.34ff).<br />
Editorial note.<br />
1<br />
I would like to thank all my colleagues who have helped<br />
me with searching for archive materials referring to<br />
the finds discussed in this paper, and have made them<br />
available for publication: Prof. Wilfried Menghin, Prof.<br />
Mathias Wemhoff, Horst Junker MA and Horst Wieder<br />
MA from Museum für Vor- und Frühgeschichte in Berlin,<br />
Arnis Radiņš PhD and Jānis Ciglis MA, from Latvijas<br />
Nacionālais vēsturas muzejs in Rīga.
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
Fig. 1. Cemeteries on the western outskirts of Tilsit: 1 Tilsit Splitter, Am Schwedenfriedhof; 2 Tilsit-Splitter, Am<br />
Mühlenteich; 3 Tilsit, Stolbeckerstraße 99; 4 the approximate location of the Tilsit-Splitter cemetery Am Philosophengang.<br />
p.154). Hollack also mentions some finds dating from<br />
the Roman Period and the Migration Period: attention<br />
should be paid to the eye fibula which was discovered<br />
on the western outskirts of the city (‘Hakenfibel, Zeit:<br />
B, vom westlichen Stadtende’, Hollack 1908, p.166; cf.<br />
Grenz 1971, p.37).<br />
The concentration of archaeological sites on the western<br />
outskirts of the city, in the suburbs of Stolbeck and<br />
Splitter more to the west, around the lower reaches and<br />
the mouth of a small river, which even in the interwar<br />
period had the Baltic name of Smolupp[e] (now Uzkaja/<br />
Узкая), is especially interesting. In this area, a Medieval<br />
inhumation cemetery mentioned by Hollack (1908,<br />
p.154) was located (Fig. 1.1), situated in those days<br />
by a millpond (‘Am Mühlenteich’), which was studied<br />
relatively quickly and published (Peiser 1909; Peiser,<br />
Luckmann 1919). Less well-known are two other sites,<br />
which were investigated in the 1930s. One of them is a<br />
necropolis in Stolbeck discovered near the main street<br />
in the outskirts, and later included within the borders of<br />
the city (Fig. 1.2). This site is called Stolbecker-Straße<br />
99 in literature. Unfortunately, it is known only from a<br />
few short notices, which hopefully allow us to date it to<br />
the Late Roman Period and the Migration Period (Neue<br />
Bodenfunde 1936a, p.238; Waetzoldt, Urbanek 1937,<br />
p.76; Waetzoldt 1939, p.119, Fig. 7).<br />
Even less information has been available for years<br />
about the multi-phase cemetery Am Schwedenfriedhof<br />
(Fig. 1.3) in Splitter (cf. Neue Bodenfunde 1936b,<br />
p.33; Bohnsack 1938, p.29). Excerpts from excavation<br />
documentation that are accessible now in a discovered<br />
part of the Fundarchiv of the Prussia-Museum<br />
in Königsberg allow us to establish that the necropolis<br />
was founded in the Early Roman Period, and was in<br />
use until the Middle Ages (Nowakowski 2006).<br />
The discoveries described show that on the eastern outskirts<br />
of Tilsit, in the suburbs called Stolbeck and Splitter,<br />
the relatively dense and stable settlement that has<br />
been dated to the first millennium AD should be taken<br />
into account. In this context, even limited information<br />
which suggests the presence of another site in this region<br />
dating from this period of prehistory is important.<br />
Discoveries of this kind were documented in the archive<br />
of Felix Jakobson. This young Latvian archaeologist,<br />
who died a violent and early death (Ciglis 2009),<br />
was preparing a doctoral dissertation in the 1920s on<br />
VI<br />
CONTACTS<br />
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SEA<br />
235
WOJCIECH<br />
NOWAKOWSKI<br />
On the Track of the Ancestors<br />
of the Scalvians. The Remains<br />
of the Migration Period<br />
Cemetery at Tilsit<br />
Fig. 2. A card from Jakobson’s archive with sketches of the Schlußkreuzfibel and the so-called Armbrustsprossenfibel from<br />
Tilsit (Am Philosophengang).<br />
236<br />
two Masurian cemeteries in Tumiany and Kielary dating<br />
from the Late Migration Period (Jakobson 2009),<br />
and for the purpose of his work he prepared a large file<br />
which includes finds from the Late Roman Period and<br />
the Migration Period discovered in regions located far<br />
beyond Masuria (Bitner-Wróblewska 1999).<br />
Out of the several hundred record cards from Felix<br />
Jakobson’s archive, there are two which contain very<br />
schematic drawings of brooches discovered in the<br />
western part of Tilsit. On the first card, there are only<br />
sketches of two brooches, without any precise information,<br />
apart from the caption ‘Tilsit, am Philosophengange’,<br />
which indicates that they were found on a plot<br />
near that small street, on the western outskirts of the<br />
city (Fig. 1.3). On the basis of Jakobson’s methods for<br />
preparing his files, we can assume that the finds were<br />
stored in the Prussia-Museum in Königsberg. The first<br />
documented brooch is the Schlußkreuzfibel (cf. Åberg<br />
1919, p.120ff, Figs. 173-179). Despite the fact that the<br />
drawing is schematic, it can be stated that the brooch<br />
has a facetted foot ending with a metope decorated<br />
with a slanting cross and a massive metope on its head<br />
(Fig. 1.2). This allows us to treat it as a later version<br />
of Schlußkreuzfibel, and to date it to the end of phase<br />
E 1<br />
and phase E 2a<br />
of the Migration Period, so approximately<br />
to the sixth century (cf. Rudnicki 2008, p.295,<br />
Fig. 3).<br />
The second brooch sketched on the same card is the<br />
Armbrustsprossenfibel (Fig. 2.2), which probably presents<br />
a late version with a long Sprossen, a trapezoidal<br />
plate on a head and with an imitation of spring cord<br />
made of metal sheet. Such brooches should be dated to<br />
the final part of the Late Migration Period (the end of<br />
phase E 2b<br />
and phase E 3<br />
, Rudnicki 2008, pp.297-298),<br />
which corresponds to the seventh century or even the<br />
beginning of the eighth century (cf. Brather 2001).<br />
On the second card from Jakobson’s archive, we find a<br />
very slightly more thorough description of the find: ‘am<br />
Philosophengange, Streufund’. The inventory number<br />
of the Prussia-Museum was also noted, V 7226, which<br />
lets us assume that documented finds were added to the<br />
collection at the end of the 19th century. An additional<br />
note ‘Baron Prinzsche Slg., Samland’ suggests that before<br />
that, they were kept in the private collection of a<br />
landowner, an enthusiast for antiquities. On the card,<br />
there is a very schematic drawing of the late version of<br />
Armbrustsprossenfibel (Fig. 3), similar to the specimen<br />
illustrated on the previous card. A note under the drawing<br />
‘Bügel von solcher’ indicates that a piece of another<br />
brooch representing the mentioned version from the<br />
collection of the mysterious baron-archaeologist was<br />
donated to the Prussia-Museum.<br />
Simple annotations on the cards from Jakobson’s archive<br />
do not permit us to determine unambiguously the
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
Fig. 3. A card from Jakobson’s archive with a sketch of the Armbrustsprossenfibel from Tilsit (Am Philosophengang).<br />
origin of the four brooches mentioned. However, it can<br />
be assumed that if the term ‘am Philosophengang’ was<br />
used on both cards, the brooches were discovered near<br />
each other, probably at the same site dating from the<br />
Migration Period located near that street. It was presumably<br />
a cemetery, as it is hard to expect a chance<br />
discovery of as many as four brooches in one settlement.<br />
A confirmation of this hypothesis can be found in the<br />
preserved part of the Fundarchiv of the Prussia-Museum.<br />
In a note made in 1938, a previous discovery<br />
of a cemetery ‘am Philosophengang’ was mentioned<br />
(in 1883), with skeleton graves furnished with bronze<br />
necklaces, bracelets and figurines (Fundarchiv, № 683/<br />
Tilsit-Stadt, Bd. 2/19). One of the bracelets was better<br />
described, as a specimen ending with transverse<br />
plates. It cannot be excluded that this was the specimen<br />
published a little earlier with the annotation ‘bei<br />
Tilsit’ (Fig. 4, Gaerte 1929, Fig. 268.c), which presents<br />
a local form which existed in the Lower Neman region<br />
in the Late Migration Period (cf. Engel 1931, p.38, Fig.<br />
8.e; Vaitkunskienė 1995, p.129, Fig. 188.1).<br />
One of the graves also yielded ‘ein eisernes Schwert<br />
mit breitem Rücken’, probably a single-edged sword<br />
with a massive blade back, analogous to specimens<br />
existing on a large scale on sites dating from the Late<br />
Migration Period on the Samland Peninsula and in Natangen<br />
(Berendt 1873, pp.10-11, pl. I.9a; Klebs 1877,<br />
p.53, pl. I:5; Kulakov 1990, p.69, pl. XIX:7), as well as<br />
in the Elbląg Group (Dorr 1898, pp.15-16, pl. I:16, 21-<br />
22) and in Early Medieval cemeteries situated on the<br />
Lower Neman and on the coast of Lithuania at the end<br />
of the Late Migration Period and the beginning of the<br />
Middle Ages (Engel 1931, p.38, Fig. 8g; Kazakevičius<br />
1988, pp.93-96, 99-104, Figs. 37.2-8, 38, 41, 43; map<br />
XVI).<br />
In the same note, two brooches found in the ‘am Philosphengang’<br />
cemetery were mentioned. One of them<br />
was described enigmatically as a specimen ‘mit oberer<br />
Sehne, Spiral- und Nadelhülse’, which does not allow<br />
for any speculation about its classification. The second<br />
one, however, was described as a ‘Sprossenfibel’, so<br />
probably this was the Armbrustsprossenfibel, analogous<br />
to the two specimens documented in Jakobson’s<br />
archive.<br />
In the preserved part of the Fundarchiv from the former<br />
Prussia-Museum, there is also a note made in<br />
1942 about a fragment of a bronze brooch ‘Achse<br />
einer bronzenen Fibel, etwas im Feuer verschmolzen’<br />
(Fundarchiv № 683/Tilsit-Stadt, Bd. 2/26), handed<br />
over to the museum in Tilsit that was found near the<br />
street called Philosophengang. It is possible that this<br />
find came from the same site, but any attempt to determine<br />
the type of brooch it is is hopeless.<br />
Here we have to recall a brooch mentioned by Hollack,<br />
dating from the Early Roman Period, found ‘vom westlichen<br />
Stadtende’ (Hollack 1908, p.166), so maybe also<br />
in the vicinity of the street called Philosophengang.<br />
VI<br />
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SEA<br />
237
On the Track of the Ancestors<br />
of the Scalvians. The Remains<br />
of the Migration Period<br />
Cemetery at Tilsit<br />
WOJCIECH<br />
NOWAKOWSKI<br />
238<br />
Fig. 4. A bronze bracelet with transverse plates found ‘bei<br />
Tilsit’ (after Gaerte 1929, Fig. 268c).<br />
To sum up, we can accept that all the finds mentioned<br />
were found on one site, ‘Am Philosophengang’. This<br />
was probably a cemetery which was presumably destroyed<br />
towards the end of the 19th century. Repeated<br />
chance discoveries made on a relatively densely builtup<br />
area indicate this. It seems that a precise determination<br />
of the extent or the period of existence of the<br />
cemetery will probably not be possible. The chronological<br />
frameworks of the nearby Schwedenfriedhof<br />
and Stolbecker-Straße 99 sites indeed allow us to guess<br />
that the hypothetical ‘Am Philosophengang’ necropolis<br />
could have been founded as early as the (Early?)<br />
Roman Period, and was in use until the beginning of<br />
the Early Middle Ages, but there are no premises to<br />
support such a risky theory. However, it seems quite<br />
certain that, as in the case of the two neighbouring necropolises,<br />
the most extensive development of the ‘Am<br />
Philosphengang’ cemetery took place in the Late Migration<br />
Period.<br />
There is also no doubt that in the Migration Period a<br />
great concentration of settlement took place in the region<br />
described, which created the basis for the later development<br />
of Early Medieval Scalva (cf. Engel 1935,<br />
pp.100-101, 120, Fig. 54; Sedov 1987, pp.409-411;<br />
Powierski 2004, p.157ff) as a Prussian tribal territory,<br />
and simultaneously as an important political and economic<br />
centre on the east Baltic coast (Jankuhn 1952,<br />
p.12ff).<br />
Translated by Agata Chilińska-Drapella and<br />
Anna Mistewicz<br />
References<br />
Manuscripts<br />
FUNDARCHIV – Archives of archaeological discoveries and<br />
finds Prussia-Museum, Königsberg; currently at the Museum<br />
für Vor- und Frühgeschichte, Berlin, shelfmark PM-<br />
IXd1.<br />
F. JAKOBSON, Archive–Scientific archives of Felix Jakobson,<br />
currently stored at the Latvijas Nacionalāis Vēstures<br />
Muzejs, Rīgā.<br />
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DORR, R., 1898. Die Gräberfelder auf dem Silberberge bei<br />
Lenzen und bei Serpin, Kreis Elbing, aus dem V.–VII. Jahrhundert<br />
nach Christi Geburt. Elbing.<br />
ENGEL, C., 1931. Die Kultur des Memellandes in vorgeschichtlicher<br />
Zeit. Memel.<br />
ENGEL, C., 1935. Aus ostpreußischer Vorzeit. Königsberg.<br />
FORSTREUTER, K., 1971. Deutsche und Litauer. In:<br />
F. BRIX, ed. Tilsit–Ragnit Stadt und Kreis. Ein ostpreußisches<br />
Heimatbuch. Ostdeutsche Beiträge aus dem Göttinger<br />
Arbeitskreis, vol. I. Würzburg, 48-72.<br />
GAERTE, W., 1929. Urgeschichte Ostpreußens. Königsberg.<br />
GRENZ, R., 1971. Vor- und Frühgeschichte. In: F. BRIX, ed.<br />
Tilsit–Ragnit Stadt und Kreis. Ein ostpreußisches Heimatbuch.<br />
Ostdeutsche Beiträge aus dem Göttinger Arbeitskreis,<br />
vol. I. Würzburg, 29-47.<br />
HOFFHEINZ, H., 1887. Siebente General-Versammlung.<br />
Jahresbericht des Vorsitzenden. Mitteilungen der Litauischen<br />
Litterarischen Gesellschaft, II/6(12), 422-427.<br />
HOFFHEINZ, H., 1889. Jahresbericht des Vorsitzenden<br />
erstattet in der General-Versammlung vom 11. Oktober<br />
1888. Mitteilungen der Litauischen Litterarischen Gesellschaft,<br />
III/2(14), 193-196.<br />
HOLLACK, E., 1908. Erläuterungen zur vorgeschichtlichen<br />
Übersichtskarte von Ostpreußen. Glogau-Berlin.<br />
HOLLACK, E., 1919. Haben die Polen und Litauer ein historisches<br />
Recht auf Altpreußen? Beantwortet von einem<br />
Altpreußen durch Geburt und Abstammung. Königsberg.<br />
JAKOBSON, F., 2009. Die Brandgräberfelder von Daumen<br />
und Kellaren im Kreise Allenstein. Inaugural dissertation,<br />
Königsberg 1927. In: Daumen und Kellaren – Tumiany i
Kielary. Band 1. Schriften des Archäologischen Landesmuseums,<br />
9, Neumünster, 27-328.<br />
JANKUHN, H., 1952. Ostpreußen und der Norden im frühen<br />
Mittelalter. In: H. NADOLNY, ed. „... bis an die Memel“.<br />
Beiträge ostpreußischer Wissenschaftler anläßlich der<br />
Jahrhundertfeiern von Memel (1252) – Zinten (1352) –<br />
Tilsit (1552). Leer, 10-13.<br />
KAZAKEVIČIUS, V., 1988. Oruzhye baltskikh plemion II-<br />
VIII vekov na territorii Litvy. Vilnius: Mokslas.<br />
KLEBS, R., 1877. Bericht über die neuen Ausgrabungen in<br />
Tengen bei Brandenburg (Natangen), ausgeführt im Sommer<br />
1875. Schriften der Physikalisch-Ökonomischen Gesellschaft<br />
zu Königsberg i.Pr., XVII, 1876, 51-62.<br />
KULAKOV, V.I., 1990. Drevnosti prusov VI-XIII v.v.. In:<br />
Arkheologiia SSSR. Svod arkheologicheskikh Istochnikov,<br />
vol. G1-9. Moskva.<br />
KURSCHAT, A., 1928. Litauische Literarische Gesellschaft<br />
in Tilsit. Altpreußische Forschungen, 5, 144.<br />
NEUE BODENFUNDE, 1936a [anon.], Neue Bodenfunde.<br />
1 Oktober bis 31 Dezember 1935. Alt-Preußen, 1/4,<br />
1935/1936, 233-238.<br />
NEUE BODENFUNDE, 1936b [anon.], Neue Bodenfunde.<br />
1 Januar bis 31 März 1936. Alt-Preußen, 2/1, 1936/1937,<br />
30-33.<br />
NOWAKOWSKI, W., 2006. Eine vergessene Nekropole an<br />
der Memel – das kaiserzeitliche Gräberfeld Tilsit-Splitter.<br />
Archaeologia Lituana, 7, 23-30.<br />
PEISER, F.E., 1909. Gräberfeld in Splitter, Kr. Tilsit, Sitzungsberichte<br />
der Altertumsgesellschaft Prussia, 22,<br />
1900-1904, 336-346.<br />
PEISER, F.E., LUCKMANN, O., 1919. Gräberfeld in Splitter,<br />
Kr. Tilsit. Sitzungsberichte der Altertumsgesellschaft<br />
Prussia, 23/II, 1905-1908, 362-373.<br />
POWIERSKI, J., 2004. Prussica Artykuły wybrane z lat<br />
1965-1995, vol. I, Malbork.<br />
RUDNICKI, M., 2008. Bemerkungen zur Entwicklung von<br />
Armbrustsprossenfibeln aus dem Territorium der Olsztyn-<br />
Gruppe. Erste Feststellungen. In: B. NIEZABITOWSKA-<br />
WIŚNIEWSKA, M. JUŚCIŃSKI, P. ŁUCZKIEWICZ,<br />
S. SADOWSKI, eds. The Turbulent Epoch. New materials<br />
from the Late Roman Period and the Migration Period,<br />
vol. II, Monumenta Studia Gothica vol. V. Lublin, 291-<br />
302.<br />
SEDOV, V.V., 1987. Balty. In: V.V. SEDOV, ed. Finno-ugry<br />
i balty v epokhu srednevekov’ya. Moskva.<br />
SUDERMANN, H., 1921. Jons und Erdme. Eine litauische<br />
Geschichte. Stuttgart-Berlin.<br />
VAITKUNSKIENĖ, L., 1995. Pagrybio kapinynas. Monografija.<br />
Lietuvos Archeologija, 13.<br />
WAETZOLDT, D., 1939. Zur Tracht der Bewohner des<br />
Memelgebietes in der Eisenzeit. Alt-Preußen, vol. 3,<br />
1938/1939, 116-120.<br />
WAETZOLDT, D., URBANEK, H., 1937. Zur Neuaufstellung<br />
des Grenzland- und Heimatmuseums in Tilsit unter<br />
besonderer Berücksichtigung der vorgeschichtlichen Abteilung.<br />
Alt-Preußen, 2/2, 1936/1937, 74-80.<br />
ŽULKUS, V., 1994. Klaipėdos istorijos ir topografijos<br />
bruožai XIII-XVII a. (Archeologijos duomenimis). In:<br />
A. NIKŽENTAITIS, V. ŽULKUS, eds. Klaipėdos miesto<br />
ir regiono archeologijos ir istorijos problemos, Acta Historica<br />
Universitatis Klaipedensis, II, 5-16.<br />
ŽULKUS, V., 2000. Die Völkerwanderung und die Westbalten.<br />
Die Entstehung der Kuren. Archaeologia Baltica, 4,<br />
89-103.<br />
ŽULKUS, V., 2003. Vakarų Lietuvos žemių junginių bruožai.<br />
In: E. JOVAIŠA, A. BUTRIMAS, eds. Lietuva iki Mindaugo,<br />
Vilnius, 99-115.<br />
ŽULKUS, V., 2004. Kuršiai Baltijos jūros erdvėje. Klaipėda:<br />
Versus aureus.<br />
ŽULKUS, V., 2006a. Kurland. Die Grenzen und die nördlichen<br />
Landschaften in 8.-13. Jahrhundert. Archaeologia<br />
Baltica, 6, 88-103.<br />
ŽULKUS, V., 2006b. The Lower Reaches of the Neman<br />
(Memel) and Prieglius (Pregel). The Settlement at the Lower<br />
Reaches in the 6th-11th Centuries. In: M. BERTAŠIUS,<br />
ed. Transformatio mundi. The transition from the Late Migration<br />
Period to the Early Viking Age in the East Baltic,<br />
Kaunas, 17-24.<br />
Received: 3 October 2010; Revised 12 December 2010; Accepted<br />
28 December 2010.<br />
Wojciech Nowakowski<br />
Institute of Archaeology<br />
University of Warsaw<br />
Krakowskie Przedmieście 26/28<br />
PL-00-927, Warsaw, Poland<br />
E-mail: samland@wp.pl<br />
SKALVIŲ PROTĖVIŲ PĖDSAKAIS.<br />
TAUTŲ KRAUSTYMOSI LAIKOTARPIO<br />
KAPINYNO LIEKANOS PRIE TILŽĖS<br />
WOJCIECH NOWAKOWSKI<br />
Santrauka<br />
Tilžės miesto ribose ir priemiesčiuose XX a. pradžioje<br />
buvo užfiksuota daug archeologinių gyvenviečių, tarp<br />
jų ir kapinynų, datuojamų tautų kraustymosi laikotarpiu,<br />
buvusių vakariniame miesto pakraštyje, prie Smolupės<br />
(Uzkaja) žiočių, kur ji įteka į Nemuną. Vienas<br />
iš nekropolių – „Stolbecker-Straße 99“ – datuojamas<br />
romėniškuoju ir tautų kraustymosi laikotarpiu. Kita<br />
gyvenvietė, literatūroje minima kaip „Am Schwedenfriedhof“,<br />
buvo įkurta vėlyvuoju romėniškuoju laikotarpiu<br />
ir gyvavo iki viduramžių (2–4 pav.).<br />
Šiuolaikiniai archyviniai duomenys rodo, kad šiame<br />
regione būta ir kito kapinyno, datuojamo tautų kraustymosi<br />
laikotarpiu. Jis buvo minimas netoli gatvės,<br />
XX a. pradžioje vadinamos Philosophengang. Felix<br />
Jakobson archyve yra nupieštos trys segės. Viena jų<br />
įvardyta „Schlußkreuzfibel“, datuojama E1 periodo<br />
pabaiga ir E 2a<br />
laikotarpiu, apytikriai VI amžiumi. Kitos<br />
dvi segės vadinamos „Armbrustsprossenfibeln“ su<br />
ilga „Sprossen“ – trapecine plokštele ant galvutės, su<br />
imituota susukta kojele, pagaminta iš metalinės vielos.<br />
Šios segės gali būti datuojamos vėlyvuoju tautų kraustymosi<br />
laikotarpiu (E 2b<br />
ir E 3<br />
periodai, kurie atitinka VII<br />
a. ir VIII a. pradžią). F. Jakobson mini ir daugiau tokių<br />
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
VI<br />
CONTACTS<br />
ACROSS<br />
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SEA<br />
239
On the Track of the Ancestors<br />
of the Scalvians. The Remains<br />
of the Migration Period<br />
Cemetery at Tilsit<br />
WOJCIECH<br />
NOWAKOWSKI<br />
segių fragmentų, rastų tikriausiai toje pačioje vietoje.<br />
F. Jakobson nustatytos vietos atitinka kapinyną, įvardijamą<br />
„Am Philosophengang“, kuris minimas Prūsijos<br />
muziejaus archyve. Kaip tik šiame kapinyne aptikti<br />
radiniai datuojami tautų kraustymosi laikotarpiu. Koncentracija<br />
trijų kapinynų, įvardijamų „Stolbeckerstraße<br />
99“, „Am Schwedenfriedhof“ ir „Am Philosophengang“,<br />
rodo, kad tautų kraustymosi laikotarpiu ši<br />
tankiai gyvenama vietovė Nemuno žemupyje galėjo<br />
priklausyti ankstyvųjų viduramžių skalviams kaip viena<br />
iš Prūsijos genčių teritorijų, dariusių didelę politinę<br />
ir ekonominę įtaką rytiniame Baltijos jūros pakraštyje.<br />
Vertė Algirdas Girininkas<br />
240
A SCANDINAVIAN TRACE: A BEAK FIBULA FROM<br />
THE LATE MIGRATION PERIOD CEMETERY AT<br />
NOWINKA IN NORTHERN POLAND *<br />
BARTOSZ KONTNY<br />
Abstract<br />
This paper presents an item that has been mentioned in archaeological literature a few times, but never in a detailed analysis:<br />
the beak brooch from grave 38 in the cemetery of the Elbląg group at Nowinka. It is a south Scandinavian import that came<br />
to northern Poland around the middle of the sixth century, but was in use for quite a long time, which is suggested by traces<br />
of wear, as well as introducing a hinge construction that is untypical of that type.<br />
Key words: beak brooch, Nowinka, the Elbląg group, Migration Period, Scandinavia.<br />
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
The cemetery at Nowinka, Tolkmicko com., is attributed<br />
to the Elbląg group of the West Balt Circle (Okulicz<br />
1973, p.471; 1989, pp.89-90), and the name is generally<br />
accepted by scholars, although there are opinions<br />
that this group was subordinate to a cultural unit from<br />
the Sambian-Natangian area called Dollkeim-Kovrovo<br />
culture by W. Nowakowski (Nowakowski 1996,<br />
pp.96-97; Bitner-Wróblewska 2001, pp.21-25, 132), or<br />
that it indicates the mixed Balt-German-Scandinavian<br />
character of the culture of that area, resulting in its<br />
lack of an independent character (Bitner-Wróblewska<br />
2008, p.109). So far, it is the only necropolis of this<br />
cultural unit that has been wholly excavated since the<br />
Second World War. It is in a state of preparation to be<br />
printed; nevertheless, single papers concerning it have<br />
been published (Pietrzak 1977; Kontny, Okulicz, Pietrzak<br />
2009; Okulicz, Pietrzak 2009; Kontny 2010).<br />
The necropolis yielded several items of great interest,<br />
proving obviously foreign influences, namely belt<br />
parts and brooches. One of them was found in grave<br />
38. It was a cremation pit burial with the remains of<br />
a pyre and the remnants of a pavement disturbed by<br />
ploughing. At its centre, a brooch, a piece of a bronze<br />
ring, a piece of an amber bead, and several uncharacteristic<br />
pieces of a clay vessel were found. According<br />
to an anthropological analysis done by Professor J.<br />
Gładykowska-Rzeczycka of the Centre for Anatomy<br />
and Anthropology at the Śniadecki Academy of Physical<br />
Education and Sport in Gdańsk, the human remains<br />
belonged to a child.<br />
The bronze beak brooch has a hinge construction (Fig.<br />
1-3). The profiled bow was cast together with pseudocord<br />
and pseudo-spring (shallow incisions imitate the<br />
spring). On the imitation cord, a hole was made, probably<br />
to attach a chain. The bronze pin was attached by<br />
the wider end to an iron axle, which was fixed on either<br />
side in socket-shaped parts of the imitation spring. The<br />
catchplate is solid and low. The bow is decorated with<br />
pearl-like lines along the edges; in the centre, there is a<br />
triple pearl-like line, blurred in the upper part (clearly,<br />
we are dealing with traces of wear). The zones delimited<br />
by the pearl-like lines are filled with lengthwise<br />
rows of alternating stamped triangles inside the triangles,<br />
is a texture of regularly distributed dots. On the<br />
foot is an imitation cord decoration of stamped circles.<br />
The dimensions of the brooch are as follows: length<br />
4.6 centimetres, width 2.8 centimetres.<br />
The brooch has already been mentioned in literature<br />
(Godłowski 1980, p.83, Fig. 15.2; Godłowski 1981,<br />
p.114, Fig. 28a; Kulakov 1990, p.62, Plate VI.3; Kowalski<br />
1991, p.77; Jagodziński 1997, Pl. IX.1; Bogucki<br />
2006, p.101, Fig. 10). It was generally described<br />
as proving Scandinavian influence (Godłowski 1980,<br />
p.83; Godłowski 1981, p.114; Kowalski 1991, p.77;<br />
Bogucki 2006, p.101). Nevertheless, no further analysis<br />
has so far been offered.<br />
The beak fibula from grave 38 generally fits the Scandinavian<br />
model (Fig. 4.1-3), 1 but a comparison with<br />
Scandinavian finds shows that brooches from there<br />
have almost only crossbow constructions of iron wire,<br />
in which the cord is placed between socket-shaped fas-<br />
* This paper was written as part of a research grant from<br />
the Ministry of Science and Information Technology: ‘The<br />
burial ground of the Elbląg group from the West Balts<br />
Cultural Circle at Nowinka, Tolkmicko com. The complete<br />
study and preparation for the publication’ (Project No.: N<br />
N109 0362 33; Contract No.: 0362/B/H03/2007/33. It is<br />
financed by the Fund for Science for the years 2007-2010.<br />
I would like to express my gratitude to Mirosław Pietrzak<br />
MA and Professor Jerzy Okulicz-Kozaryn, with whom I<br />
have worked in research on the cemetery at Nowinka, for<br />
letting me present the results of my analysis here.<br />
1<br />
Cf. Ørsnes 1966, p.296.<br />
VI<br />
CONTACTS<br />
ACROSS<br />
THE BALTIC<br />
SEA<br />
241
A Scandinavian Trace: a Beak<br />
Fibula from the Late Migration<br />
Period Cemetery at Nowinka<br />
in Northern Poland<br />
BARTOSZ<br />
KONTNY<br />
Fig. 1. The beak brooch from grave 38 at Nowinka: the<br />
outer side (photograph by Michał Dąbski, Miron Bogacki).<br />
Fig. 2. The beak brooch from grave 38 at Nowinka: the inner<br />
side (photograph by M. Dąbski, M. Bogacki).<br />
tenings of the axle. 2 It is also worth noting the presence<br />
of stamped (triangles and dots) and pseudo-pearl-like<br />
decoration on the bow, and pseudo-pearl-like decoration<br />
on the pseudo-cord. Also, the hole, which was<br />
probably used for attaching a decorative element,<br />
such as a chain, should be noted. Although the grave<br />
goods did not contain links (except for a piece of a ring<br />
of twisted bronze wire), such uses of beak brooches<br />
have been confirmed for Bornholm cemeteries in<br />
Nørre Sandegård Vest, grave 54 (Jørgensen, Nørgård<br />
Jørgensen 1997, p.41, Plate 21:54) and perhaps also<br />
in Bækkegåd, grave 14 (Jørgensen 1990, p.119, Plate<br />
4.14). The brooch from Nowinka represents variant<br />
G1 3 , with holes for fixing the axle in the pseudo-spring<br />
(Ørsnes 1966, p.296, Figs. 101-103; Høilund Nielsen<br />
1987, p.76). Such forms are especially typical of<br />
southern Scandinavia, i.e., the Jutland Peninsula, the<br />
Danish islands, Skåne and Gotland (Høilund Nielsen<br />
2000, p.163, Fig. 3). They were particularly frequent<br />
on Bornholm and Skåne, e.g., in Uppåkra, Uppåkra sn.<br />
A total of 132 beak brooches were registered by 1998<br />
(Hårdh 1999) and around 180 by 2001 (Hårdh 2001,<br />
Fig. 5), and they had the closest analogies in Bornholm,<br />
cf. Sorte Muld, Bornholms amt (Hårdh 1999;<br />
cf. Lund Hansen 2009, pp.68-69). On the basis of the<br />
technical details, they can be classified in two groups:<br />
a western and an eastern one, including Bornholm and<br />
Skåne (Hårdh 2001; 2002, pp.47-48).<br />
Brooches of this type are also known from other sites<br />
of the Elbląg group: recently two brooches of the type<br />
were discovered during rescue excavations in Janów<br />
Pomorski (Truso), Elbląg com., 4 and two more in the<br />
cemetery at Komorowo Żuławskie, Elbląg com. (they<br />
are later, and they could be determined as type G3 5 ).<br />
A very late form comes from a ‘Viking’ assemblage<br />
from grave 41 at the Elbląg-Pole Nowomiejskie cemetery,<br />
site 37 (Neugebauer 1938, Fig. 6.f; 1975, Fig. 3;<br />
Jagodziński 1997, p.69, Plate XIV.9). Late forms were<br />
242<br />
Fig. 3. The beak brooch from grave 38 at Nowinka: a detail<br />
of the decoration (photograph by M. Dąbski, M. Bogacki).<br />
2<br />
The result of inquiries I conducted in the National Museum<br />
in Copenhagen and the Bornholm Museum in Rønne. I<br />
would like to express my gratitude to Professor Poul Otto<br />
Nielsen (National Museum in Copenhagen, or NMK) and<br />
to Professor Finn Ole Nielsen and Maria Tuniszewska-<br />
Ringby MA (Bornholm Museum in Rønne, or BM) for<br />
giving me access to items stored in the above museums.<br />
3<br />
It was probably variant G1c, but the decoration, on the<br />
basis of which these brooches are determined as respective<br />
variants, does not have exact analogies in Scandinavia (cf.<br />
Ørsnes 1966, p.296; Høilund Nielsen 1987, p.76).<br />
4<br />
One of them had almost identical decoration on the bow<br />
as the item from Nowinka; the pseudo-cord, however, has<br />
different decoration (the remaining brooches are too poorly<br />
preserved for it to be possible to analyse their decoration).<br />
5<br />
Personal communication: Mateusz Bogucki PhD (Institute<br />
of Archaeology and Ethnology, Polish Academy of<br />
Sciences).
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
VI<br />
Fig. 4. Examples of beak brooches (1-5), crayfish fibulae (6), and a proto-animal-head fibula: 1, 2 Bækkegård, grave ‘b’ (after<br />
Jørgensen 1990, Plate 2.7-8); 3 Nørre Sandegård Vest, grave 22 (after Jørgensen, Nørgård Jørgensen 1997, Plate 11.1); 4<br />
Wulfen, stray find (after Schmidt 1976, Plate 64:1.1); 5 Menzlin an der Peene, settlement find, not to scale (after Jöns 2006,<br />
Fig. 11.3); 6 Vainionmäki (after P. Purhonen 1996, Plate 2.3); 7 Tác-Fövenypuszta, grave 6 (after L. Schilling 2009, Fig. 4).<br />
CONTACTS<br />
ACROSS<br />
THE BALTIC<br />
SEA<br />
243
A Scandinavian Trace: a Beak<br />
Fibula from the Late Migration<br />
Period Cemetery at Nowinka<br />
in Northern Poland<br />
BARTOSZ<br />
KONTNY<br />
244<br />
also sporadically found in other formally Balt sites, although<br />
they are Scandinavian in character, or at least<br />
with a strong Scandinavian influence, cf. Grobiņa,<br />
Rudzukalni I, Liepāja district, grave I from the midseventh<br />
century (Nerman 1958; Bogucki 2006, pp.95,<br />
97, Fig. 3). Also, local Balt imitations were discovered:<br />
Grobiņa, Rudzukalni, Liepāja district, grave 3 and Priediens<br />
2, Liepāja district, grave 5 (Bogucki 2006, p.97,<br />
Fig. 5.2-3). Inasmuch as the brooch from Priediens<br />
may have indeed been a local imitation, due to its ornamentation<br />
(although similar motifs, such as stamped<br />
concentric arches, can also be found in Scandinavia,<br />
such as the stray find from Møllegård on Bornholm,<br />
NMK inv. no. C31832), the item from Rudzukalni may<br />
be a Scandinavian form (the suggested differences in<br />
construction can hardly be considered as definitive,<br />
especially as they have not been explained in detail,<br />
cf. Bogucki 2006, p.97). Theoretically, Scandinavian<br />
beak brooches may have been locally copied, or they<br />
may even be a starting point for gradual changes in<br />
the forms of respective generations of fibulae, which is<br />
suggested by the crayfish brooches (Fig. 4.6) that were<br />
popular in western Finland in the seventh and eighth<br />
centuries (Purhonen 1996, pp.37-38) which formed<br />
from beak brooches. The local imitation of beak fibula<br />
is also proven for as distant a region as the Avar cemetery<br />
at Tác-Fövenypuszta (Fig. 4.7), where in grave 6,<br />
dated to the late sixth or early seventh century, a surely<br />
locally made item was found (Schilling 2009, pp.265-<br />
266, 268, Fig. 4). It was made of gilded bronze with<br />
glass inlay, and there was an image of an animal head<br />
between its arms. However, there are no grounds to believe<br />
that a mechanism of gradual alterations existed in<br />
the case of the Elbląg group.<br />
So far, they have not been found, e.g., in the Olsztyn<br />
group. Besides, beak brooches are known from<br />
the Elbe region (Fig. 4.4, 5): Menzlin an der Peene,<br />
Lkr. Ostvorpommern (Mangelsdorf, Rausch 2000), an<br />
item linked with Scandinavian influence documented<br />
for that trading settlement (Jöns 2006, p.127, Fig.<br />
11.3), two items from Wulfen, Lkr. Anhalt-Bitterfeld<br />
(Schmidt 1961, p.133, Plate 30.k, l; 1976, p.85, Plate<br />
64.1.1-2; 2005, p.410, Fig. 5.2, 4) and the ones from<br />
Altenzaun, Kläden, Sanne and Unglingen 6 (Schmidt<br />
2005, p.410). We should add here also the find from<br />
Usedom, Lkr. Ostvorpommern (Schoknecht 2008,<br />
pp.123-126). They are treated as Scandinavian imports<br />
from the second half of the sixth century (Schmidt<br />
1961, p.133) to circa 600 AD, which is tentatively<br />
linked with the influx of Scandinavian population to<br />
the central Elbe region through Mecklenburg (Schmidt<br />
2005, pp.414, 417).<br />
6<br />
All: Lkr. Stendal.<br />
In Scandinavia, brooches of this type are found in<br />
women’s graves (Jørgensen 1990, pp.30-31; Jørgensen,<br />
Nørgård Jørgensen 1997, p.41). In the case of the item<br />
from Nowinka, the sex of the dead child buried here<br />
has not been determined, so it is impossible to confirm<br />
this principle for that area.<br />
There arises the question whether the item from Nowinka<br />
is an import or a local imitation. It is most likely<br />
that it is an imported artefact, which is suggested by the<br />
discovery of two brooches almost identical to the find<br />
from Nowinka, type G1c, in grave ‘b’ from Bækkegård<br />
on Bornholm (Jørgensen 1990, pp.30, 117, Plate 2.7-<br />
8). They have the same stamps and arrangement of the<br />
decoration as in the case of the item from Nowinka<br />
(more similar than in the case of the find from Janów<br />
Pomorski mentioned above), and there are more analogies<br />
on Bornholm (Bornholms amt): stray finds from<br />
Sandegård (unpublished, NMK inv. no C31512, BM<br />
inv. no 1371x43), Rabekkegård (unpublished, NMK<br />
inv. no C32554, BM inv. no 1764x4), Mulebygård (unpublished,<br />
BM inv. no 2812x106), 7 and from Skåne,<br />
Önsvala, grave 2 (Hårdh 2001, pp.193, 204, Fig. 7).<br />
However, there is a surprising difference in the construction<br />
of the fastening: it seems that a different solution<br />
(hinge construction) and raw material (bronze) was<br />
used, because the brooch was locally repaired; also, the<br />
imitation of the spring in the form of notchings on the<br />
caps in which the axle was fixed was probably added<br />
by a local craftsman. This could be a result of the long<br />
and continuous use of the fibula, which seems to be<br />
confirmed by a blurring of the decoration in the upper<br />
part of the bow (traces of wear).<br />
The beak fibula from Nowinka was similarly dated to<br />
the chronology of the necropolis, i.e., to the second<br />
half of the sixth century and the first half of the seventh<br />
century (Godłowski 1980, pp.82-83; Godłowski 1981,<br />
p.114), but also to the middle of the sixth century (Bogucki<br />
2006, p.101) or the seventh century (Kulakov<br />
1990, p.62). Kowalski places it in the period equivalent<br />
to phase E 2b<br />
of the Olsztyn group (1991, p.77),<br />
i.e., from the Seventies of the sixth century up to the<br />
early seventh century (Kowalski 1991, p.77, Fig. 8).<br />
These proposals demand some rearrangement. In the<br />
Scandinavian area, such forms are considered to be<br />
characteristic of phase VIIA after K. Høilund Nielsen,<br />
and dated to 530-600 AD (Høilund Nielsen 2000,<br />
pp.162-163), or phases 1A-1C distinguished for the<br />
area of Bornholm, dated to 540 to circa 630 AD (Jørgensen,<br />
Nørgård Jørgensen 1997, p.41, Figs. 24, 26).<br />
On Bornholm, brooches of type G1 occurred only in<br />
phases 1A-1B, i.e., from 520/30 to 600 AD (Jørgensen<br />
1990, p.30; Jørgensen, Nørgård Jørgensen 1997, p.28,<br />
7<br />
In the last-mentioned case, besides the triangular stamps,<br />
rhomboid ones were used.
Figs. 18, 24, 26). Unfortunately, the closest analogies,<br />
i.e., brooches from Bækkegård and Janów Pomorski,<br />
were not accompanied by any other dating elements<br />
(Jørgensen 1990, p.117), which makes it impossible to<br />
establish any more precise chronology. Grave 38, in<br />
which the fibula in question was found, could be cautiously<br />
attributed to phase 1 of the cemetery at Nowinka,<br />
which is linked with the second third of the sixth<br />
century (Kontny, Okulicz-Kozaryn, Pietrzak, forthcoming).<br />
These observations suggest that the brooch<br />
came to the area occupied by the Elbląg group as early<br />
as the sixth century. Nevertheless, if it is assumed that<br />
the fastening was repaired after the long-term use of<br />
the object (which is also suggested by traces of wear<br />
visible on the bow), then perhaps the later part of the<br />
time span should be excluded. Therefore, it was put in<br />
the ground probably in the later part of the second third<br />
of the sixth century. However, we cannot exclude the<br />
possibility that it came here quite late in the above time<br />
span, and was in use for an even longer period than<br />
we assume (the lack of other precisely dating elements<br />
in the grave furnishings makes us base our judgement<br />
only on the relative chronology of the Nowinka cemetery).<br />
Despite this, it seems improbable to link it with<br />
the seventh century.<br />
The find from grave 38 shows that Scandinavian elements<br />
came to northern Poland as early as the middle<br />
of the sixth century, i.e., before the peak of the wealth<br />
of the population using the necropolis at Nowinka,<br />
which could be joined with its third chronological<br />
phase (dated to the early seventh century: Kontny,<br />
Okulicz-Kozaryn, Pietrzak, forthcoming). It seems to<br />
be of great interest also to Lithuanian scholars, since<br />
foreign, including Scandinavian, influences have been<br />
traced here.<br />
Translated by Sylwia Twardo and Bartosz Kontny<br />
Abbreviation:<br />
Transformatio mundi – Transformatio mundi The Transition<br />
from the Late Migration Period to the Early Viking Age in<br />
the East Baltic. M. Bertašius, ed. Kaunas, 2004.<br />
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NIEzABITOWSKA-WIŚNIEWSKA, M. JUŚCIńSKI, P.<br />
ŁUCzKIEWICz, S. SADOWSKI, eds. The turbulent epoch<br />
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Besiedlung in Pommern, Studien zur Sachsenforschung,<br />
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ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
VI<br />
CONTACTS<br />
ACROSS<br />
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SEA<br />
245
A Scandinavian Trace: a Beak<br />
Fibula from the Late Migration<br />
Period Cemetery at Nowinka<br />
in Northern Poland<br />
BARTOSZ<br />
KONTNY<br />
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SKANDINAVIšKAS PĖDSAKAS:<br />
VĖLYVOJO TAUTŲ<br />
KRAUSTYMOSI LAIKOTARPIO<br />
SEGĖ SU SNAPO FORMOS<br />
ATAUGOMIS Iš NOWINKA<br />
KAPINYNO šIAURĖS LENKIJOJE<br />
BARTOSZ KONTNY<br />
Santrauka<br />
Straipsnyje apžvelgiama archeologinėje literatūroje<br />
minima, bet detaliau neanalizuota Elbląg grupei priklausanti<br />
Nowinka kapinyno kape 38 aptikta unikali<br />
segė, užsibaigianti snapo formos ataugomis (1–3 pav.).<br />
ši segė yra importuota iš Skandinavijos ir pasiekusi<br />
šiaurės Lenkijos teritoriją VI a. viduryje dar prieš laidosenos<br />
piką Nowinka kapinyne; ji siejama su trečiąja<br />
kapinyno chronologine faze VII a. pr. Tokių segių<br />
aptikta ir kituose Elbląg grupės kapinynuose. Dvi jų<br />
pastaruoju metu aptiktos Janów Pomorski (Truso) ir<br />
dar dvi Komorowo Żuławskie kapinynuose. Skandinavijoje<br />
šio tipo segių aptinkama moterų kapuose. Minimu<br />
atveju Nowinka kapinyno kape 38 buvo palaidotas<br />
nenustatytos lyties vaikas.<br />
Vertė Algirdas Girininkas<br />
246<br />
Received: 13 September 2010; Revised: 18 November<br />
2010; Accepted: 28 December 2010.<br />
Bartosz Kontny<br />
Institute of Archaeology<br />
University of Warsaw<br />
Krakowskie Przedmieście 26/28 00-927<br />
Warszawa, Poland<br />
E-mail: bartosz.kontny@uw.edu.pl
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 14<br />
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CONTACTS<br />
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247
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248<br />
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