The Journal of the Siam Society Vol. LXXXVI, Part 1-2 ... - Khamkoo
The Journal of the Siam Society Vol. LXXXVI, Part 1-2 ... - Khamkoo
The Journal of the Siam Society Vol. LXXXVI, Part 1-2 ... - Khamkoo
You also want an ePaper? Increase the reach of your titles
YUMPU automatically turns print PDFs into web optimized ePapers that Google loves.
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>
Patrons <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong><br />
Patron<br />
His Majesty King Bhumibol Adulyadej<br />
Vice-Patrons<br />
Her Majesty Queen Sirikit<br />
His Royal Highness Crown Prince Maha Vajiralongkorn<br />
Her Royal Highness Princess Maha Chakri Sirindhorn<br />
Her Royal Highness Princess Galyani Vadhana Krom Luang Naradhiwas Rajnagarindra<br />
Honorary President<br />
Her Royal Highness Princess Galyani Vadhana Krom Luang Naradhiwas Rajnagarindra<br />
Honorary Vice-Presidents<br />
Mom Kobkaew Abhakara na Ayudhya<br />
His Serene Highness Prince Subhadradis Diskul<br />
Council <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, 1998-2000<br />
President<br />
Vice-Presidents<br />
Leader, Natural History Section<br />
Honorary Secretary<br />
Honorary Treasurer<br />
Honorary Librarian<br />
Honorary Editor, JSS<br />
Honorary Editor, NHB<br />
Members <strong>of</strong> Council<br />
Bilaibhan Sampatisiri<br />
Pr<strong>of</strong>. Krisada Arunwongse<br />
John Reid<br />
Khunying Niramol Suriyasat<br />
Dr. Weerachai Nanakorn<br />
Monita Singhakowin<br />
Robert Siedell<br />
Michael Wright<br />
Dr. Ian Glover<br />
Dr. Warren Y. Brockelman<br />
Navarat Laekhakula<br />
Fran\!ois Lagirarde<br />
Paul G. Russell<br />
Peter Skilling<br />
Vara-Poj Snidvongs<br />
Chaisak Suwansirikul<br />
John K. Withrington<br />
Albert Paravi Wongchirachai<br />
Dr. Woraphat Arthayukti
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Journal</strong><br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong><br />
<strong>Vol</strong>ume 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2<br />
1998
Honorary Editor<br />
Ian Glover (University College London, UK)<br />
Advisory Committee<br />
Prapod Assavavirulhakarn (Chulalongkom University, Thailand)<br />
Oskar von Hinliber (University <strong>of</strong> Freiburg, Germany)<br />
Sunait Chutintharanon (Chulalongkom University, Thailand)<br />
Pirya Krairiksh (Thammasat University, Thailand)<br />
David K. Wyatt (Cornell University, USA)<br />
Charles Higham (Otago University, New Zealand)<br />
John Guy (Victoria and Albert Museum, UK)<br />
Charles Keyes (University <strong>of</strong> Washington, USA)<br />
Dhirawat na Phombejera (Chulalongkom Univc;rsity, Thailand)<br />
Nandana Chutiwongs (Rijksmuseum voor <strong>Vol</strong>kenkunde, <strong>The</strong> Ne<strong>the</strong>rlands)<br />
Phasook Indrawooth (Silpakom University, Thailand)<br />
Louise Cort (Smithsonian Institution, USA)<br />
H. Leedom Lefferts (Drew University, USA)<br />
Claude Jacques (Ecole pratique des Hautes Etudes, France)<br />
Editorial Board<br />
Bruce Evans<br />
Kanitha Kasina-ubol<br />
Euaypom Kerdchouay<br />
Frantrois Lagirarde<br />
Albert Paravi Wongchirachai<br />
Martin Perenchio<br />
Peter Skilling<br />
© <strong>The</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong> 1999<br />
ISSN 0857-7099<br />
All rights reserved. No part <strong>of</strong> this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any<br />
means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage and<br />
retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>.<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong> is a forum for original research and analysis. Opinions expressed in <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>Journal</strong> are those <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> authors. <strong>The</strong>y do not represent <strong>the</strong> views or policies <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>.<br />
Printed byAmarin Printing and Publishing Public Company Limited<br />
65116 Chaiyapruk Road, Taling Chan<br />
Bangkok 10170, Thailand.<br />
Tel. (662) 882-1010. Fax (662) 433-2742, 434-1385<br />
e-mail: info@amarin.co.th<br />
http://www.amarin.co.th
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong><br />
<strong>Vol</strong>ume 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2 1998<br />
CONTENTS<br />
Ian C. Glover<br />
Editorial<br />
7<br />
ARTICLES<br />
Andrew Turton<br />
Diplomatic missions to Tai states by David Richardson and W. C. McLeod 1830-- 9<br />
1839: anthropological perspectives<br />
James R. Chamberlain<br />
<strong>The</strong> origin <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sek: implications for Tai and Vietnamese history 27<br />
Paul T. Cohen<br />
Lue ethnicity in national context: a comparative study <strong>of</strong> Tai Lue communities in 49<br />
Thailand and Laos<br />
Pierre Le Roux<br />
Coudee magique, eau lustrale et Mton enchante: rites et croyances dans la 63<br />
construction de !'habitat traditionnel des Jawi (Patani, Thai1ande du Sud)<br />
Berenice Bellina<br />
La formation des reseaux d'echanges reliant 1' Asie du Sud et 1' Asie du Sud-Est a 89<br />
travers le materiel archeologique (VIe Siecle Av. J.-C.-VIe Siecle Ap. J.-C.-le<br />
cas de la Thai1ande et la Peninsule Malaise<br />
Michael Smithies<br />
<strong>Siam</strong>ese Mandarins on <strong>the</strong> Grand Tour, 1688-1690 107<br />
John Villiers<br />
Portuguese and Spanish sources for <strong>the</strong> history <strong>of</strong> Ayutthaya in <strong>the</strong> Sixteenth 119<br />
Century<br />
Richard A. Engelhardt and Pamela Rumball Rogers<br />
<strong>The</strong> ethnoarchaeology <strong>of</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asian coastal sites: a model for <strong>the</strong> deposition 131<br />
and recovery <strong>of</strong> archaeological material<br />
Gerd Albrecht and Johannes Moser<br />
Recent Mani settlements in Satun Province, Sou<strong>the</strong>rn Thailand 161<br />
Bernard K. Maloney<br />
A 10,600 year pollen record from Nong Thale Song Hong, Trang Province, South 201<br />
Thailand<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2 5
Contents<br />
KlausWenk<br />
Thai literature as reflected in Western reports during <strong>the</strong> 17th to <strong>the</strong> 19th Centuries 219<br />
NOTES AND COMMENTS<br />
J C Eade<br />
Round-number reckoning in Thai for <strong>the</strong> 5000 years <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Buddha 227<br />
Anthony Diller<br />
A Trang cave text <strong>of</strong> 1614 AD 232<br />
Frederic Maurel<br />
<strong>The</strong> work <strong>of</strong> George Credes: views <strong>of</strong> a young man 235<br />
Betty Gosling<br />
Comments on Christian Bauer's '<strong>The</strong> Wat Sri Chum Jataka glosses reconsidered' 239<br />
REVIEWS<br />
Ronald Bruce StJohn<br />
Thailand's Boom and Bust by Pasuk Phongpaichit and Chris Baker 241<br />
Ronald Bruce StJohn<br />
Khmer Mythology: Secrets <strong>of</strong> Angkor by Vittorio Roveda 242<br />
Ronald Bruce StJohn<br />
Loyalty Demands Dissent: Autobiography <strong>of</strong> an Engaged Buddhist by Sulak 243<br />
Sivaraksa<br />
William J. Klausner<br />
Loyalty Demands Dissent: Autobiography <strong>of</strong> an Engaged Buddhist by Sulak 244<br />
Sivaraksa<br />
Peter Skilling<br />
<strong>The</strong> Dviiravatf Wheels <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Law and <strong>the</strong> Indianization <strong>of</strong> South East Asia by 245<br />
Robert L. Brown.<br />
Peter Skilling<br />
Singhalesische Handschriften, Tei/2, Die Katalognummem /99-376 (Verzeichnis 247<br />
der orientalischen Handschriften in Deutschland Band XXII, 2) by Heinz Bechert<br />
Notes for contributors to <strong>the</strong> <strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong> 249<br />
6 <strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
EDITORIAL<br />
This volume brings to a close <strong>the</strong> second <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
two years for which I was appointed Hon. Editor<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>The</strong> <strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong> and, at <strong>the</strong><br />
time <strong>of</strong> writing <strong>the</strong> <strong>Society</strong>'s Council is<br />
considering <strong>the</strong> appointment <strong>of</strong> an editor for <strong>the</strong><br />
next issues.<br />
Once again I have some apologies to make to<br />
members and o<strong>the</strong>r subscribers. Despite<br />
strenuous efforts it was not possible to get <strong>the</strong><br />
volume published within <strong>the</strong> year for which it is<br />
dated-largely because <strong>the</strong>re was no backlog <strong>of</strong><br />
contributions after <strong>the</strong> publication <strong>of</strong> <strong>Vol</strong>ume<br />
85; and although, unsolicited and solicited, <strong>the</strong>y<br />
came in steadily, throughout <strong>the</strong> year it was only<br />
by November 1998 that enough material was<br />
available to make up a respectably-sized issue.<br />
In <strong>Vol</strong>ume 85 I expressed <strong>the</strong> hope that we<br />
could revert to <strong>the</strong> <strong>Society</strong>'s former practice <strong>of</strong><br />
publishing two separate parts but in July 1998 I<br />
was again asked by <strong>the</strong> Council to make, for <strong>the</strong><br />
sake <strong>of</strong> economy, one double issue, and this we<br />
have done.<br />
Ano<strong>the</strong>r, and more serious error has been<br />
called to my attention by Sheila Middleton in<br />
connection with her paper on engraved gems<br />
from Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asia, and <strong>the</strong>se are detailed in a<br />
separate errata slip. In fact, most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> items<br />
she asked to be noted are not so much errors as<br />
changes in wording made by myself or suggested<br />
by a referee in an attempt to clarify what we<br />
thought to be ambiguities or obscure passages in<br />
<strong>the</strong> text. As <strong>the</strong> completed paper and referee's<br />
comments were received only a short while before<br />
I left for Bangkok with <strong>the</strong> material for <strong>the</strong><br />
printer <strong>the</strong>re was no time to resolve all <strong>the</strong> changes<br />
we wanted to make with <strong>the</strong> author. In retrospect<br />
it would have been best to postpone publication<br />
until this was done, and in failing to do this I<br />
apologise both to <strong>the</strong> author and <strong>the</strong> readers.<br />
<strong>The</strong>re were far more errors in <strong>the</strong> J.S.S. 85<br />
than I had wished for, and perhaps <strong>the</strong> most in<br />
my own article. One careful reader even asked<br />
me, 'Where is <strong>the</strong> dog ?' mentioned in <strong>the</strong> caption<br />
<strong>of</strong> figure 11 (p. 179); and <strong>of</strong> course it was not<br />
<strong>the</strong>re. At <strong>the</strong> last minute, I substituted, on <strong>the</strong><br />
advice <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> printers a photograph <strong>of</strong> Henri<br />
Parmentier, his daughter and J.-Y. Claeys (but<br />
without <strong>the</strong> dog) at Tra Kieu in 1927, but forgot<br />
to amend <strong>the</strong> caption. This shows how necessary<br />
is careful independent pro<strong>of</strong> reading by someone<br />
who has not written nor worked on <strong>the</strong> text for<br />
some time. One sees what one thinks should be<br />
on <strong>the</strong> page ra<strong>the</strong>r than what actually is <strong>the</strong>re.<br />
Fortunately, <strong>the</strong> new Hon. Secretary <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>Society</strong> has taken on <strong>the</strong> job <strong>of</strong> recruiting a<br />
number <strong>of</strong> pro<strong>of</strong> readers for this issue so <strong>the</strong>re<br />
should be fewer careless errors.<br />
In my last editorial I mentioned that <strong>the</strong><br />
majority <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> papers delivered at <strong>the</strong> sixth<br />
conference <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> European Association for<br />
Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asian Archaeology which were not<br />
included in J.S.S. 85 would be published in a<br />
volume, to be entitled Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asian<br />
Archaeology 1996, and this, edited by Marijke<br />
Klokke and Thomas Bruijn came out in<br />
September 1998, and is available from <strong>the</strong> Centre<br />
for South-East Asian Studies, University <strong>of</strong> Hull,<br />
HU6 7RX, UK. Since <strong>the</strong>n <strong>the</strong> same association<br />
held its seventh biennial conference at <strong>the</strong><br />
Museum ftir <strong>Vol</strong>kerkunde, Berlin in August<br />
1998 and most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> papers given <strong>the</strong>n will be<br />
published in a similar volume to be edited by Dr<br />
Wibke Lobo, <strong>the</strong> conference organiser.<br />
In this volume <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> J.S.S. readers will note<br />
some fur<strong>the</strong>r changes but also continuities, in<br />
style and layout. We have kept <strong>the</strong> same page<br />
size but used 'Times family' fonts which make<br />
<strong>the</strong> use <strong>of</strong> diacriticals for Sanskrit and o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
languages easier to handle. <strong>The</strong> 'Notes for<br />
Contributors' at <strong>the</strong> end <strong>of</strong> this volume has been<br />
slightly amended to take account <strong>of</strong> some<br />
omissions for instance how best to refer to multivolume<br />
books-so potential contributors are<br />
advised to consult <strong>the</strong> latest version.<br />
As on <strong>the</strong> last occasion, I and any future Hon.<br />
Editors <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> journal will have to be quite rigorous<br />
in asking contributors to adhere to <strong>the</strong> guidelines<br />
laid down. Only rarely will it be possible to have<br />
contributions re-typed into machine-readable<br />
format and I do not regard it as <strong>the</strong> editor's job<br />
carefully to check or complete references.<br />
Ian C. Glover, Ruthall Cottage, Ditton Priors,<br />
Shropshire, UK, December 1998.<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2<br />
7
DIPLOMATIC MISSIONS TO TAl STATES BY<br />
DAVID RICHARDSON AND W. C. McLEOD 1830-1839:<br />
ANTHROPOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVES<br />
Andrew Turton*<br />
Abstract<br />
This paper examines <strong>the</strong> ethnography <strong>of</strong> travelling embassies to Tai states in<br />
<strong>the</strong> 1830s (Chiang Mai, Chengtung, Chengrung and o<strong>the</strong>r Shan States) as<br />
seen primarily through <strong>the</strong> unpublished journals <strong>of</strong> two British <strong>of</strong>ficials based<br />
in Tenasserim: Dr David Richardson and Captain W. C. McLeod. It considers<br />
features <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> lengthy overland journeys and <strong>the</strong> daily journals <strong>the</strong>meselves.<br />
<strong>The</strong> main analytical focus is on pre-modem Tai diplomatic practices and <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
engagement with European diplomatic guests. It explores <strong>the</strong>mes <strong>of</strong> diplomatic<br />
ceremony and propriety, delays and mutual suspicions, cordiality and<br />
friendship.<br />
Introduction<br />
In writing this as an anthropologist, I am aware<br />
that I am treading rashly in <strong>the</strong> historian's<br />
territory, if not literally, <strong>the</strong>n in <strong>the</strong> historian's<br />
time and sources. <strong>The</strong> specific time is <strong>the</strong> 1830s,<br />
but it starts earlier. It starts with a new European<br />
and world order after 1815; a late enlightenment<br />
intellectual climate combined with incipient<br />
industrialization. When John Crawfurd sailed<br />
from Calcutta in 1821, he remarked later with<br />
hindsight (Crawfurd 1967 [1828]), <strong>the</strong>re were<br />
no steamships, but by 1824 a small steamship,<br />
named Diana, was in action against <strong>the</strong> Burmese<br />
army on <strong>the</strong> Ira waddy. 1 It starts with Thailand<br />
in confident and expansive mood, with increases<br />
in empire, in <strong>the</strong> China trade, in population, and<br />
freedom from war with Burma. It starts also<br />
with <strong>the</strong> Crawfurd mission to Bangkok in 1822,<br />
and, more intimately for my story, with <strong>the</strong><br />
arrival in Madras <strong>of</strong> two young Anglo-Scots,<br />
William Couperus McLeod as an infantry cadet<br />
in 1821 and David Richardson as an Assistant<br />
Surgeon in 1823.<br />
<strong>The</strong> story <strong>of</strong> British diplomatic contact with<br />
<strong>the</strong> Tai world starts earlier still <strong>of</strong> course with<br />
<strong>the</strong> travelling merchant Ralph Fitch, back in<br />
London in 1591 after a nine-year Asian tour<br />
regaling Shakespeare's contemporaries and <strong>the</strong><br />
London inns, with tales <strong>of</strong> fabulous Pegu, and<br />
his claim to have made a side-trip in 1587 to<br />
Chiangmai (see Ryley 1899; Edwardes 1972;<br />
Hall 1928). By 1600, year <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> formation <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> British East India Company (EIC), Sir Foulke<br />
Greville was advising Queen Elizabeth to send<br />
a mission to <strong>Siam</strong>, as it was free from Portuguese<br />
or Spanish influence. In Banten in early 1608<br />
EIC Captain Keating invited to dinner <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>Siam</strong>ese ambassadors who were on <strong>the</strong>ir slow<br />
way to Holland. <strong>The</strong>y seem to have made it<br />
clear that <strong>the</strong> King <strong>of</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> would welcome an<br />
embassy from <strong>the</strong> English. 2 <strong>The</strong> first British<br />
embassy duly arrived in Ayutthaya in 1612, and<br />
in <strong>the</strong> following year a trade mission was sent to<br />
Chiangmai from Ayutthaya headed by two<br />
representatives <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> EIC, Thomas Driver and<br />
Thomas Samuel (see Hall 1928; Hutchinson<br />
1940). Or we could pick up <strong>the</strong> thread again<br />
from <strong>the</strong> years 1683-87 when Captain John<br />
Burnaby, an Englishman, and what <strong>the</strong> EIC<br />
• School <strong>of</strong> Oriental and African Studies,<br />
Thomhaugh Street, London WClH OXG, e-mail<br />
<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2<br />
9
Andrew Turton<br />
called an 'interloper', or free trader, was<br />
Governor <strong>of</strong> Mergui, as a <strong>Siam</strong>ese <strong>of</strong>ficial<br />
(Hutchinson 1940), as W.C. McLeod was to be<br />
under British over-rule 150 years later. 3<br />
Despite <strong>the</strong>se linking threads <strong>of</strong> narrative,<br />
discontinuity is more marked than continuity.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> early 1820s, as Stamford Raffles noted<br />
when he commissioned John Crawfurd to<br />
undertake <strong>the</strong> first proper European diplomatic<br />
mission to Thailand since 1687, European<br />
knowledge <strong>of</strong>, and relationship with <strong>the</strong> Tai<br />
world-indeed <strong>the</strong> whole area <strong>of</strong> '<strong>the</strong> countries<br />
between Bengal and China' to use a<br />
contemporary phrase, was virtually starting again<br />
from scratch. Though true in diplomatic terms,<br />
this is a bit misleading however, since for several<br />
decades Calcutta had been a centre for<br />
commissioning, storing, and disseminating<br />
knowledge <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> East Indies region. For<br />
example we may note <strong>the</strong> founding in 1788 <strong>of</strong><br />
Asiatick Researches, later to become <strong>the</strong> <strong>Journal</strong><br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Asiatic <strong>Society</strong> <strong>of</strong> Bengal (JASB), <strong>the</strong><br />
journal in which several <strong>of</strong> Richardson's reports<br />
were to be published. <strong>The</strong>re was <strong>the</strong> publication<br />
in 1810 <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> first English language outline<br />
Thai grammar by Leyden. In 1824 Captain<br />
James Low, aged 33, based in Penang, who also<br />
made a number <strong>of</strong> visits into Tai territory in <strong>the</strong><br />
Peninsula in <strong>the</strong> 1820s was awarded by <strong>the</strong> EIC<br />
a bonus <strong>of</strong> 2,000 Spanish dollars for his expertise<br />
in <strong>the</strong> Thai language <strong>of</strong> Bangkok, which he<br />
never visited, and in related Tai studies, which<br />
he had acquired over some six years with <strong>the</strong><br />
help <strong>of</strong> Thai informants.<br />
By about this time-if we include <strong>the</strong><br />
occupation <strong>of</strong> Singapore in 1819 and <strong>the</strong> treaty<br />
<strong>of</strong> Y andabo in 1826 by which Britain took <strong>the</strong><br />
Tenasserim Provinces, from Mergui in <strong>the</strong> south<br />
to Moulmein in <strong>the</strong> north-by this time, British<br />
India bordered most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> long western edges<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Tai-speaking world. From Manipur in <strong>the</strong><br />
North to Penang in <strong>the</strong> South, <strong>the</strong>re were Tai<br />
speaking residents, subjects <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Government<br />
<strong>of</strong> India.<br />
So much, by way <strong>of</strong> introduction, for a<br />
heterodox appropriation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> historian's<br />
dimensions <strong>of</strong> time and chronology. As for my<br />
principle sources, <strong>the</strong>y are principally <strong>the</strong> reports<br />
<strong>of</strong> five missions undertaken by Dr David<br />
Richardson and one by Captain W.C. McLeod<br />
to Tai states (mostly known <strong>the</strong>n as Western<br />
Lao or Shan) and one by Richardson to Bangkok.<br />
While most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> reports have been publishedin<br />
<strong>the</strong> JASB 183~0 (Richardson 1836, 1837,<br />
1839-40); in Parliamentary Papers in 1869<br />
(McLeod 1869; Richardson 1869); and in <strong>the</strong><br />
five volumes <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> so-called Burney Papers in<br />
1910-14 (Burney 1910-1914)-none have been<br />
properly edited or commercially published to<br />
date, though <strong>the</strong> journals <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Richardson and<br />
McLeod missions <strong>of</strong> 1837 are due to be<br />
published, edited by <strong>Vol</strong>ker Grabowsky and <strong>the</strong><br />
present author. We have not yet examined all<br />
<strong>the</strong> manuscript versions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se sources, but it<br />
seems that virtually all relevant material has in<br />
fact been published in <strong>the</strong> limited forms<br />
mentioned. For example <strong>the</strong> Burney Papers,<br />
published safely after <strong>the</strong> Anglo-<strong>Siam</strong>ese Treaty<br />
<strong>of</strong> 1909, released much correspondence<br />
originally classified as secret.<br />
<strong>The</strong> territory in which <strong>the</strong>se events take place<br />
is not so unfamiliar or <strong>of</strong>f limits to me as it<br />
happens. I have spent quite some years living in<br />
Thailand, especially <strong>the</strong> North, and have visited,<br />
as McLeod and Richardson did between <strong>the</strong>m:<br />
Chiangmai, Lamphun, Lampang, Chiangrai,<br />
Chengrung, and neighbouring places <strong>the</strong>y spoke<br />
<strong>of</strong>: Chiangsaen, Chiangkhong, Nan, Luang<br />
Prabang, Puerh, Kunming, Tali and so on. I<br />
have also spent quite a few days walking through<br />
<strong>the</strong> hills and foothills, occasionally camping in<br />
<strong>the</strong> forest, as <strong>the</strong>y so frequently did. Even more<br />
intimately, McLeod twice passed right through<br />
<strong>the</strong> area <strong>of</strong> a village and district in Chiangrai<br />
where I lived and researched for more than two<br />
years. This was <strong>the</strong>n known until <strong>the</strong> early<br />
twentieth century as Muang Nong Khwang, now<br />
Amphur Mae Sruay. McLeod describes flora<br />
and fauna, crops, hot springs, elephant hunting,<br />
trading with Chengtung, political allegiances<br />
and dependencies and so on, which were as I<br />
found or had told to me. 4<br />
Ethnography <strong>of</strong> embassy<br />
<strong>The</strong> travelling embassies <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> early modern<br />
period are extraordinary kinds <strong>of</strong> transcultural<br />
encounter. 5 <strong>The</strong>y start with assumptions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
possibility <strong>of</strong> a cultural 'bridgehead' <strong>of</strong> mutual<br />
understanding. <strong>The</strong>re is both strong self-interest<br />
and commitment to some common interest. Some<br />
mutually beneficial exchange is sought. It is a<br />
10<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
Diplomatic missions to Tai states by David Richardson and W. C. McLeod 1830-1839<br />
negotiation. <strong>The</strong> diplomatic encounter constitutes<br />
a contested zone. Accounts thus have <strong>the</strong> merit<br />
<strong>of</strong> a kind <strong>of</strong> robust honesty, reflexivity even,<br />
about self-interested purpose and <strong>the</strong> difficulties<br />
<strong>of</strong> 'translation' in various senses; a transparency<br />
all too <strong>of</strong>ten lacking in o<strong>the</strong>r travellers' and<br />
some academic accounts. And despite <strong>the</strong> fact<br />
that <strong>the</strong>re are fewer Tai records, or for some<br />
missions none at all, <strong>the</strong>re are opportunities to<br />
see <strong>the</strong> Tai side exercising reverse determination:<br />
facilitating, blocking, dissimulating, modifying,<br />
appropriating and so on.<br />
<strong>Part</strong> <strong>of</strong> my method is to identify recurrent<br />
rhetorical <strong>the</strong>mes or tropes, what have been<br />
called 'formulaic commonplaces' ( cf Boon<br />
1982, 1991) or what in <strong>the</strong> history <strong>of</strong> literary<br />
rhetoric are called topoi, which is to say figures<br />
<strong>of</strong> speech, which can be seen in <strong>the</strong>se and o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
accounts. I argue that <strong>the</strong>y are not so much<br />
accidental, or merely stylistic or symptomatic,<br />
but largely constitutive <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> events as<br />
recorded. <strong>The</strong>y include a series <strong>of</strong> critical,<br />
rhetorical complaints: <strong>of</strong> excessive ritualisation<br />
and ceremony; <strong>of</strong> excessive control, surveillance<br />
and lack <strong>of</strong> freedom; <strong>of</strong> endless, unnecessary<br />
delays and frustrations; <strong>of</strong> lack <strong>of</strong> 'civilization'<br />
among <strong>the</strong> host society (including excessively<br />
deferential and despotic behaviour, absence and<br />
style <strong>of</strong> clothing etc.). <strong>The</strong>n <strong>the</strong>re are<br />
classifications <strong>of</strong> peoples in an ethnicising,<br />
gendering, sometimes racialising, and almost<br />
always hierarchising way.<br />
Interesting} y, some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se hyperbolic styles<br />
seem to serve to reveal-just as well, or better<br />
than <strong>the</strong> equally exaggerating method <strong>of</strong><br />
claiming to present standard-average<br />
descriptions-or let us hear, something <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
voice from <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r side-<strong>the</strong>ir concerns and<br />
suspicions about possible threats, duplicity,<br />
espionage, and bad faith; <strong>the</strong>ir evaluation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
European; <strong>the</strong>ir lack <strong>of</strong> unanimity and so on.<br />
And <strong>the</strong>re are plenty <strong>of</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong>mes, currents<br />
or undertones, some <strong>of</strong> which may be<br />
contradictory or which leave <strong>the</strong> whole not<br />
adding up in any convenient or expected way.<br />
One <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se I discuss below as <strong>the</strong> trope <strong>of</strong><br />
friendship and delicacy; <strong>the</strong>mes which I would<br />
argue are worthy <strong>of</strong> greater attention in historical<br />
and ethnographic studies. 6<br />
One influence on my approach has been<br />
from reading about Chinese diplomatic<br />
practices, which seem to have been replicated<br />
or transformed in many East and South East<br />
Asian countries. Bangkok was sending almost<br />
annual missions to China in this period. <strong>The</strong>re<br />
are quite a few interesting references to Thai<br />
and Burmese diplomatic <strong>of</strong>ficials met by<br />
Europeans who had had previous experience <strong>of</strong><br />
missions to Beijing. <strong>The</strong>re had been Burmese<br />
diplomats in Beijing when Lord Macartney first<br />
went <strong>the</strong>re in 1793. Burney translated <strong>the</strong><br />
account <strong>of</strong> a Burmese mission to China in 1833.<br />
One <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Tai states visited by McLeod,<br />
Chengrung, had been under Chinese suzerainty<br />
for centuries. Richardson meets, on <strong>the</strong> road, a<br />
Burmese <strong>of</strong>ficial he had met a few years earlier,<br />
who had since been to Beijing as second<br />
ambassador. But in terms <strong>of</strong> my present focus,<br />
on what I do <strong>of</strong> course concede are relatively<br />
small scale missions, what struck me-totally<br />
freshly on a second reading-was <strong>the</strong> similarity<br />
<strong>of</strong> structure and processes <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se British<br />
missions to those in Bangkok in 1822 (Crawfurd<br />
1915, 1967; Finlayson 1826) 1825-26 (Burney<br />
1910-14), 1850 (Thailand 1936), 1855<br />
(Bowring 1857), to a Srilankan mission in 1750<br />
(Pieris 1903 ), to <strong>the</strong> French missions to<br />
Ayutthaya in <strong>the</strong> 1680s (Choisy 1993), <strong>the</strong><br />
Dutch in Vientiane in 1641 (Van Wuysth<strong>of</strong>f<br />
1987), and so on fur<strong>the</strong>r back and far<strong>the</strong>r afield.<br />
What we can call <strong>the</strong> intertextuality <strong>of</strong> this<br />
discursive phenomenon is a fascinating aspect.<br />
This includes <strong>the</strong> way in which authors refer<br />
to <strong>the</strong> texts <strong>of</strong> o<strong>the</strong>rs, meet each o<strong>the</strong>r if<br />
contemporaries, are briefed from Calcutta by<br />
scholar <strong>of</strong>ficials with access to excellent<br />
libraries and archives, and so on. <strong>The</strong>re is<br />
clearly a cumulative production not just <strong>of</strong> a<br />
corpus <strong>of</strong> texts, but more than that <strong>of</strong> a<br />
discourse on <strong>the</strong> Tai world, which is<br />
increasingly shared with <strong>the</strong> Tai side over time.<br />
In 1834 Cao Lamphun consults his copy <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Tai text <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Burney treaty <strong>of</strong> 1826; and in<br />
1839 <strong>the</strong> future King Mongkut's younger fullbro<strong>the</strong>r,<br />
<strong>the</strong> future Upparat, shows Richardson<br />
a copy <strong>of</strong> 'Crawfurd's map' published in 1828,<br />
and so on.<br />
Some <strong>of</strong> this is part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ethnography itself.<br />
For example, Richardson records a conversation<br />
in 1838 between Henry Burney, who was <strong>the</strong>n<br />
British resident, or Commissioner, at Ava, and<br />
<strong>the</strong> new King <strong>of</strong> Burma, Tharrawaddy.<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2<br />
11
Andrew Turton<br />
Richardson had made many o<strong>the</strong>r visits to Ava,<br />
receiving an honorific title from <strong>the</strong> previous<br />
king. This is a year before Richardson follows<br />
in Burney's footsteps on a mission to Bangkok.<br />
He has also travelled, sometimes in <strong>the</strong> company<br />
<strong>of</strong> Burney, to Calcutta for various briefings and<br />
debriefings. Earlier still he has. kept <strong>the</strong><br />
knowledgeable Mrs Ann Judson company in<br />
Moulmein, while her husband Dr Adoniram<br />
Judson accompanied <strong>the</strong> notoriously 'undiplomatic'<br />
Crawfurd as interpreter on his<br />
mission to Ava in 1826. Richardson reports <strong>the</strong><br />
Burmese king as saying to both <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m that he<br />
is willing to talk to diplomats like Burney and<br />
Richardson-both we can assume totally fluent<br />
in Burmese, after some 14 years continuous<br />
residence- 'but', he goes on, and Richardson<br />
seems to quote almost verbatim 'let any "green<br />
man" who does not know <strong>the</strong> language and<br />
customs <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Burmese, and assumes a higher<br />
tone, be sent here, he will look to it as a warning<br />
to prepare his troops; ifMr Crawford (sic) were<br />
here now, it would be war directly' (Richardson<br />
1869: 146).<br />
<strong>The</strong> similarities-as between Bangkok and<br />
<strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r Tai states-are in this case more<br />
interesting than <strong>the</strong> differences. Though once<br />
we have established <strong>the</strong> comparabilities, <strong>the</strong><br />
detailed differences once again become<br />
compelling. I might briefly mention a few broad<br />
differences. <strong>The</strong>y mainly derive from <strong>the</strong> fact<br />
that <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>ese state centred on Bangkok (or<br />
<strong>the</strong> Burmese at Ava, or <strong>the</strong> Chinese at Peking)<br />
are sovereign states or ra<strong>the</strong>r empires, and<br />
possessed <strong>of</strong> far greater wealth and resources<br />
than <strong>the</strong>ir 'vassals' <strong>the</strong> phra<strong>the</strong>tsarat. So <strong>the</strong><br />
difference is mainly in <strong>the</strong> scale <strong>of</strong> magnificence<br />
and ceremoniousness, and in <strong>the</strong> extent <strong>of</strong><br />
possibilities for a less formal, more egalitarian,<br />
more participatory encounter (for example in<br />
access to various parties and classes <strong>of</strong> people,<br />
such as exiles, monks, women, o<strong>the</strong>r foreigners<br />
etc., less punctiliousness about sitting on chairs<br />
or removing shoes etc., more reference to use <strong>of</strong><br />
alcohol in socialising. And also by virtue <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
lesser status <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se vassal states-and, which<br />
is almost <strong>the</strong> same thing, <strong>the</strong>ir lack <strong>of</strong> any<br />
maritime frontier-<strong>the</strong> missions are <strong>the</strong> first or<br />
<strong>the</strong> ftrst remembered, direct encounters on home<br />
territory with Europeans at this level <strong>of</strong><br />
formality.<br />
<strong>The</strong> journeys<br />
Let me now give a starkly factual description <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> missions and journals. All six missions were<br />
overland journeys (excepting a little by riverboat<br />
and raft) from Moulmein to Tai territories and<br />
back to Moulmein, <strong>the</strong> administrative capital <strong>of</strong><br />
British Tenasserim Provinces. <strong>The</strong>y were<br />
journeys on foot, both human and animal feet.<br />
<strong>The</strong>y were among <strong>the</strong> first, certainly <strong>the</strong> first<br />
well documented, and <strong>the</strong> first diplomatic<br />
journeys by Europeans into <strong>the</strong> hinterland <strong>of</strong><br />
mainland South East Asia, to anticipate a term<br />
<strong>of</strong> political geography-<strong>of</strong> German origindating<br />
from <strong>the</strong> high imperial 1880s and 1890s.<br />
Earlier accounts had been <strong>of</strong> journeys from port<br />
to port, and <strong>the</strong>y contain descriptions <strong>of</strong> whatever<br />
was encountered on <strong>the</strong> way. So we have<br />
ethnography <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Cape <strong>of</strong> Good Hope<br />
prefacing an embassy to Beijing (Cranmer-Byng<br />
1963; Staunton 1797); or <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> behaviour <strong>of</strong><br />
Eurasian high society in Malacca in Crawfurd's<br />
narrative <strong>of</strong> his mission to Bangkok. McLeod<br />
and Richardson, on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand, travel from<br />
<strong>the</strong> land frontier inwards towards <strong>the</strong> capitals,<br />
and so <strong>the</strong>y have seen much <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> conditions <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> country before seeing its rulers.<br />
<strong>The</strong> journeys were made in 1830,1834, 1835,<br />
1837 and 1839. <strong>The</strong>y usually started in mid<br />
December <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> year before, and tried to return<br />
before <strong>the</strong> rains set in <strong>the</strong> following May.<br />
Richardson's 1834 mission arrived back on 21<br />
May; it had rained throughout <strong>the</strong> final week,<br />
causing several deaths from exposure and most<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> party to suffer from fevers. On <strong>the</strong> whole<br />
<strong>the</strong> accounts minimise <strong>the</strong> physical dangers and<br />
risks.<br />
<strong>The</strong> number <strong>of</strong> people on <strong>the</strong>se journeys<br />
varied from about 50-100 and up to 300 and<br />
more. <strong>The</strong> caravan consisted first <strong>of</strong> all <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
personal party <strong>of</strong> Richardson and McLeod. This<br />
consisted <strong>of</strong> about 20-30 people, comprising<br />
five or more Indian soldiers, personal servants,<br />
tent pitchers, interpreters, guides, and so on.<br />
<strong>The</strong>n <strong>the</strong>re were <strong>the</strong> elephant drivers and o<strong>the</strong>rs<br />
in charge <strong>of</strong> bullocks and horses; and people<br />
referred to as 'coolies', who I think were porters<br />
on foot. <strong>The</strong> porters and <strong>the</strong> animals carried<br />
food and o<strong>the</strong>r supplies, trade goods, and very<br />
importantly diplomatic gifts, which I discuss<br />
later. <strong>The</strong>re were <strong>of</strong>ten o<strong>the</strong>r traders, on <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
12<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
Diplomatic missions to Tai states by David Richardson and W. C. McLeod 1830-1839<br />
own account, some <strong>of</strong> whom joined at later<br />
stages <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> journey, taking advantage <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
protection as well as <strong>the</strong> trading opportunities<br />
<strong>of</strong>fered by <strong>the</strong> expedition. In addition <strong>the</strong>re was<br />
sometimes an armed escort from <strong>the</strong> host state.<br />
As far as one may tell, Richardson and<br />
McLeod were <strong>the</strong> only Europeans on <strong>the</strong>se<br />
journeys. 7 If <strong>the</strong> expeditions are, somewhat<br />
anachronistically, thought <strong>of</strong> as research<br />
missions, <strong>the</strong>n compared with <strong>the</strong> embassies to<br />
major capitals, which involved quite large multiskilled<br />
teams, <strong>the</strong>se were more like solo field<br />
trips. However, <strong>the</strong> value <strong>of</strong> a small entourage<br />
<strong>of</strong> experienced traders and interpreters, and o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
sources <strong>of</strong> local knowledge, must have been<br />
considerable. In any case <strong>the</strong>y were not<br />
accompanied by relatives, as were <strong>the</strong> leaders<br />
<strong>of</strong> several o<strong>the</strong>r missions. For example,<br />
Crawford took his wife in 1822, Burney his<br />
wife and six year old son in 1826, and Bowring<br />
his adult son in 1855. <strong>The</strong> traders and o<strong>the</strong>rs<br />
would usually include Bengalis and o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
Indians, Mon, Burmese, Shan, maybe Karen<br />
and Yunnanese Chinese. <strong>The</strong>re were Animists,<br />
Buddhists, Christians, Hindus, and Muslimsthough<br />
<strong>the</strong> religious differences or practices <strong>of</strong><br />
members <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> caravan are hardly ever alluded<br />
to. With one exception, <strong>the</strong>re is no mention <strong>of</strong><br />
religious holidays, not even Sundays, or<br />
Ramadan for instance. By contrast local religious<br />
events, such as Nor<strong>the</strong>rn Thai New Year,<br />
Buddhist ordinations and funerals, and some<br />
o<strong>the</strong>r festivals, and Buddhist monks encountered<br />
are mentioned.<br />
<strong>The</strong> total journey times were approximately<br />
as follows: McLeod five and a half months, and<br />
Richardson respectively three and a half, two<br />
and a half, four and a half, eight and a half, and<br />
seven and a half months, a total <strong>of</strong> over two and<br />
a half person years. <strong>The</strong> distances covered<br />
averages about 10--12 miles per day in a median<br />
range 8-16, at a walking pace <strong>of</strong> about 2.5<br />
miles per hour or less. In colder, flatter country,<br />
and for one stretch without elephants, which<br />
were usually <strong>the</strong> most important limiting factor,<br />
McLeod averaged 15 mpd (24 km) over a<br />
fortnight without halting for a day; and on<br />
ano<strong>the</strong>r occasion 20 mpd (32 km) over a week<br />
without halt. 8<br />
Richardson had had even more demanding<br />
experiences in Burma during <strong>the</strong> war (1824-<br />
26) as an army surgeon in sole command <strong>of</strong><br />
caravans <strong>of</strong> wounded soldiers and field hospital<br />
staff. For example in January 1826 he had led a<br />
caravan <strong>of</strong> 263 people, including 63 wounded<br />
on carts and stretchers, for three days, covering<br />
120 miles by land and river. Richardson wrote<br />
to his fa<strong>the</strong>r that he would decline 2,000 rupees<br />
(about six months salary) to do <strong>the</strong> same again.<br />
<strong>The</strong>y seem to have usually made only one<br />
march in a day, arriving mid-day to early<br />
afternoon. Even if <strong>the</strong>y rose well before dawn it<br />
would usually take two to three hours to cook,<br />
eat, and look after animals before leaving at<br />
7.00 or 8.00 am or even later. <strong>The</strong> times recorded<br />
seem mainly to be <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> main party which<br />
travelled faster, whereas elephants and load<br />
bearing 'coolies' sometimes took longer (10--<br />
12 hours), and sometimes arrived after dark.<br />
<strong>The</strong>y seem never to have halted for <strong>the</strong> day<br />
unless absolutely obliged to by <strong>the</strong> needs <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
pack animals, by <strong>the</strong> need to supply food, or<br />
more usually, by <strong>the</strong> political demands <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
immediate hosts, which could mean a wait <strong>of</strong><br />
several days on end. Reference to <strong>the</strong>se<br />
unwelcome delays becomes a regular figure in<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir narratives.<br />
<strong>The</strong>y usually spen~ about two to three<br />
weeks-and up to a couple <strong>of</strong> months-in major<br />
centres, a week or two in lesser ones. While<br />
roughly 60 percent <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> total time was spent<br />
travelling between centres, more journal entries<br />
are written at <strong>the</strong>se centres, as one would indeed<br />
expect. <strong>Journal</strong> entries, however brief, are made<br />
for almost all days. Every day's entry records<br />
distance, direction(s) and duration <strong>of</strong> march,<br />
sometimes <strong>the</strong> actual times <strong>of</strong> departure and<br />
arrival; place names where inhabited or known<br />
(villages, mountains, rivers, and small streamsand<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir breadth and depth); and occasionally<br />
<strong>the</strong> estimated height above sea level is calculated<br />
from <strong>the</strong> temperature at which water boils. In<br />
<strong>the</strong> Appendix to this article I give excerpts from<br />
each <strong>of</strong> Richardson's and McLeod's 1837<br />
journals chosen as examples <strong>of</strong> fairly short<br />
entries on <strong>the</strong> march, just to give some flavour.<br />
Pre-modern Tai diplomatic practices<br />
It might be thought that <strong>the</strong>se missions were too<br />
low level and small scale to be called diplomatic<br />
missions, and that <strong>the</strong>y were at most like consular<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2<br />
13
Andrew Turton<br />
or trade missions. <strong>The</strong> emissaries were well<br />
regarded by <strong>the</strong>ir superiors and each had several<br />
years experience, military and administrative,<br />
but nei<strong>the</strong>r was senior in rank: Richardson had<br />
<strong>the</strong> rank <strong>of</strong> Assistant-Surgeon, and McLeod was<br />
only made up to Captain for <strong>the</strong> mission, or was<br />
possibly promoted immediately after. Both were<br />
aged about 33 on <strong>the</strong>ir first missions, which<br />
may not be an advanced age but none<strong>the</strong>less<br />
one by which many <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir contemporaries had<br />
reached high <strong>of</strong>fice and responsibility. Although<br />
authorised by <strong>the</strong> Government <strong>of</strong> India, like<br />
Crawfurd and Burney, <strong>the</strong> letters <strong>the</strong>y bore came<br />
from <strong>the</strong> Commissioner <strong>of</strong> Tenasserim<br />
Provinces. <strong>The</strong>y are not conventionally thought<br />
<strong>of</strong> as 'diplomatic' missions, although <strong>the</strong> title <strong>of</strong><br />
Langham-Carter's 1966 article, does refer to<br />
Richardson as 'diplomat and explorer'<br />
(Langham-Carter 1966) and Walter Vella also<br />
refers to Richardson as a 'diplomat', at least in<br />
regard to his mission to <strong>the</strong> King at Bangkok in<br />
1839 (Vella 1957: 124).<br />
However I think is it useful to assimilate<br />
<strong>the</strong>se missions to <strong>the</strong> category <strong>of</strong> 'embassy' or<br />
diplomatic mission, for several reasons. First,<br />
<strong>the</strong>se were <strong>the</strong> first <strong>of</strong>ficial encounters between<br />
Britain (not just Tenasserim or India) and <strong>the</strong>se<br />
Tai states; in <strong>the</strong> case <strong>of</strong> Chiengrung, almost<br />
certainly <strong>the</strong> first local encounter with Europeans<br />
<strong>of</strong> any sort. Secondly, for all that <strong>the</strong>se were<br />
tributary states-always looking over <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
shoulder, so to say, towards Ava, or Bangkok,<br />
or China, actually Puerh, or Kunming at best<strong>the</strong>y<br />
had varying amounts <strong>of</strong> autonomy, a sense<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir own dignity, and a desire, and some<br />
freedom, to pursue <strong>the</strong>ir own external relations.<br />
<strong>The</strong> British tended at first to exaggerate <strong>the</strong><br />
sovereignty <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Burmese Shan states, but<br />
more out <strong>of</strong> ignorance perhaps than for any<br />
devious reason.<br />
Some evidence for <strong>the</strong> relative autonomy <strong>of</strong><br />
Chiangmai, for instance, is that <strong>the</strong> Cao<br />
Chiangmai had sent a letter to <strong>the</strong> British in<br />
Moulmein arriving as early as March 1825,<br />
from <strong>the</strong> 'ruler <strong>of</strong> 57 provinces and possessor<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> richest throne in <strong>the</strong> East'. Possibly this<br />
was from King Phuttawong in <strong>the</strong> first days <strong>of</strong><br />
his reign, or near <strong>the</strong> death <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> previous<br />
ruler. This was just a few months after <strong>the</strong><br />
occupation <strong>of</strong> Tenasserim by <strong>the</strong> British during<br />
<strong>the</strong> war but nearly a year before <strong>the</strong> treaty <strong>of</strong><br />
Yandabo, and seven months before Burney's<br />
embassy to Bangkok started in November 1825.<br />
Ano<strong>the</strong>r letter, perhaps from <strong>the</strong> ambitious<br />
viceroy was sent in 1828, not long after <strong>the</strong><br />
sack <strong>of</strong> Vientiane by <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>ese in 1827. A<br />
third letter from Lannathai arrived in Moulmein<br />
from Bunma, <strong>the</strong> Cao Lamphun and titular cao<br />
ciwit, or senior cao in <strong>the</strong> north, in early<br />
December 1829, and was ei<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> trigger or<br />
<strong>the</strong> final authorization for Richardson's first<br />
mission which departed Moulmein on 11th<br />
December 1829. Brailey, my source for <strong>the</strong>se<br />
letters, surmises plausibly that Burney had<br />
probably met Phuttawong and Bunma, called<br />
'Western Lao Chiefs', in Bangkok on his visit<br />
in 1825-26 (Brailey 1968). Assembling vassal<br />
state rulers to attend major foreign embassies<br />
seems to have been a likely practice, so that<br />
several <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Shan cao probably had experience<br />
<strong>of</strong> meeting British <strong>of</strong>ficers at Ava (from <strong>the</strong><br />
Symes mission <strong>of</strong> 1785 onwards) or Bangkok,<br />
prior to any formal direct contact, and <strong>the</strong>y<br />
certainly would have known how various<br />
ambassadors were treated.<br />
Thirdly, and most importantly for my<br />
approach (and which I may hope gives it some<br />
originality), my analysis shows that <strong>the</strong> structure,<br />
<strong>the</strong> semiotics, and practices <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> whole mission,<br />
and within it <strong>the</strong> more focused episodes 'at<br />
court', and in <strong>the</strong> performances <strong>of</strong> royal audience<br />
and reception, allow us to assimilate <strong>the</strong>se events<br />
to <strong>the</strong> category not just <strong>of</strong> diplomatic embassy,<br />
but <strong>of</strong> a generic Tai diplomatic event, at least to<br />
an extent that permits some comparison and<br />
fur<strong>the</strong>r analysis.<br />
Let me develop this last point and take <strong>the</strong><br />
argument forward. I have just implied that <strong>the</strong>re<br />
may be apparently factual, reliably constant<br />
features <strong>of</strong> formal events: rules or norms <strong>of</strong><br />
language, practice, and behaviour, whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>of</strong> a<br />
more ritual or more broadly social kind. For<br />
example <strong>the</strong> King or Cao receives <strong>the</strong> visitor,<br />
<strong>the</strong> khaek muang, in a palace (phra raja wang<br />
or ho luang); he sits in a relatively high position;<br />
<strong>the</strong> diplomats are accorded some privilege but<br />
must obey certain local rules <strong>of</strong> behaviour; <strong>the</strong>re<br />
are ra<strong>the</strong>r strictly governed exchanges <strong>of</strong> letters,<br />
<strong>of</strong> formal questions and o<strong>the</strong>r rhetorical niceties,<br />
<strong>of</strong> gifts etc; hospitality and security are provided;<br />
information is requested and exchanged, or<br />
withheld within certain rules, agreements are<br />
14<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
Diplomatic missions to Tai states by David Richardson and W. C. McLeod 1830-1839<br />
made and recorded, and so on. All this, though<br />
recognizably part <strong>of</strong> an even more general<br />
category <strong>of</strong> pre-modern South East Asian<br />
embassy, is conducted in a distinctive Tai idiom;<br />
it is not identical to Burmese or Vietnamese, for<br />
example. In <strong>the</strong> first place, it is interesting to<br />
study this in itself as part <strong>of</strong> a general history<br />
and ethnography <strong>of</strong> social forms, and not just in<br />
order to see what was <strong>the</strong> outcome <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
negotiations, or what specific bits <strong>of</strong> information<br />
were recorded.<br />
<strong>The</strong> journals<br />
But what can we do with this material? Most<br />
<strong>of</strong>ten it is mined for factual information on<br />
British colonial history, on <strong>the</strong> structure and<br />
political economy <strong>of</strong> Tai states, on <strong>the</strong> Karen<br />
and o<strong>the</strong>r peoples, on elephants and so on. I<br />
myself have used it as a source on Tai practices<br />
<strong>of</strong> slavery. Nigel Brailey in his unpublished<br />
1968 SOAS PhD <strong>the</strong>sis made particularly good<br />
use <strong>of</strong> it to consider <strong>the</strong> political dynamics <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Lannathai or Chiangmai Kingdom in <strong>the</strong><br />
nineteenth century and <strong>the</strong> origins <strong>of</strong> its<br />
incorporation by <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>ese (Brailey 1968).<br />
My current purpose is to examine <strong>the</strong>se texts<br />
as a genre <strong>of</strong> ethnography, and more particularly<br />
as ethnography <strong>of</strong> embassy, ethnography <strong>of</strong><br />
diplomatic missions. This is part <strong>of</strong> a larger<br />
project which does <strong>the</strong> same for o<strong>the</strong>r European<br />
accounts in <strong>the</strong> early modem period 9 • We might<br />
say that <strong>the</strong>se embassies produce three kinds <strong>of</strong><br />
ethnography. First, <strong>the</strong> most obvious sort, what<br />
I call 'narratives and classifications <strong>of</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
peoples'; this is ethnography .Ill!. <strong>the</strong> embassy.<br />
Secondly, <strong>the</strong>re is 'ethnography <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
embassies' <strong>the</strong>mselves. And thirdly, a kind <strong>of</strong><br />
ethnography in <strong>the</strong> embassy; a less than<br />
explicitly descriptive or narrative account, an<br />
ethnography <strong>of</strong> each side's calculations and<br />
efforts as <strong>the</strong>y test ways <strong>of</strong> communicating <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
desire to be and to remain both distinct, distant<br />
and autonomous, and yet closer in friendship;<br />
and a desire both to accept and reject <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r's<br />
view and opinion <strong>of</strong> oneself.<br />
On <strong>the</strong> face <strong>of</strong> it my sources mainly belong<br />
to <strong>the</strong> genres <strong>of</strong> <strong>of</strong>ficial report writing, <strong>of</strong> diaries<br />
or journals, and <strong>of</strong> writing about journeys. <strong>The</strong>y<br />
were not written for publication (a contrast with<br />
<strong>the</strong> accounts <strong>of</strong> Finlayson (Finlayson 1826),<br />
Crawfurd (Crawfurd 1967), Bowring (Bowring<br />
1857) and many o<strong>the</strong>rs) and nei<strong>the</strong>r McLeod<br />
nor Richardson <strong>the</strong>mselves published <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
accounts. This was mediated by superiors. Of<br />
<strong>the</strong> two Richardson may be considered <strong>the</strong> more<br />
reflective and scholarly. He also wrote detailed<br />
and thoughtful letters to his fa<strong>the</strong>r, extracts from<br />
which were published in 1966; and he translated<br />
a basic Burmese law text which was first<br />
published a year after his death in 1846<br />
(Richardson 1847).<br />
<strong>The</strong> journals <strong>of</strong> McLeod and Richardson are<br />
more like <strong>the</strong> field diaries <strong>of</strong> later academic<br />
ethnographers than o<strong>the</strong>r accounts <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> period.<br />
This is partly due to <strong>the</strong>ir general familiarity,<br />
gained over many years <strong>of</strong> residence, with much<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> region, and many <strong>of</strong> its peoples and<br />
languages, and to <strong>the</strong>ir travelling for long periods<br />
in <strong>the</strong> company <strong>of</strong> a multi-ethnic caravan. All<br />
this and <strong>the</strong>ir ability to witness and participate<br />
in many aspects <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> life <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ordinary people<br />
as well as <strong>the</strong> nobility, and <strong>the</strong> frequency <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong>ir visits, gave <strong>the</strong>m some advantages over<br />
many academic researchers, who are faced with<br />
different opportunities and constraints on <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
time, mobility and access. Like many<br />
ethnographers <strong>of</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r peoples, <strong>the</strong>y become<br />
somewhat, or more than somewhat seduced by<br />
<strong>the</strong> exotic, or ra<strong>the</strong>r, by <strong>the</strong> exotic become routine<br />
or a second home. 10 Richardson makes many<br />
allusions to <strong>the</strong> attractiveness <strong>of</strong>Tai--or at least<br />
Khon Muang and Shan-ways <strong>of</strong> life, for<br />
example <strong>the</strong> looks and behaviour <strong>of</strong> nor<strong>the</strong>rn<br />
Thai women, music, hospitality, and food (<strong>the</strong><br />
latter in contrast to <strong>the</strong> predominantly Chinese<br />
and possibly Eurasian food prepared for<br />
diplomatic visitors in Bangkok, as when at one<br />
formal dinner he says '[I] smuggled my own<br />
[Indian style?] curry onto <strong>the</strong> table'). In a village<br />
just outside Lampang Richardson's party were<br />
<strong>of</strong>fered a meal <strong>of</strong> 'rice and vegetable stews'.<br />
'<strong>The</strong>se were brought out by <strong>the</strong> women <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
village, young and old; <strong>the</strong> former, as usual,<br />
uncovered to <strong>the</strong> waist, and finer busts are not<br />
to be found in <strong>the</strong> world, and many <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m fair<br />
as Europeans.' (Richardson 1836: 699)<br />
Richardson seems to have committed himself<br />
fairly early on to a career or even a lifetime<br />
spent in <strong>the</strong> region. He said in a letter to his<br />
fa<strong>the</strong>r, fairly soon after his arrival in Burma,<br />
that he had a premonition he would not return,<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2<br />
15
Andrew Turton<br />
even to Madras. He was said by his grandson in<br />
1947 to have married <strong>the</strong> daughter <strong>of</strong> a Shan<br />
cao, to have died in Moulmein-he died aged<br />
49-and by that time to have turned to Buddhism<br />
(Langham-Carter 1966). It is quite possible that<br />
he was married by <strong>the</strong> time <strong>of</strong> some <strong>of</strong> his later<br />
missions.<br />
Let me give some examples <strong>of</strong> seemingly<br />
near verbatim, and instantaneous reports <strong>of</strong><br />
richly textured, sometimes polyvocal, multiethnic<br />
encounters and performances-no doubt<br />
written up before going to bed as all good<br />
anthropology fieldworkers do! 11<br />
Here is an entry for 29 January 1837.<br />
Richardson is in Karen country:<br />
I had a long conversation this morning with an<br />
old Shan woman, from Monay, <strong>the</strong> wife <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
chief man <strong>of</strong> business and interpreter; she gave<br />
her opinions freely <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Kareans, in <strong>the</strong><br />
presence <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> [Karen] chiefs son ... she said<br />
<strong>the</strong>y were jungle wild animals; <strong>the</strong>y had nei<strong>the</strong>r<br />
temples nor laws; did not know good from evil,<br />
and were perfectly uncivilised; <strong>the</strong> bystanders,<br />
or ra<strong>the</strong>r sitters, though she was understood by<br />
two-thirds <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m, seemed perfectly unmoved<br />
by her eloquence (Richardson, 1869: 109).<br />
It is most likely, if not absolutely certain,<br />
that she was speaking in Tai. In any case I feel I<br />
can almost translate this directly back into Shan<br />
or kham muang colloquial cliches. 12 <strong>The</strong> mutely<br />
self-deprecating (non-)response <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Karen<br />
also rings true.<br />
Or this brief extract from his 1839 journal,<br />
written in <strong>the</strong> evening at a camp made for <strong>the</strong><br />
night in <strong>the</strong> forest, perhaps not far from <strong>the</strong><br />
Three Pagodas Pass. Given <strong>the</strong> scarcity <strong>of</strong> Karen<br />
villages, <strong>the</strong>y have run out <strong>of</strong> rice and have<br />
eaten yams and ferns for three days:<br />
One <strong>of</strong> our Karen companions is at this moment<br />
giving <strong>the</strong> most ludicrous and savage imitations<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> dances <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>ese, Taline [Mon],<br />
Birman and Sawas by <strong>the</strong> ftre-light.' (Richardson<br />
1839-40: 1028)<br />
For me, this seems to resemble a comic<br />
interlude in front <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> curtain in a Shakespeare<br />
history play; a few days later Richardson would<br />
be in audience with <strong>the</strong> King <strong>of</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>.<br />
McLeod had similar opportunities and a<br />
certain talent for writing. It is May 1837. He has<br />
been talking, on <strong>the</strong> road not far, from Chiangmai,<br />
to <strong>the</strong> Cao Ho Na <strong>of</strong> Chiangmai, who was <strong>the</strong><br />
viceroy and in practice probably <strong>the</strong> most<br />
powerful member <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ruling group. <strong>The</strong> prince<br />
has an escort <strong>of</strong> about 100 elephants and 700<br />
armed men; compared with him McLeod must<br />
have seemed like a backpacker! <strong>The</strong> prince has<br />
just come back from a diplomatic trip to<br />
Bangkok, which may also have been something<br />
<strong>of</strong> a shopping trip:<br />
He spoke <strong>of</strong> Dr Richardson's mission [in 1834?],<br />
and said he was sure <strong>the</strong> Red Karengs, who<br />
were <strong>the</strong> bitter enemies <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Burmans, would<br />
never consent to <strong>the</strong>ir passing through <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
country. I asked him how his countrymen, being<br />
good Buddhists, could permit and encourage <strong>the</strong><br />
slave trade with that country. He said that God<br />
had provided every nation according to its<br />
necessities; that to <strong>the</strong> Red Karengs, he had<br />
given men but no salt. <strong>The</strong> Chief <strong>of</strong> that tribe,<br />
who accompanied him down to Bangkok, went<br />
back soon, considering <strong>the</strong> capital a most<br />
disagreeable place, and Zimme far superior to it,<br />
though nothing equal to his own mountains . . .<br />
[though <strong>the</strong>y were both] loud in <strong>the</strong>ir praises <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> English shop at Bangkok' [presumably <strong>the</strong><br />
godown <strong>of</strong> Robert Hunter, <strong>the</strong> only European<br />
commercial establishment in <strong>the</strong> city at <strong>the</strong> time]<br />
(McLeod 1869: 95).<br />
Ceremony and diplomatic propriety<br />
<strong>The</strong> earliest European account <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ayutthaya<br />
court, in about 1515, says that <strong>the</strong> King 'is very<br />
ceremonious with strangers' and that his<br />
'ambassadors carry out <strong>the</strong>ir instructions<br />
thoroughly' (Pires 1944: 103-4). In <strong>the</strong> sixteenth<br />
century, Anthony Reid says, an important<br />
'measure <strong>of</strong> a ruler's greatness' was to have a<br />
harbour 'full <strong>of</strong> foreign ships and <strong>the</strong> court <strong>of</strong><br />
foreign envoys' (Reid 1993: 190). Nicholas<br />
Gervaise, referring to <strong>the</strong> court <strong>of</strong> King Narai<br />
(r.1657-88) commented '<strong>The</strong>re has never been<br />
any court anywhere in <strong>the</strong> world more ritualistic<br />
than <strong>the</strong> court <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> King <strong>of</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>' (Gervaise<br />
1989: 221).<br />
Chiangmai may not have been full <strong>of</strong> foreign<br />
envoys, but <strong>the</strong>re were a number <strong>of</strong> exiled cao<br />
16<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
Diplomatic missions to Tai states by David Richardson and W. C. McLeod 1830-1839<br />
muang kept close to court and Richardson<br />
observed that <strong>the</strong> shutters on <strong>the</strong> reception hall<br />
had paintings <strong>of</strong> foreigners paying homage or<br />
respects to <strong>the</strong> King, including farang dressed<br />
in early eighteenth century costume. And<br />
compared with Ayutthaya or Bangkok, <strong>the</strong><br />
ceremony, both for <strong>the</strong> visiting diplomats and<br />
local nobles is perceived as less deferential.<br />
However, a straightforward structural kind <strong>of</strong><br />
analysis <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> more focused ceremonial parts<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> missions, reveals common elements, and<br />
variations which permit an understanding <strong>of</strong>, on<br />
<strong>the</strong> one hand, <strong>the</strong> different degrees <strong>of</strong> wealth,<br />
strength and vassal status <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Tai states or<br />
muang in question; and on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand, <strong>of</strong><br />
diplomatic tactics.<br />
Richardson's first visit to Lamphun may<br />
serve as an example. It has most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 'basic'<br />
elements which can be summarised as follows:<br />
a meeting outside town by a senior royal<br />
<strong>of</strong>ficial;<br />
a request for an audience toge<strong>the</strong>r with<br />
frrst mention <strong>of</strong> an <strong>of</strong>ficial letter and gifts;<br />
arrangement for <strong>the</strong> audience (in this case<br />
<strong>the</strong> very next day) and details <strong>of</strong> protocol,<br />
including refusal <strong>of</strong> his request to wear a<br />
sword;<br />
<strong>the</strong> audience itself and its key elements:<br />
seating, dress code (especially shoes),<br />
gestures <strong>of</strong> respect (from both sides<br />
towards ruler), presentation <strong>of</strong> letter and<br />
gifts, formal exchange <strong>of</strong> questions and<br />
answers etc.;<br />
entertainment afterwards (feasting,<br />
music);<br />
socialising on <strong>the</strong> days following<br />
(attending religious ceremonies, for<br />
example New Year ceremonies, rocket<br />
festivals, funerals, ordinations <strong>of</strong><br />
Buddhist monks, and also authorised<br />
visits <strong>of</strong> inspection <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> town and its<br />
fortifications);<br />
semi-formal meetings with o<strong>the</strong>r senior<br />
<strong>of</strong>ficials to discuss business;<br />
o<strong>the</strong>r informal meetings with <strong>of</strong>ficials<br />
but also monks, women, exiles, traders<br />
etc.;<br />
throughout <strong>the</strong> visit: a succession <strong>of</strong> small<br />
gifts <strong>of</strong> provisions etc. to <strong>the</strong> visitors;<br />
an audience <strong>of</strong> departure;<br />
presentation <strong>of</strong> return gifts.<br />
A distinctive ceremonial element in <strong>the</strong><br />
nor<strong>the</strong>rn scenario is <strong>the</strong> ritual <strong>of</strong> soul-calling<br />
and wrist-tying (pouk[khwan]) 'beyond which'<br />
he is told '<strong>the</strong>re is no possible mark <strong>of</strong><br />
friendship'. Much used throughout <strong>the</strong> Tai world<br />
in popular practice, this is still used, and indeed<br />
has been re-emphasised in formal government<br />
receptions in Laos.<br />
Although Richardson sits on a lower level,<br />
and on carpets and not chairs in royal audiences<br />
(though on a chair with <strong>the</strong> Phra Khlang in<br />
Bangkok), he always notes that he is permitted<br />
to keep his boots on, even in Bangkok. <strong>The</strong><br />
Burmese commissioners do however try to get<br />
him to remove his shoes; Richardson says he<br />
would do this only in <strong>the</strong> company <strong>of</strong> princes,<br />
but <strong>the</strong> Tai do not insist. Richardson usually<br />
bows from a standing position, and remarks<br />
that <strong>the</strong> chiefs 'assume a much more manly<br />
position than in <strong>the</strong> presence <strong>of</strong> some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
lowest chiefs <strong>of</strong> Bangkok'.<br />
Even on his visit to <strong>the</strong> Karen Chief, Pha<br />
Bho, Richardson notes, albeit with heavy irony,<br />
a few details <strong>of</strong> ceremony. Having described<br />
<strong>the</strong> chiefs house as little different from <strong>the</strong><br />
o<strong>the</strong>r 70 or so houses 'in <strong>the</strong> worst Burman<br />
style', he refers to 'his Majesty's mansion' and<br />
'<strong>the</strong> royal presence'; <strong>the</strong> room is a very dark<br />
interior with a frre burning in <strong>the</strong> middle <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
floor, and '<strong>the</strong> ro<strong>of</strong> splendidly varnished with<br />
soot', but <strong>the</strong>re was a carpet. Richardson gives<br />
gifts [unspecified on this occasion but usually<br />
in such cases a gun and some cloth] '<strong>The</strong> only<br />
indications <strong>of</strong> his chieftainship were a gold and<br />
silver sword and silver betel box, both <strong>of</strong> which<br />
he carried himself, and his only attendant was<br />
<strong>the</strong> old Sban .. .' , a 'factotum', as Richardson<br />
calls him, who wrote <strong>the</strong> chiefs letters in<br />
Burmese. However this chief was <strong>the</strong> man who<br />
Richardson says had <strong>the</strong> power to extract '<strong>the</strong><br />
blackmail' (a nice historical Scottish term for<br />
<strong>the</strong> political economy <strong>of</strong> frontiers and cattle<br />
trade!) from both local Burmese and Shan, and<br />
who, when Richardson frrmly refuses his request<br />
that <strong>the</strong> British ally with him in fighting <strong>the</strong><br />
Burmese, none<strong>the</strong>less 'promised his protection<br />
to traders from Maulamyne and to people<br />
(Chinese included) from <strong>the</strong> northward'.<br />
<strong>The</strong>re are o<strong>the</strong>r instances <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
contradictoriness <strong>of</strong> Richardson's representation<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Karen chief. Of <strong>the</strong> people in <strong>the</strong> soon<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2<br />
17
Andrew Turton<br />
crowded room, he writes: '<strong>the</strong>ir whole<br />
demeanour was civil and respectful,-very<br />
different from what <strong>the</strong> Zimmay chiefs wished<br />
me to believe'. But having heard and seen some<br />
effects <strong>of</strong> slave raiding by Karen-if cultural<br />
relativism will allow me to call it that-including<br />
an interview with a pregnant woman whose<br />
husband had been 'cut to pieces in her arms',<br />
and who had been separated from her two<br />
daughters and all fellow villagers, and o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
'diabolical scenes' as he calls <strong>the</strong>m, Richardson<br />
does not mince his words and refers to <strong>the</strong> Karen<br />
in general in terms <strong>of</strong> '<strong>the</strong> terror with which<br />
<strong>the</strong>se detestable savages have inspired <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
neighbours, though I am convinced <strong>the</strong>y are<br />
equally despicable and detestable'.<br />
Richardson none<strong>the</strong>less maintains a<br />
diplomatic propriety, telling <strong>the</strong> chief that 'I<br />
had come as he had requested, and as <strong>the</strong><br />
Commissioner <strong>of</strong> Maulmayne [sic] had promised<br />
last year, from whom I had brought a letter and<br />
presents, and wished to open <strong>the</strong> gold and silver<br />
road between us, and be friends with <strong>the</strong> Kayen<br />
nation, etc. etc.' And he is convinced that Pha<br />
Bho himself 'discourages men-catching', and<br />
that he has secured '<strong>the</strong> good-will towards us <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Red Kay ens'. And although <strong>the</strong>re is a fair<br />
amount <strong>of</strong> disparaging language-much <strong>of</strong> it is<br />
only <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> order <strong>of</strong> 'shabby' and 'vile smell <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> house', which toge<strong>the</strong>r with <strong>the</strong> noise he<br />
says gave him a headache-his invective is<br />
reserved for <strong>the</strong> practice <strong>of</strong> 'kidnapping and<br />
selling <strong>the</strong>ir neighbours'. It is only this practice<br />
that he refers to when he says:<br />
. . . it is possible that <strong>the</strong> intercourse with <strong>the</strong>se<br />
people now commenced may lead eventually<br />
towards <strong>the</strong>ir civilization, and that our influence<br />
with <strong>the</strong>m may hereafter be successfully exerted<br />
in putting an end to <strong>the</strong>ir system <strong>of</strong> kidnapping<br />
and selling <strong>the</strong>ir neighbours. . . .<br />
This is a quite rare instance <strong>of</strong> moralizing.<br />
And it is noticeable that those Farang writers<br />
who have spent longest in <strong>the</strong> company <strong>of</strong>Tai (I<br />
would include also James Low and Bishop<br />
Pallegoix) are <strong>the</strong> least prone to use hierarchical<br />
notions <strong>of</strong> degrees <strong>of</strong> 'civilization' and so on.<br />
When Richardson arrives at <strong>the</strong> Karen village<br />
in <strong>the</strong> evening, he pitches his tent 200 yards from<br />
<strong>the</strong> village. Early in <strong>the</strong> morning he sends to <strong>the</strong><br />
Chief to ask when he may see him. 'After<br />
breakfast' is <strong>the</strong> reply. In Bangkok in 1839, in<br />
some contrast, Richardson is invited to <strong>the</strong> royal<br />
audience ten days after his arrival. King Rama<br />
ill had received Burney 15 years earlier and had<br />
been present at Crawford's mission. <strong>The</strong> King<br />
had no doubt had Richardson's visits to <strong>the</strong> north<br />
reported to him. Richardson is carried in a<br />
'hammock' by eight <strong>of</strong> his own servants. He no<br />
doubt had read <strong>of</strong> Crawford's physical and<br />
diplomatic discomfort at being carried rolled in<br />
a s<strong>of</strong>t hammock by only two porters provided by<br />
<strong>the</strong> Thai side. When <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>ese and 'native<br />
Christians' 'fell on <strong>the</strong>ir knees and made as<br />
many prostrations as <strong>the</strong>y could' Richardson sat<br />
on <strong>the</strong> carpet at <strong>the</strong> designated spot and, in his<br />
words, made 'two or three salaams to his<br />
Majesty', which, though in Anglo-Indian usage<br />
could mean any greeting, I translate or interpret<br />
as a gesture with <strong>the</strong> hands and head, ra<strong>the</strong>r than<br />
merely a bow from <strong>the</strong> waist. During <strong>the</strong> royal<br />
conversation Richardson remarks 'From <strong>the</strong><br />
knowledge I have <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Laos language, and its<br />
affinities to <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>ese, I could make out that<br />
my answers to <strong>the</strong> king' s questions were modified<br />
to meet <strong>the</strong> royal ear'. He comments that,<br />
On <strong>the</strong> whole, my reception (as I was frequently<br />
told it would be) was one <strong>of</strong> more state and<br />
ceremony, and <strong>of</strong>longer and more friendly nature<br />
as regards <strong>the</strong> time <strong>of</strong> its continuance, (lasting<br />
one hour and 20 minutes) and number <strong>of</strong><br />
questions put, than has been granted to any<br />
mission for many years, which I presume may<br />
be attributed to ... ' [I paraphrase] British power<br />
in Burma . . . and 'a more just appreciation <strong>of</strong><br />
our relative rank in <strong>the</strong> scale <strong>of</strong> nations', and<br />
[again I paraphrase] . . . <strong>the</strong> efforts <strong>of</strong> Mr Hunter<br />
(<strong>the</strong> Scottish and sole European resident trader<br />
in Bangkok 1824-1844).<br />
McLeod finds Lamphun in 1837 in a<br />
weakened state following <strong>the</strong> death <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> cao<br />
chiwit, with <strong>the</strong> palace recently 'pulled down',<br />
and hardly prepared for a formal visit. He goes<br />
on to Chiangmai where <strong>the</strong> <strong>of</strong>ficials are better<br />
dressed than at Lamphun though 'some are<br />
without jackets' and <strong>the</strong> 'Tsobua' is preceded<br />
'by a few men shabbily dressed, armed with<br />
swords and spears'. <strong>The</strong> Tsobua himself wore a<br />
white jacket and 'ordinary cloth <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> country',<br />
18<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
Diplomatic missions to Tai states by David Richardson and W. C. McLeod 1830-1839<br />
carrying himself an ordinary sword without a<br />
scabbard, said to be a Lawa custom. In<br />
Chengtung by contrast, for all that <strong>the</strong> palace is<br />
described as a 'shabby pile <strong>of</strong> wood'. it is 'richly<br />
gilt' inside, has a throne with a door at <strong>the</strong> back<br />
as at Ava, and <strong>the</strong>re are men holding swords<br />
with golden scabbards. McLeod says he is<br />
'struck with <strong>the</strong> grandeur <strong>of</strong> everything<br />
compared with what I had seen at Zimme'. <strong>The</strong><br />
<strong>of</strong>ficers, all Shan, were dressed in <strong>the</strong> Burmese<br />
fashion, <strong>the</strong> rest with Shan jackets and blue<br />
trousers. On his second, less formal visit to <strong>the</strong><br />
Tsobua (<strong>the</strong> Cao Chengtung Mahakhanan),<br />
McLeod spends nearly four hours sitting on a<br />
mat. He comments<br />
<strong>The</strong> position in which I was seated not being <strong>the</strong><br />
most comfortable, which his son observing [<strong>the</strong><br />
Tsobua was blind], whispered to his fa<strong>the</strong>r; when<br />
pillows were ordered to be brought in for me.<br />
None <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>of</strong>ficers are permitted to use <strong>the</strong>se<br />
in <strong>the</strong> Tsobua's presence.'<br />
He was also given refreshment in a gold cup<br />
and on silver trays.<br />
In Chengrung <strong>the</strong>re is ano<strong>the</strong>r contrast. <strong>The</strong><br />
palace buildings and decorations are said to be<br />
Chinese, as is <strong>the</strong> costume <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> court <strong>of</strong>ficers.<br />
Chinese is <strong>the</strong> language <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> court, with one in<br />
ten <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>of</strong>ficers able to write in Shan, we are<br />
told, and one in a hundred in Burmese. <strong>The</strong>re<br />
are tables and chairs in <strong>the</strong> throne hall, and at<br />
<strong>the</strong> formal dinner with <strong>the</strong> regent, widow <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
late ruler, <strong>the</strong>re are three high tables with chairs<br />
and o<strong>the</strong>r lower tables with mats. McLeod has<br />
brought with him his own spoon and fork and<br />
wine glass, which it seems he is obliged to give<br />
as a present to <strong>the</strong> Regent at her request. <strong>The</strong><br />
recent death <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ruler is given, apologetically,<br />
as <strong>the</strong> reason for lack <strong>of</strong> a ceremonious reception<br />
suitable for 'a stranger <strong>of</strong> rank'.<br />
Cordiality and friendship<br />
I want to bring into focus frequent references in<br />
<strong>the</strong> embassy literature to personal friendship,<br />
pleasure, delicacy, kindness, and appreciation.<br />
<strong>The</strong>y occur alongside expressions <strong>of</strong> negative<br />
prejudice, and politically motivated protest. I<br />
am in sympathy with <strong>The</strong>erawat Bhumichitr, a<br />
relatively new member <strong>of</strong> a long tradition <strong>of</strong><br />
Thai scholar-diplomats. He argues <strong>the</strong><br />
importance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> study <strong>of</strong> emotion and<br />
interpersonal factors in international politics<br />
(<strong>The</strong>erawat 1993).<br />
<strong>The</strong>re are limiting cases <strong>of</strong> envoys being<br />
arrested, even killed (certainly Burmese and<br />
Vietnamese). We are also alert to <strong>the</strong> ambiguities<br />
<strong>of</strong> hospitality. But <strong>the</strong> positive side tends to<br />
prevail, that sense <strong>of</strong> 'cherishing men from afar',<br />
as <strong>the</strong> Chinese annals put it. <strong>The</strong> summit <strong>of</strong><br />
proceedings is <strong>the</strong> moment when <strong>the</strong> King briefly<br />
addresses <strong>the</strong> envoys. This is remarkably like<br />
<strong>the</strong> Chinese practice <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Emperor <strong>of</strong>fering<br />
'soothing words' (cf. Hevia 1995: 176), referred<br />
to in Thai for example as song phraraja<br />
phatisanthan sam khrang ['<strong>the</strong> three gracious<br />
royal questions']: how is your King; is <strong>the</strong>re<br />
peace in your country; how long have you<br />
travelled? <strong>The</strong>se are uncontentious words <strong>of</strong><br />
welcome, formally friendly. Whe<strong>the</strong>r we are in<br />
Bangkok or <strong>the</strong> Shan States we hear <strong>the</strong>se<br />
questions repeatedly.<br />
<strong>The</strong> experience <strong>of</strong> progressively, or perhaps<br />
intermittently, more relaxed, 'cordial',<br />
conversations and expressions <strong>of</strong> care and<br />
generosity during <strong>the</strong> course <strong>of</strong> a mission can<br />
be interpreted in much <strong>the</strong> same way as <strong>the</strong><br />
process <strong>of</strong> 'centring and channelling' which is a<br />
feature <strong>of</strong> diplomatic strategy within Chinese<br />
guest ritual. It could be reduced and turned <strong>of</strong>f,<br />
as well as turned on and up 13 • Cushions and<br />
chairs could be provided or not; boat crews<br />
could be dismissed, elephants take longer to<br />
assemble, privileges and concessions modified.<br />
And <strong>the</strong>re was <strong>the</strong> final assessment <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> return<br />
gifts, when all o<strong>the</strong>r business had been<br />
concluded.<br />
In addition to this highly managed aspect <strong>of</strong><br />
personal treatment, <strong>the</strong>re are many instances <strong>of</strong><br />
something more personal. McLeod's experience<br />
can stand as an example. On <strong>the</strong> sixth day <strong>of</strong> his<br />
visit to Chiangmai in 1837, <strong>the</strong> day after his<br />
royal audience, he meets <strong>the</strong> third most senior<br />
prince who is commander-in-chief. <strong>The</strong> meeting<br />
starts formally. 'He received me with proper<br />
<strong>Siam</strong>ese (sic) indifference'. McLeod thinks he is<br />
suspicious <strong>of</strong> English motives. But 'he soon<br />
made himself pleasant' and 'before we parted he<br />
threw <strong>of</strong>f all reserve, put on my cap, and<br />
introduced his wives and children, <strong>of</strong> both <strong>of</strong><br />
whom he has a vast number'; and McLeod records<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s I & 2<br />
19
Andrew Turton<br />
that he was <strong>of</strong>fered miang [fermented tea leaves]<br />
and coconut juice (McLeod 1869: 29).<br />
In addition to visits <strong>of</strong> ceremony and business<br />
<strong>the</strong>re are visits <strong>of</strong> a more personal kind, motivated<br />
by personal curiosity, when conversation turns<br />
to trivial matters, including for instance<br />
inspection and admiration <strong>of</strong> Richardson's<br />
equipment, his magnificent double-walled tent<br />
and 'brass-bound bullock trunks', his scientific<br />
instruments (including sextant, <strong>the</strong>rmometer,<br />
watch, and compass) and, he lets slip, his<br />
greyhounds, English racing dogs, which must<br />
have travelled many hundreds <strong>of</strong> miles with him.<br />
Prominent among <strong>the</strong>se visitors are monks, and<br />
on o<strong>the</strong>r occasions groups <strong>of</strong> women, who in<br />
Bangkok, but more especially in <strong>the</strong> north are<br />
not backward in introducing <strong>the</strong>mselves.<br />
Conversations with women feature with some<br />
regularity in <strong>the</strong> journals <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se two men, who<br />
give a strong impression <strong>of</strong> reporting <strong>the</strong> women's<br />
speech quite directly.<br />
McLeod is generally sensitive to <strong>the</strong> intimate<br />
dimension. Gift giving as ever provides a good<br />
medium. He grows fond <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Cao Chengtung<br />
(Mahakhanan) to whom, when he discovers he is<br />
blind, he gives a musical box 14 • When in<br />
Chengrung he is given-in true imperial style-a<br />
Chinese, or should I say Tai, <strong>of</strong>ficial's robe and<br />
an inscribed gold plate to hang round his neck.<br />
<strong>The</strong>y ask him to put <strong>the</strong>se on, 'which [he says] I<br />
did, much to <strong>the</strong>ir satisfaction'. One <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> princes<br />
asks him to bring as a present, when he next<br />
comes, toge<strong>the</strong>r with reading spectacles and a<br />
compass, 'some flower and garden seeds', 'he<br />
being fond <strong>of</strong> gardening' (McLeod 1869: 55-83).<br />
Music plays a consistent part in <strong>the</strong>se<br />
narratives 15 • Musical performance is always<br />
<strong>of</strong>fered by <strong>the</strong> Thai side; sometimes by <strong>the</strong><br />
Farang side. Most Farang· seem to appreciate<br />
what <strong>the</strong>y hear. Richardson-whose 'seduction'<br />
was ra<strong>the</strong>r complete, as we are seeing-heard a<br />
male and two female singers in Lamphun on<br />
his second visit and comments that '<strong>the</strong> voices<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> performers, both in sweetness and in<br />
compass were, beyond comparison, superior to<br />
anything I have heard out <strong>of</strong> Europe'<br />
(Richardson 1836: 690). 16<br />
In time-honoured diplomatic fashion<br />
McLeod loads his elephants not only with<br />
hunting guns and musical boxes, but also with<br />
cases <strong>of</strong> whisky, cherry brandy, and port wine.<br />
He says <strong>the</strong>se helped communication in a region<br />
where <strong>the</strong> cao were fond <strong>of</strong> spirits. He sums up<br />
his experience in Chengrung '<strong>the</strong> aim <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
[Burmese] is to treat strangers ... with marked<br />
indifference and slight; whereas with my new<br />
friends <strong>the</strong> reverse is <strong>the</strong> case, <strong>the</strong>ir politeness<br />
being extreme' (McLeod 1869: 82).<br />
Richardson was instructed to 'endeavour to<br />
render [himself] agreeable to <strong>the</strong> people and<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir chiefs through whose country [he would]<br />
pass'. Friendship and general goodwill were<br />
criteria by which he judged <strong>the</strong> success <strong>of</strong> his<br />
work. He writes:<br />
In my mission so far, I have perfectly succeeded,<br />
as far as <strong>the</strong> feelings <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> chiefs here are<br />
concerned, and my intercourse with all classes<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> people since <strong>the</strong> first few days has been<br />
all I could wish ... (Richardson, 1869: 130,<br />
emphasis added).<br />
Two years earlier he wrote:<br />
'<strong>The</strong> kind feeling our north-eastern Shan<br />
neighbours towards us, have [sic] been increased<br />
by my late visit. <strong>The</strong> mixture <strong>of</strong> firmness and<br />
conciliation I had it in my power to exhibit<br />
towards <strong>the</strong>m on <strong>the</strong> points discussed, has tended<br />
to convince <strong>the</strong>m that we are firm and consistent<br />
friends, not desirous <strong>of</strong> aggrandizing ourselves<br />
at <strong>the</strong>ir expense, but at <strong>the</strong> same time not to be<br />
imposed on or trifled with.' (Richardson 1836:<br />
706-7).<br />
Of course maitri ['friendship'], maitricit<br />
['friendliness'] or phrarachamaitri ['royal<br />
friendship' or 'friendly relations' (as between<br />
states)] may not be quite <strong>the</strong> same thing as<br />
'friendship'. <strong>The</strong>re remains an element <strong>of</strong><br />
European realism in Richardson's search for<br />
friendship, which he reports after his visit to<br />
Bangkok in 1839:<br />
In conclusion I am sorry to say that I slightly<br />
suspect <strong>the</strong> cordiality <strong>of</strong> this people towards us:<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir pr<strong>of</strong>essions are as warm as could be wished<br />
for but <strong>the</strong>re is hollowness .. .' (Burney 1910-<br />
15: <strong>Vol</strong>. 4 (1) 24, original italics).<br />
Interestingly this was part <strong>of</strong> some covering<br />
letter, which was not included in <strong>the</strong> version <strong>of</strong><br />
20<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
Diplomatic missions to Tai states by David Richardson and W. C. McLeod 1830-1839<br />
his journal edited for <strong>the</strong> <strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Asiatic<br />
<strong>Society</strong> <strong>of</strong> Bengal in 1839-40. But note,<br />
however, <strong>the</strong> tentativeness and reluctance to<br />
confirm this 'suspicion'.<br />
Envoi<br />
This paper is a report <strong>of</strong> work in progress, <strong>of</strong><br />
how I am beginning to read this rich material.<br />
My main purpose is to begin to establish a field<br />
I am calling <strong>the</strong> ethnography <strong>of</strong> embassy or <strong>of</strong><br />
diplomatic mission, by treating <strong>the</strong>se sources<br />
critically as ethnography <strong>of</strong> various sorts:<br />
ethnography <strong>of</strong> exceptional cultural and more<br />
specifically diplomatic episodes; and by<br />
examining <strong>the</strong>ir own methodology and<br />
assumptions. Inevitably, in order to refer to <strong>the</strong><br />
wider project, I have had to repeat myself at<br />
several points, quoting myself in <strong>the</strong> processwithout<br />
precise references which would have<br />
held up <strong>the</strong> narrative (see Turton 1997).<br />
I have attempted to recover as much as<br />
possible <strong>the</strong> 'lively voice' and <strong>the</strong> 'ocular<br />
witness' to use phrases <strong>of</strong> sixteenth century<br />
travel writers. And I have tried to avoid what S.<br />
S. Smith, Presbyterian Minister and Pr<strong>of</strong>essor<br />
at Harvard in <strong>the</strong> late eighteenth century, refers<br />
to in his An essay into <strong>the</strong> causes <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> variety<br />
<strong>of</strong> complexion and figure in <strong>the</strong> human species,<br />
namely <strong>the</strong> assumption that: 'ordinary travellers<br />
could not be trusted with scientific information<br />
. . . Countries are described from a single spot,<br />
manners from a single action, and men from <strong>the</strong><br />
first man that is seen on a foreign shore.' (Smith<br />
1788, cited in Marshall and Williams 1982: 138<br />
note).<br />
I have very much in mind George Stocking's<br />
recommendations in <strong>the</strong> volume <strong>of</strong> his<br />
monumental series 'History <strong>of</strong> Anthropology'<br />
entitled Colonial situations: essays on <strong>the</strong><br />
contextualization <strong>of</strong> ethnographic knowledge'<br />
(Stocking 1991) in which he emphasises <strong>the</strong><br />
need to anthropologize <strong>the</strong> growth <strong>of</strong> western<br />
imperial power [and indeed we have also just<br />
touched on <strong>Siam</strong>ese colonialism]. Stocking also<br />
advocates a methodology to explore <strong>the</strong> plurality<br />
<strong>of</strong> colonial situations and locales, <strong>the</strong> interaction<br />
<strong>of</strong> different individuals and groups within <strong>the</strong>m,<br />
and <strong>the</strong> ways <strong>the</strong>se conditioned ethnographic<br />
knowledge and subsequent anthropology, and<br />
forming what Talal Asad in <strong>the</strong> Afterword to<br />
this volume calls <strong>the</strong> 'pre-existing discourses<br />
and practices met by anthropologists . . . ' , in<br />
practice a virtually infinite regressions <strong>of</strong> texts<br />
and discourses. 17<br />
I attempt to question assumptions-whe<strong>the</strong>r<br />
those <strong>of</strong> primary authors or commentators-<strong>of</strong><br />
a single powerful voice and perspective, <strong>of</strong> onesided<br />
accounts, and unidirectional and noncontradictory<br />
developments. In this, I suppose I<br />
am operating in a kind <strong>of</strong> post-colonial, and you<br />
might think revisionist spirit, trying not to<br />
generalise or make anachronistic assumptions<br />
about imperial teleology, not to elide different<br />
colonialisms or different episodes even within<br />
one colonial sequence; wherever possible<br />
restoring or attributing agency, relative<br />
autonomy, to all parties; and trying to establish<br />
<strong>the</strong> particularity <strong>of</strong> a specific pre-imperial<br />
encounter. In doing so I hope to contribute to<br />
ano<strong>the</strong>r look at Anglo-Thai and Thai-Farang<br />
relations in <strong>the</strong> early modem era; and <strong>the</strong><br />
development <strong>of</strong> a significantly shared discourse<br />
about <strong>the</strong> Tai world, which was to have an<br />
effective influence for a century or more.<br />
Appendix<br />
Excerpts from <strong>the</strong> journals <strong>of</strong> Richardson<br />
and McLeod<br />
<strong>The</strong> following are examples <strong>of</strong> relatively short<br />
journal entries made while on <strong>the</strong> march.<br />
Spelling and all o<strong>the</strong>r details have been retained .<br />
26th January [1837] (Thursday), Ka-tchaung<br />
Lan, 3• 35' N.W., 12 miles.-Waited till nine<br />
o'clock at <strong>the</strong> last village to give <strong>the</strong> man ano<strong>the</strong>r<br />
chance <strong>of</strong> crossing his elephant, when we started,<br />
finding it could not be accomplished; <strong>the</strong> first <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> coolies came up at 12.35, but <strong>the</strong> elephants,<br />
owing to <strong>the</strong> sharp pointed rocks on <strong>the</strong> road,<br />
which distressed <strong>the</strong>ir feet, and <strong>the</strong> necessity <strong>of</strong><br />
cutting a way for <strong>the</strong> howdahs through <strong>the</strong><br />
branches and creepers for <strong>the</strong> first mile and a<br />
half, did not come in till 5.15. We met on <strong>the</strong><br />
march to-day an old man and his family, taken<br />
at Mobie, being driven to <strong>the</strong> ferry for sale; <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
captor, an old Karean thooghee <strong>of</strong> about 50 years<br />
<strong>of</strong> age, was riding behind <strong>the</strong>m, spear in hand. I<br />
asked if thoughts <strong>of</strong> his own children did not<br />
make him feel some compassion for <strong>the</strong>se poor<br />
people; he coolly answered "Khan" (fortune),<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2<br />
21
Andrew Turton<br />
and pushed on his prisoners. (Richardson 1869:<br />
108)<br />
4th February. [1837] From <strong>the</strong> Nam Takau<br />
to Ban Me Phit. Direction, N. Estimated<br />
Distance, 14 miles. Time, 4h. 22m.<br />
<strong>The</strong> route to-day may be said to have been<br />
along <strong>the</strong> valley <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Me Uu, but <strong>the</strong> ground<br />
being too low and swampy to be traversed at<br />
present, we kept along <strong>the</strong> bases <strong>of</strong> some low<br />
hills to <strong>the</strong> eastward, though occasionally obliged<br />
to cross <strong>the</strong> low muddy plains. <strong>The</strong> road,<br />
however, was generally good, and shaded by<br />
fine trees, teak and saul.<br />
We passed through <strong>the</strong> large village <strong>of</strong>Teng<br />
Dam, containing about 70 houses entirely<br />
inhabited by Lawas, and in every respect like<br />
<strong>the</strong> village mentioned yesterday; around it <strong>the</strong>re<br />
are fields, and numbers <strong>of</strong> heads <strong>of</strong> cattle grazing.<br />
We continued to pass through a country similar<br />
to <strong>the</strong> first part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> march, and arrive at <strong>the</strong><br />
village <strong>of</strong> N6nquan, a scattered place, and said<br />
to contain about 50 houses, situated on a large<br />
plain, with <strong>the</strong> ruins <strong>of</strong> an old fort near it.<br />
<strong>The</strong> valley here increases in breadth to about<br />
eight miles, with high hills surrounding it. A pass<br />
is seen through <strong>the</strong>m in <strong>the</strong> direction we take.<br />
To <strong>the</strong> village <strong>of</strong> M6ng M6n, containing<br />
about 15 houses, we passed over an extensive<br />
plain, so much cut up by elephants and cattle<br />
that our progress over it was necessarily slow;<br />
and to <strong>the</strong> village <strong>of</strong> Me Phit, which contains<br />
about 25 houses, we passed entirely over fields<br />
skirted by <strong>the</strong> Me Lau to <strong>the</strong> westward. For <strong>the</strong><br />
convenience <strong>of</strong> water, we left <strong>the</strong> high road,<br />
passed through <strong>the</strong> village, and crossed over to<br />
<strong>the</strong> left bank <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Me Uu, where we halted.<br />
Near <strong>the</strong> village <strong>of</strong> Teng Dam quantities <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> plant called by <strong>the</strong> Burmese Born rna thaing,<br />
or wild sage, from which <strong>the</strong>y obtain camphor,<br />
was growing in <strong>the</strong> old clearings, but I cannot<br />
ascertain whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> Lawas make any use <strong>of</strong> it.<br />
Here arose some difficulty about elephants<br />
and provisions. <strong>The</strong>y wished me to halt a day;<br />
we had come slowly enough, and I would not<br />
agree to it.<br />
This village, as well as N6nquan, is<br />
inhabited by people belonging to Zimme,<br />
Labong, and Lagong, all eager to be in advance<br />
to participate in <strong>the</strong> pr<strong>of</strong>its arising from<br />
hunting elephants, <strong>the</strong> sale <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> flesh <strong>of</strong> wild<br />
animals (with which <strong>the</strong> woods abound), and<br />
<strong>the</strong> clandestine trade with Kiang Tung, with<br />
which place <strong>the</strong>re is constant communication.<br />
(McLeod 1869: 46)<br />
Notes<br />
1 <strong>The</strong> Captain <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Diana was Frederick Marry at,<br />
soon to be a patron <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Oriental Translation<br />
Committee <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Royal Asiatic <strong>Society</strong> (London)<br />
and better known to English people <strong>of</strong> my generation,<br />
brought up to celebrate Empire Day, for his numerous<br />
adventure stories for young people with an imperial<br />
flavour.<br />
2 Notwithstanding a certain cautiousness <strong>of</strong><br />
etiquette displayed by <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>ese ambassadors, who,<br />
it is reported, brought <strong>the</strong>ir own food and cooks to<br />
<strong>the</strong> dinner party.<br />
3 <strong>The</strong> event which preceded McLeod's eventual<br />
appointment is highlighted on <strong>the</strong> opening page <strong>of</strong><br />
Anderson's English intercourse with <strong>Siam</strong> in <strong>the</strong><br />
seventeenth century (Anderson 1890) which is a<br />
particularly imperialistic and jingoistic late nineteenth<br />
century account: ' <strong>The</strong> national aspiration <strong>of</strong> 1687<br />
was gratified in 1824 as Mergui, on being summoned<br />
on 6th October, to surrender unconditionally, fell in<br />
an hour's time before <strong>the</strong> gallant assault <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> British<br />
troops, supported by <strong>the</strong> guns <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> cruisers <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Honourable East India Company.'<br />
4 <strong>The</strong>re was even a story in <strong>the</strong> village <strong>of</strong> an<br />
argument about whe<strong>the</strong>r to cut branches <strong>of</strong>f <strong>the</strong> sacred<br />
Bo tree outside <strong>the</strong> temple to facilitate <strong>the</strong> passage <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> elephants <strong>of</strong> a rachathut (ambassador or royal<br />
emissary)-though this may have been a later oneand<br />
how this led to a curse being placed on <strong>the</strong><br />
headman by <strong>the</strong> powerful senior monk, to which <strong>the</strong><br />
subsequent death <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> headman was attributed. <strong>The</strong><br />
village is referred to by McLeod as N6nquan. See<br />
Appendix.<br />
5 I think <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> embassy or mission as a single<br />
discursive entity, extending from <strong>the</strong> inception <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
mission in London, Calcutta, or Moulmein, to postmission<br />
commentaries and publication. <strong>The</strong> whole<br />
time spent in Tai territory is like a single ceremony,<br />
containing within it o<strong>the</strong>r highly focused rituals <strong>of</strong><br />
royal audience.<br />
6 Some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> rhetorical figures appear to me to<br />
characterise <strong>the</strong> British writing about Tai societies <strong>of</strong><br />
this time in a way that certain o<strong>the</strong>r figures characterise<br />
o<strong>the</strong>r accounts <strong>of</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r places at o<strong>the</strong>r times, for<br />
example exaggerated <strong>the</strong>mes <strong>of</strong> human sacrifice, cruel<br />
22<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s I & 2
Diplomatic missions to Tai states by David Richardson and W. C. McLeod 1830-1839<br />
punishments, cannibalism, extreme forms <strong>of</strong> sexual<br />
practice and so on. Such <strong>the</strong>mes are not entirely<br />
absent from late twentieth century eurocentric<br />
attitudes and reports on <strong>the</strong> East Asian region. <strong>The</strong>re<br />
is some interesting recent secondary literature on<br />
suchlike in India and Indonesia (including Crawfurd's<br />
writing on <strong>the</strong> latter), but no reference from this to<br />
<strong>the</strong> Tai world, until my recent article. This is to some<br />
extent explainable in terms <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> relative lateness <strong>of</strong><br />
European 'interest' in this region and <strong>the</strong> mainly<br />
'non-colonial' form this took.<br />
7 Apart from <strong>the</strong> fact that no o<strong>the</strong>r Europeans are<br />
mentioned, when <strong>the</strong>ir watches stop-an occurrence<br />
mentioned more than once-<strong>the</strong>re is no-one else who<br />
has a watch apparently. While <strong>the</strong> non-European<br />
members <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> caravans might have carried a watch<br />
or clock (though most probably did not in this period),<br />
it is hard to imagine a European <strong>of</strong>ficer at this time<br />
without one.<br />
8 Readings inform me that a well disciplined army<br />
unit might march 30 miles per day (48 km) over a<br />
week or so. This was achieved by King Harald's<br />
houscarls (elite bodyguard) marching south to meet<br />
<strong>the</strong> Norman invaders in England in 1066. <strong>The</strong> armies<br />
<strong>of</strong> Alexander <strong>the</strong> Great apparently could cover 30 km<br />
(18 miles) in a day.<br />
9 Please see Turton (1997) which outlines this<br />
project in greater detail. I have inevitably been obliged<br />
to refer to and quote from this publication at several<br />
points in <strong>the</strong> present article.<br />
10 As Georges Condominas (1965) puts it in <strong>the</strong><br />
title <strong>of</strong> his superb autobiographical Vietnamese<br />
ethnography L 'exotique est quotidien.<br />
11 Of course even <strong>the</strong>se apparently unproblematic<br />
descriptive parts <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> accounts need to be subjected<br />
in turn to critical scrutiny for presuppositions,<br />
assumptions, prejudice, and so on.<br />
12 I invite <strong>the</strong> reader to attempt to translate this back<br />
into a vernacular Kham Muang <strong>of</strong> today. I have<br />
certainly heard myself statements <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> following<br />
kind (with apologies for any inaccuracies and variation<br />
in nor<strong>the</strong>rn pronunciation! acan hyyi, nyaang [Karen]<br />
nia bo mii sin bo mii tham, bo mii wat mii wa, bo huu<br />
buun bo huu baap, thoeng bo huu phasaa sasana<br />
anyang sak nyang hia thoe'.<br />
13 Some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> things that Farang found unacceptable<br />
in Bangkok-such as <strong>the</strong> phrarachathan hai bia liang<br />
['<strong>the</strong> royal gift <strong>of</strong> subsistence allowance'], for what<br />
some called dismissively 'bazaar expenses' and<br />
inadequate at that-were identical to Chinese practice.<br />
As were o<strong>the</strong>r customs, such as providing tea, sugar,<br />
and fresh fruit-and for <strong>the</strong> Americans even milkwhich<br />
were appreciated.<br />
14 Perhaps this is <strong>the</strong> earliest hiep siang in <strong>the</strong> north!<br />
This is <strong>the</strong> old Kham Muang word for gramophone<br />
or record player, literally 'sound box'.<br />
15 I am tempted to recall that Macartney took five<br />
German musicians with him on his first mission to<br />
Beijing in 1793, as part <strong>of</strong> a nearly 100 strong mission.<br />
16 Perhaps it was so pheun muang, a still popular<br />
form <strong>of</strong> folk opera in nor<strong>the</strong>rn Thailand. Thai music<br />
has many admixtures from o<strong>the</strong>r places, and <strong>the</strong><br />
envoys duly heard <strong>the</strong> music <strong>of</strong> various exile groups.<br />
Among <strong>the</strong>se <strong>the</strong> Lao music heard at Bangkok,<br />
especially <strong>the</strong> khaen [bamboo 'reed organ', sometimes<br />
said to have inspired <strong>the</strong> European mouth organ]<br />
seems to have been <strong>the</strong> favourite. Western music<br />
naturally became a part <strong>of</strong> this hybrid musical milieu,<br />
and by 1840 Mozart could be heard on a mechanical<br />
player at royal audiences in Bangkok, just as <strong>the</strong> Thai<br />
ambassadors heard Mozart played live at Windsor<br />
Castle a few years later.<br />
17 Historians have been somewhat too ready to<br />
obscure by generalising, for example concluding<br />
that Crawfurd was 'hostile' and 'intolerant' etc.<br />
towards '<strong>the</strong> Thai'. This is not entirely inaccurate,<br />
and seems to correspond with Thai perceptions. But<br />
ano<strong>the</strong>r reading, patient to judge <strong>the</strong> overall success<br />
or achievement <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> mission as a whole-or at<br />
least in a more comprehensive perspective-would<br />
take greater note <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> sometimes subtle and<br />
perceptive distinctions made by Crawfurd and o<strong>the</strong>rs<br />
in his team (e.g. Finlayson, 1826) between <strong>the</strong> King<br />
and his ministers, between various ministers,<br />
between <strong>Siam</strong>ese and Chinese, Mon etc., between<br />
nobles and ordinary people, between monks and<br />
o<strong>the</strong>rs and so on.<br />
References<br />
Anderson, J. 1890. English intercourse with <strong>Siam</strong> in<br />
<strong>the</strong> seventeenth-century. London: Kegan Paul,<br />
Trench, Trtibner.<br />
Asad, Tala! 1991. Afterword: from <strong>the</strong> history <strong>of</strong><br />
colonial anthropology to <strong>the</strong> anthropology <strong>of</strong><br />
western hegemony. In George W. Stocking, Jr.<br />
(ed.) Colonial situations: essays on <strong>the</strong><br />
contextualization <strong>of</strong> ethnographic knowledge<br />
(History <strong>of</strong> Anthropology 7), Madison: University<br />
<strong>of</strong> Wisconsin Press.<br />
Boon, J. A. 1982. O<strong>the</strong>r tribes, o<strong>the</strong>r scribes: symbolic<br />
anthropology in <strong>the</strong> comparative study <strong>of</strong> cultures,<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2<br />
23
Andrew Turton<br />
histories, religions, and texts. Cambridge:<br />
Cambridge University Press.<br />
Boon, J. A. 1991. Affinities and extremes: crisscrossing<br />
<strong>the</strong> bittersweet ethnology <strong>of</strong> East Indies<br />
history, Hindu-Balinese culture, and Indo<br />
European allure. Chicago: University <strong>of</strong> Chicago<br />
Press.<br />
Bowring, Sir John. 1857 <strong>The</strong> kingdom and people <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>Siam</strong>, with a narrative <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> mission to that<br />
country in 1855. London: John W. Parker and<br />
Son, 2 vols.<br />
Brailey, N. J. 1968. <strong>The</strong> origins <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>ese<br />
forward movement in Western Laos, 1855-1892.<br />
PhD dissertation, University <strong>of</strong> London.<br />
Burney, H. 1910-1914. <strong>The</strong> Burney Papers. Bangkok:<br />
Vajiraiiana National Library, 5 vols.<br />
Choisy, Abbe de. 1993. <strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> a voyage to <strong>Siam</strong><br />
1685-1686. [<strong>Journal</strong> du voyage de <strong>Siam</strong>.]<br />
Translated and introduced Michael Smithies.<br />
Bangkok: White Lotus.<br />
Condominas, G. 1965. L'exotique est quotidien: Sar<br />
Luk, Viet-nam central. Paris: Pion.<br />
Cranmer-Byng, J. L. (ed.) 1963.An embassy to China:<br />
being <strong>the</strong> journal kept by Lord Macartney during<br />
his embassy to <strong>the</strong> Emperor Ch'ien Lung, 1793-<br />
94. London: Longmans, Green and Co.<br />
Crawfurd, J. 1915. <strong>The</strong> Crawfurd Papers: a collection<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>of</strong>ficial records relating to <strong>the</strong> mission <strong>of</strong> Dr<br />
John Crawfurd sent to <strong>Siam</strong> by <strong>the</strong> Government<br />
<strong>of</strong> India in <strong>the</strong> year 1821. Bangkok: Vajiraiiana<br />
National Library. [reprinted 1971 London: Gregg<br />
International.]<br />
Crawfurd, J. 1967. [1828] <strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> an embassy to<br />
<strong>the</strong> courts <strong>of</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> and Cochin China. Kuala<br />
Lumpur: Oxford University Press. (Oxford in<br />
Asia Historical Reprints.) [First published 1828<br />
London: H. Colburn.]<br />
Edwardes, M. 1972. Ralph Fitch: Elizabethan in <strong>the</strong><br />
Indies. London: Faber and Faber.<br />
Finlayson, G. 1826. <strong>The</strong> mission to <strong>Siam</strong>, and Hue<br />
<strong>the</strong> capital <strong>of</strong>Cochin China in <strong>the</strong> years 1821-2,<br />
with a memoir <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> author by Sir Thomas<br />
Stamford Raffles FRS. London: John Murray.<br />
Hall, D. G. E. 1928. Early English intercourse with<br />
Burma. London: Longmans.<br />
Hevia, J. L. 1995. Cherishing men from afar: Qing<br />
guest ritual and <strong>the</strong> Macartney embassy <strong>of</strong> 1793.<br />
Durham, North Carolina, and London: Duke<br />
University Press.<br />
Hutchinson, E. W. 1940. Adventurers in <strong>Siam</strong> in <strong>the</strong><br />
seventeenth century. London: Royal Asiatic<br />
<strong>Society</strong> (RAS Prize Publication 18).<br />
Langham-Carter, R.R. 1966. David Lester [sic]<br />
Richardson--diplomat and explorer. <strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Burma Research <strong>Society</strong>, 49 (2): 207-18.<br />
McLeod, W.C. 1869. Captain McLeod's <strong>Journal</strong>. In<br />
East India (McLeod and Richardson's Journeys).<br />
Copy <strong>of</strong> papers relating to <strong>the</strong> route <strong>of</strong> Captain<br />
W.C. McLeod from Moulmein to <strong>the</strong> frontiers <strong>of</strong><br />
China, and to <strong>the</strong> route <strong>of</strong> Dr Richardson on his<br />
fourth mission to <strong>the</strong> Shan Provinces <strong>of</strong> Burmah,<br />
or Extracts from <strong>the</strong> same. In India Papers 1864-<br />
1871. London, India Office, Political Dept., 13-<br />
104 (see also ibid. map and introductory matter<br />
1-13).<br />
Marshall, P. J. and Williams, G. 1982. <strong>The</strong> great map<br />
<strong>of</strong> mankind: British perceptions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world in<br />
<strong>the</strong> Age <strong>of</strong> Enlightenment. London: J.M. Dent.<br />
Pieris, P. E. 1903. An account <strong>of</strong> King Kirti Sri's<br />
embassy to <strong>Siam</strong> in 1672 saka (1750 A.D.).<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ceylon Branch <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ro7alAsiatic<br />
<strong>Society</strong> 18 (54): 17-47.<br />
Pires, Tome. 1944. <strong>The</strong> Suma Oriental <strong>of</strong>Tome Pires:<br />
an account <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> East from <strong>the</strong> Red Sea to Japan,<br />
written in Malacca and India in 1512-1515.<br />
Translated and edited by Armando Cortesiio.<br />
London: Hakluyt <strong>Society</strong>. (Works issued by <strong>the</strong><br />
Hakluyt <strong>Society</strong>, Second Series 90.)<br />
Reid, A. 1993. Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asia in <strong>the</strong> Age <strong>of</strong><br />
Commerce, 1450-1680. vol. 2, Expansion and<br />
crisis. New Haven: Yale University Press.<br />
Richardson, D. 1836. An account <strong>of</strong> some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Petty States lying to <strong>the</strong> north <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Tenasserim<br />
Provinces, drawn up from <strong>the</strong> <strong>Journal</strong>s and<br />
Reports <strong>of</strong> D. Richardson Esq., Surgeon to <strong>the</strong><br />
Commissioner <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Tenasserim Provinces,<br />
compiled by E. A. Blundell, Commissioner.<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Asiatic <strong>Society</strong> <strong>of</strong> Bengal 5 (58)<br />
October 1836: 601-25; (5Q) November 1836,<br />
688-96; (59) 696-707.<br />
Richardson, D. 1837. <strong>The</strong> History <strong>of</strong> Labong<br />
[Lamphun] from <strong>the</strong> Native Records consulted by<br />
Dr. D. Richardson, forming an Appendix to his<br />
journals published in <strong>the</strong> preceding volume. <strong>Journal</strong><br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Asiatic <strong>Society</strong> <strong>of</strong> Bengal, 6 (61): 55-7.<br />
Richardson, D. 1839-40. <strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> a Mission from<br />
<strong>the</strong> Supreme Government <strong>of</strong>lndia to <strong>the</strong> Court <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>Siam</strong>. <strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Asiatic <strong>Society</strong> <strong>of</strong> Bengal, 8<br />
(96) December 1839: 1016-36; 9 (97), 1-3; 9<br />
(99), 219-50.<br />
Richardson, D. (trs.) 1847. <strong>The</strong> dhamathat or <strong>the</strong><br />
laws <strong>of</strong> Menoo. Mou1mein.<br />
24<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
Diplomatic missions to Tai states by David Richardson and W. C. McLeod 1830-1839<br />
Richardson, D. 1869. Dr. Richardson's <strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> a<br />
Fourth Mission to <strong>the</strong> Interior <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> New<br />
Settlements in <strong>the</strong> Tenasserim Provinces, Being to<br />
<strong>the</strong> Chief <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Red Karens, to <strong>the</strong> Tso-Boa <strong>of</strong><br />
Monay, and <strong>the</strong>nce to Ava. In East India (McLeod<br />
and Richardson's Journeys). Copy <strong>of</strong> papers<br />
relating to <strong>the</strong> route <strong>of</strong> Captain W. C. McLeod from<br />
Moulmein to <strong>the</strong> frontiers <strong>of</strong> China, and to <strong>the</strong><br />
route <strong>of</strong> Dr Richardson on his fourth mission to<br />
<strong>the</strong> Shan Provinces <strong>of</strong> Burmah, or Extracts from<br />
<strong>the</strong> same. In India Papers 1864-1871. London,<br />
India Office, Political Dept., 104-147 (see also<br />
ibid map and introductory matter l-13).<br />
Ryley, J. H. 1899. Ralph Fitch: England's pioneer to<br />
India and Burma. London: Unwin.<br />
Smith, S. S. 1788. An essay on <strong>the</strong> causes <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
variety <strong>of</strong> complexion and figure in <strong>the</strong> human<br />
species. Edinburgh.<br />
Staunton, George. L. 1797. An au<strong>the</strong>ntic account <strong>of</strong><br />
an embassy from <strong>the</strong> King <strong>of</strong> Great Britain to <strong>the</strong><br />
Emperor <strong>of</strong> China. 3 vols. London: G. Nichol.<br />
Thailand 1936. Thut farang samai rathanakosin.<br />
(Prachum pongsawadan 62.) [Foreign embassies<br />
in <strong>the</strong> Bangkok period.] Bangkok.<br />
<strong>The</strong>erawat Bhumichitr 1993. Phra Chomklao, Roi de<br />
<strong>Siam</strong>: etude de /'emergence de l'anglophilie et<br />
de lafrancophobie au <strong>Siam</strong> du XIX.e siecle. Berne:<br />
Peter Lang.<br />
Turton, A. 1997. Ethnography <strong>of</strong> embassy:<br />
anthropological readings <strong>of</strong> records <strong>of</strong> diplomatic<br />
encounters between Britain and Tai states in <strong>the</strong><br />
early nineteenth century. South East Asia<br />
Research, 5 (2): 175-205.<br />
Van Wuysth<strong>of</strong>f, G. 1987. Le <strong>Journal</strong> de voyage de<br />
Gerrit Van Wuysth<strong>of</strong>f et de ses assistants au<br />
Laos, 1641-1642. Presente et traduit par Jean<br />
Claude Lejosne. [Second revised edition.]<br />
Metz: Centre de documentation et<br />
d'information sur le Laos.<br />
Vella, W. F. 1957. <strong>Siam</strong> under Ramalll, 1824-1851.<br />
Locust Valley, N. Y.: J. J. Augustin for <strong>the</strong><br />
Association <strong>of</strong> Asian Studies. (Monographs <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Association for Asian Studies, 4).<br />
KEYWORDS-TAl, THAILAND, SIAM,<br />
GREAT BRITAIN, DIPLOMACY, 19TH<br />
CENTURY, ETHNOGRAPHY, BRITISH<br />
BURMA, TENASSERIM<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2<br />
25
THE ORIGIN OF THE SEK:<br />
IMPLICATIONS FOR TAl AND VIETNAMESE IDSTORY 1<br />
James R. Chamberlain•<br />
Abstract<br />
Given <strong>the</strong> distribution <strong>of</strong> Sek and o<strong>the</strong>r Nor<strong>the</strong>rn Tai type languages south <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Red River Delta, <strong>the</strong> hypo<strong>the</strong>sis that Tai speakers originally occupied a<br />
north to south continuum which included <strong>the</strong> delta seems irrefutable. <strong>The</strong><br />
homeland <strong>of</strong> Proto-Vietic lies far south <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Hdng plain in <strong>the</strong> interior<br />
regions <strong>of</strong> what is now Nghe An, Viet Nam, and Borikhamxay and<br />
Khammouane Provinces in Laos. Historical evidence supports <strong>the</strong> linguistic<br />
geography. In <strong>the</strong> year 535 AD two provinces, Ly (Tri) and Minh, were<br />
named in <strong>the</strong> obscure valley <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ngan Sau, a sou<strong>the</strong>rn tributary <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Song<br />
Ca, no doubt related to Chinese economic interest in gold. (Both <strong>the</strong> Sek and<br />
<strong>the</strong> Mene are associated with gold.) A sou<strong>the</strong>rn extension <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> same valley,<br />
along <strong>the</strong> upper portions <strong>of</strong><strong>the</strong> Song Giang, is home to a Vietic group known<br />
as Sach, <strong>the</strong> Vietic pronunciation <strong>of</strong> Sek. As would be anticipated, historical<br />
events that culminated in <strong>the</strong> replacement <strong>of</strong> Tai speakers in <strong>the</strong> Delta with a<br />
Sinicized Vietic people were <strong>of</strong> a distinct south-to-north character.<br />
Dedication<br />
In a 1958 communication to <strong>the</strong> <strong>Journal</strong><br />
Asiatique, having pointed out that <strong>the</strong> Sek spoken<br />
in Khammouane Province was not related to <strong>the</strong><br />
Sach <strong>of</strong> Cadiere and not related closely to Lao,<br />
but ra<strong>the</strong>r resembled <strong>the</strong> Tai languages spoken<br />
in Guangxi and Guangdong such as Man-Cao<br />
Lan, Ts'un Lao, Nung-an, or Dioi, Andre<br />
Haudricourt remarked:<br />
<strong>The</strong> Sek are experts in irrigated agriculture; <strong>the</strong>y<br />
could not have come from China across <strong>the</strong><br />
mountains since <strong>the</strong>re are no traces elsewhere in<br />
Laos; ra<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong>y are found near <strong>the</strong> ancient<br />
Cham frontier <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Chinese empire before <strong>the</strong><br />
independence <strong>of</strong> Vietnam. One might ask<br />
whe<strong>the</strong>r it is a question <strong>of</strong> an old Chinese<br />
deportation to <strong>the</strong> frontiers <strong>of</strong> people from<br />
Guangdong carried out more than a millennium<br />
ago; and it would be worthwhile to see if in <strong>the</strong><br />
annals <strong>the</strong> historians have spoken <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m.<br />
Unfortunately, since this issue was raised<br />
40 years ago, no one has attempted a response.<br />
No doubt this is due to <strong>the</strong> mixing <strong>of</strong> disciplines<br />
necessary to approach <strong>the</strong> relevant information.<br />
I would <strong>the</strong>refore like to dedicate this paper to<br />
<strong>the</strong> memory and departed spirit <strong>of</strong> Andre-G.<br />
Haudricourt, a great multidisciplinarian, whom<br />
it was my honor to have known.<br />
Introduction<br />
First noted by Haudricourt in <strong>the</strong> 1950s, <strong>the</strong><br />
importance <strong>of</strong>Sek 2 to comparative and historical<br />
Tai studies became known to <strong>the</strong> Tai studies<br />
community primarily through <strong>the</strong> efforts <strong>of</strong><br />
Pr<strong>of</strong>essor William J. Gedney in a series <strong>of</strong> papers<br />
and publications dating from 1965 through 1982,<br />
culminating in <strong>the</strong> publication <strong>of</strong> his extensive<br />
glossary and texts, a large volume <strong>of</strong>989 pages<br />
edited by Thomas Hudak in 1993. This<br />
impressive volume is <strong>the</strong> result <strong>of</strong> intensive field<br />
studies carried out by Gedney in <strong>the</strong> nor<strong>the</strong>astern<br />
Thai province <strong>of</strong>Nakhon Phanom, a location to<br />
which many Sek speakers had been transported<br />
• P.O. Box 439, Vientinane, Lao PDR<br />
email: jimchamberlain@ hotrnail.com<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2<br />
27
James R. Chamberlain<br />
by <strong>the</strong> Thai military approximately between <strong>the</strong><br />
years <strong>of</strong> 1828 and 1860. A few <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> texts<br />
incorporated into <strong>the</strong> volume, and Gedney's<br />
notes taken from older Sek speakers in Ban<br />
Atsamat, refer to original locations <strong>of</strong> Sek<br />
villages, but without much geographical<br />
precision since <strong>the</strong>se are oral traditions, not based<br />
upon direct experience. Because <strong>the</strong> Sek<br />
language is particularly archaic in its preservation<br />
<strong>of</strong> consonant clusters, and since <strong>the</strong> languages<br />
most closely related to Sek are spoken primarily<br />
in Sou<strong>the</strong>rn China, <strong>the</strong> origins <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sek people<br />
are <strong>of</strong> great historical interest to <strong>the</strong> mainland <strong>of</strong><br />
Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asia, to <strong>the</strong> protohistory <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Tais,<br />
and to <strong>the</strong> ethnohistory <strong>of</strong> Vietnam. <strong>The</strong>refore,<br />
in this paper I would like pursue fur<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong><br />
issue <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> origins <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sek.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Sek language has been described<br />
variously as belonging to <strong>the</strong> Nor<strong>the</strong>rn Branch <strong>of</strong><br />
Tai or to an earlier (pre-Proto Tai) broader<br />
grouping. <strong>The</strong> latter was <strong>the</strong> view <strong>of</strong> Gedney,<br />
one to which I subscribe and have illustrated in a<br />
dendrogram (Figure 1) first prepared in 1991(b).<br />
Also in 199l{c), I proposed that <strong>the</strong> Mene<br />
language <strong>of</strong>Nghe An Province in Vietnam, now<br />
also spoken in Borikhamxay Province in Laos,<br />
contains a substratum <strong>of</strong> Sek-like features,<br />
evidenced in vocabulary and in <strong>the</strong> tone system,<br />
which leads us to conclude that <strong>the</strong>re was a<br />
Nor<strong>the</strong>rn Tai (or closely related) group <strong>of</strong><br />
languages located to <strong>the</strong> south <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Red River<br />
(HBng) delta which must have originally formed<br />
a continuum from Guangxi to Thanh Hoa.<br />
In support <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> continuum <strong>the</strong>ory,<br />
additional evidence has surfaced in <strong>the</strong> form <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> etymology <strong>of</strong> Tai ethnonyms and from Old<br />
Chinese historical sources to bring us to a point<br />
where <strong>the</strong> interpretation <strong>of</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r more nor<strong>the</strong>rly,<br />
TAI-KADAI<br />
KADAI<br />
KAM-TAI<br />
Be-tai<br />
Tai Sek Be Kam~ui Lakkia Hlai Ge-Chi Yang-<br />
(Li)<br />
Biao<br />
Nor<strong>the</strong>rn<br />
I<br />
Central Southwestern<br />
Figure 1 <strong>The</strong> main branchings <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Tai-Kadai ethnolinguistic family3<br />
28 <strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
<strong>The</strong> origin <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sek: implications for Tai and Vietnamese history<br />
.... ~·' ..<br />
~ ........<br />
~<br />
..<br />
. ,<br />
~,..,,.,.<br />
.... ... .... -... ..<br />
·~-- ..<br />
--<br />
... ..., ... ,... ····-..<br />
.. )<br />
t •<br />
...<br />
~--1<br />
' ~<br />
1~-r·--<br />
.... -:,<br />
1..,<br />
........ -'l: ... l '\,. .......<br />
.....,<br />
•<br />
ng<br />
bang<br />
, .. \ ....,,.....<br />
·-·<br />
- .... lit ..<br />
Xi eng<br />
Khwang<br />
Houa<br />
Phanh<br />
Map 1 Annam in <strong>the</strong> Seventeenth Century<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2<br />
29
James R. Chamberlain<br />
~1<br />
B Song Lot> ~<br />
B Nokong<br />
B Thopoibo<br />
0<br />
B Noton<br />
O B He<br />
0<br />
10 20 30<br />
40<br />
30<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> s· zam <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86 ' <strong>Part</strong> s 1 & 2
<strong>The</strong> origin <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sek: implications for Tai and Vietnamese history<br />
V<br />
ETNAM<br />
NAKAI NAM THEUN<br />
CONSERVATION<br />
AREA<br />
so<br />
Map 2 Locations <strong>of</strong> Sek Villages<br />
in Nakai and Kbamkeut<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2 31
James R. Chamberlain<br />
in particular Chu, Chinese history is possible, at<br />
least from an ethnolinguistic perspective.<br />
Hopefully this will provide an ethno-historical<br />
frame into which additional data may be placed<br />
as it becomes available.<br />
Current locations <strong>of</strong> Sek and <strong>the</strong> Sach<br />
<strong>The</strong> Sek<br />
<strong>The</strong> locations <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sek in Thailand have been<br />
amply recorded by Gedney and o<strong>the</strong>rs so that it<br />
is not necessary to repeat that information here.<br />
In Laos, however, despite <strong>the</strong> efforts <strong>of</strong> Morev<br />
(1988), <strong>the</strong> most important and oldest locations<br />
have not been identified until recently in<br />
Chamberlain's ( 1996 and 1997) technical reports<br />
for development projects that have not been<br />
widely publicized.<br />
Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, it is now clear that <strong>the</strong>re are<br />
two distinct dialects <strong>of</strong> Sek, one in <strong>the</strong> district<br />
<strong>of</strong> Khamkeut in Borikhamxay Province, and<br />
one in <strong>the</strong> Province <strong>of</strong>Khammouane. <strong>The</strong> dialect<br />
<strong>of</strong> Khamkeut emanates from <strong>the</strong> village <strong>of</strong> Na<br />
Kadok in <strong>the</strong> Subdistrict <strong>of</strong>Nam Veo who trace<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir origins to <strong>the</strong> village <strong>of</strong> Phu Quan (/fuu<br />
kwang/) located on a small western tributary <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Ngan Sau in <strong>the</strong> Dac Tho administrative<br />
unit <strong>of</strong>Ha Tinh, Nghe An Province in Vietnam<br />
Gust to <strong>the</strong> south <strong>of</strong>Vinh). According to villagers<br />
in Na Kadok, several families <strong>of</strong> Sek speakers<br />
still reside at this location. Speakers <strong>of</strong> this<br />
dialect are also found in Lak Xao Subdistrict,<br />
<strong>the</strong> villages <strong>of</strong> Ban Som Sanouk, Ban Nam<br />
Phao, and Ban Houay Toun; and in<br />
Khammouane 4 Subdistrict, Ban Na Tham Kwang<br />
(or Ban Nam Hoy) [see Map 2].<br />
<strong>The</strong> second Sek dialect, <strong>the</strong> one which is<br />
found in Thailand, comes originally from Nakai<br />
District in Khammouane Province, and is still<br />
spoken in four villages <strong>the</strong>re: Ban Toeng (/<br />
trn"IJ 1 I in Gedney Text V), <strong>the</strong> subdistrict seat<br />
on <strong>the</strong> Nam Noy; Ban Na Meo; Ban Na Moey<br />
(/sin 4 naa 4 m....-ry"/ in Text IV), and Ban Beuk (/<br />
bwk4 naa 4 trr3 / in Text IV5). <strong>The</strong> last three are<br />
all located on <strong>the</strong> Nam Pheo, a tributary <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Nam Noy. 6 During <strong>the</strong> time <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>ese<br />
occupation, most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sek went to hide in<br />
Ban K wat Cheo, between Ban Yang and Ban<br />
Lorn across <strong>the</strong> border in Vietnam. 7 <strong>The</strong> ones<br />
who didn't were taken to Nakhon Phanom. <strong>The</strong><br />
villagers at Na Meo say <strong>the</strong>y have been living<br />
in <strong>the</strong>ir present location for 286 years. [see<br />
Map2]<br />
<strong>The</strong> Brou at Koune (<strong>the</strong> last village on <strong>the</strong><br />
Nam Pheo and <strong>the</strong> closest one to Vietnam) relate<br />
that names <strong>of</strong> former villages <strong>the</strong>re were Ban<br />
Kiin and Ban Tong Haak and that <strong>the</strong> original<br />
inhabitants were Sek. (interview with Xieng<br />
Souan, age 63, at Ban Koune, 15 Feb. 1996).<br />
<strong>The</strong> Sek village <strong>of</strong> /thruu 3 / mentioned in<br />
Gedney Text V in a doublet with /trn"I]/, is no<br />
doubt <strong>the</strong> place name known as Ban ThO, just<br />
across <strong>the</strong> border, next to <strong>the</strong> confluence <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Houay ThO and <strong>the</strong> Nam Amang. <strong>The</strong> adjacent<br />
mountain to <strong>the</strong> south is called 'Phu Kun Tho'<br />
on some maps (probably /phuu khuun thoo/<br />
'Mountain+ source+ ThO'). <strong>The</strong>re is so far no<br />
positive identification <strong>of</strong> a city called /s:XJI] 4 / as<br />
mentioned in Text IV. <strong>The</strong> Brou center known<br />
as Meuang Bam(= /baan tab:>/= Ban Amang)<br />
is possibly located at <strong>the</strong> junction <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Nam<br />
Amang and <strong>the</strong> Houay Taco.<br />
In Gnommarath District, <strong>the</strong> villages <strong>of</strong> Pha<br />
Thoung and Phon Khene are Sek, said to have<br />
migrated originally from Ban Toeng.<br />
O<strong>the</strong>r Sek villages, such as those mentioned<br />
by Morev (1988), are found in Thakhek and<br />
Hinboun Districts. Many <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se appear to be<br />
composed <strong>of</strong> Sek who after having been taken<br />
to Thailand, escaped back to Laos.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Sek <strong>of</strong>Na Kadok live adjacent to Phou<br />
Thay, Tai <strong>The</strong>ng and Tai Moey villages to <strong>the</strong><br />
north, and to two small villages <strong>of</strong> Makang<br />
(Vietic) to <strong>the</strong> south and west. <strong>The</strong>y are active<br />
gold miners.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Sek <strong>of</strong> Ban Toeng 8 live near to villages<br />
<strong>of</strong>Brou (Katuic), <strong>the</strong> Kri (Vietic) and <strong>the</strong> Ph6ng<br />
(Vietic), while <strong>the</strong> Nam Pheo villages are<br />
bounded to <strong>the</strong> east by <strong>the</strong> aforementioned Ban<br />
Koune (Brou), and to <strong>the</strong> west by <strong>the</strong> Ph6ng.<br />
In both cases, culturally, <strong>the</strong> Sek are wetrice<br />
agriculturists who have established elaborate<br />
irrigation systems and terraced paddies.<br />
Evidence <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se paddies may also be seen at<br />
<strong>the</strong> village <strong>of</strong>Na Vang in Nakai District. Located<br />
on <strong>the</strong> Nam Mone, this village was originally<br />
established by <strong>the</strong> Sek from Na Kadok when<br />
<strong>the</strong>y were hiding from <strong>the</strong> Thai soldiers. After<br />
<strong>the</strong> soldiers departed, <strong>the</strong> Sek returned to <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
original village and were replaced in Na Vang<br />
by more recent Brou settlers who have<br />
maintained <strong>the</strong> terraces.<br />
32<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
<strong>The</strong> origin <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sek: implications for Tai and Vietnamese history<br />
Ethnic-Specific Vocationality<br />
<strong>The</strong> Sek and <strong>the</strong> Mene are famous in <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
respective areas for <strong>the</strong>ir associations with gold.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Sek at Na Kadok have extensive gold mines<br />
along <strong>the</strong> stream bed <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Nam Houay, and<br />
have been engaged in this occupation for as<br />
long as <strong>the</strong>y can remember. Likewise, <strong>the</strong> Sek<br />
in Nakai, although not now currently involved<br />
with gold mining, have identified areas where<br />
<strong>the</strong>y believe gold is located, and talk about <strong>the</strong><br />
subject with great enthusiasm.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Slich<br />
As <strong>the</strong> pronunciation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ethnonym /thre:e:k 6<br />
DLll is rendered in Thai as Saek or in Lao as<br />
Sek, <strong>the</strong> Vietnamese pronunciation is transcribed<br />
as 'Sach.' <strong>The</strong> term in Vietnam, however, is<br />
applied to a group <strong>of</strong>Vietic speakers who inhabit<br />
<strong>the</strong> area <strong>of</strong> Vietnam that is immediately adjacent<br />
to <strong>the</strong> Tai Sek speaking area <strong>of</strong> Nakai in Laos.<br />
This cannot be accidental.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Sach are considered by many<br />
Vietnamese scholars to belong to <strong>the</strong> Cheut<br />
(Chili) branch <strong>of</strong>Viet-Muong. O<strong>the</strong>rs, however,<br />
consider that <strong>the</strong> so-called Cheut dialects,<br />
including Sach, belong to <strong>the</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>astern<br />
branch <strong>of</strong> Vietic (Diffloth p.c. cited in<br />
Chamberlain 1997) [see Figure 2]. Unlike <strong>the</strong><br />
o<strong>the</strong>r members <strong>of</strong> this branch, <strong>the</strong> Sach are<br />
primarily lowland paddy rice cultivators.<br />
<strong>The</strong> name Sach in Vietnamese has been<br />
translated as 'division administrative equivalente<br />
au village' which according to N go, f). T. ( 1977)<br />
was a name 'recorded from <strong>the</strong> 15th c. in<br />
historical documents.' Cadiere (1905:349)<br />
translates Sach as 'liste, registre, role d'impot,'<br />
perhaps indicating villages newly registered, or<br />
subject to tribute. <strong>The</strong> latter would seem<br />
reasonable given <strong>the</strong> apparent Chinese interest<br />
in <strong>the</strong> area since early times.<br />
According to Cadiere (1905) <strong>the</strong> Sach are<br />
mainly located on <strong>the</strong> upper Song Giang (Ngu6n<br />
Nay), at <strong>the</strong> sou<strong>the</strong>rn end <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ngan Sau valley<br />
and <strong>the</strong> beginning <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Song Giang valley in<br />
<strong>the</strong> upper Nan and adjacent Son (Tr6c) valleys,<br />
near <strong>the</strong> sources <strong>of</strong> each watershed. But Cuisinier<br />
(1948:44) reports at least five families living on<br />
<strong>the</strong> outskirts <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ngu6n village <strong>of</strong> Bai Dinh,<br />
along Route 15 (<strong>the</strong> extension <strong>of</strong> Route 12 in<br />
Laos) and claims that <strong>the</strong>y have been replaced<br />
extensively by Ngu6n settlers in Quang Binh.<br />
Cadiere makes essentially <strong>the</strong> same claim, and<br />
adds that <strong>the</strong> Ngu6n seem to have originated<br />
fur<strong>the</strong>r north in <strong>the</strong> Ha Tinh area. Cuisinier also<br />
notes a May village just 2.5 km south <strong>of</strong> Bai<br />
Dinh called Ca ay. (Bai Dinh is in fact only<br />
about 20 km from <strong>the</strong> current Sek settlements<br />
on <strong>the</strong> Nam Pheo ). Thus it is reasonable to<br />
assume that <strong>the</strong> name, at least, whe<strong>the</strong>r Sach or<br />
Sek, was common to a specific area. Culturally,<br />
<strong>the</strong> Sach are considered as more sedentary than<br />
<strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r 'Cheut' groups, followed by <strong>the</strong> May.<br />
<strong>The</strong> o<strong>the</strong>rs remain nomadic, at least in spirit,<br />
since many <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m were 'sedentized' in 1954<br />
at Cu Nhai, only a half day's walk from Gia 6c<br />
Sach (Nguy6n P.P. 1988:9). At <strong>the</strong> present time,<br />
according to Nguyen V.M. (1996:142), <strong>the</strong>re<br />
are 1,426 Sach speakers spread out among 7<br />
communes in Minh Hoa District <strong>of</strong> Quang Binh<br />
Province.<br />
<strong>The</strong>se locations are close to <strong>the</strong> old Sek<br />
settlements on <strong>the</strong> Nam Pheo and <strong>the</strong> Nam Noy.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Nam Noy was in fact part <strong>of</strong> an old trail<br />
linking Laos and Vietnam called <strong>the</strong> Quy Hc;tp<br />
road. And since <strong>the</strong> Sek say <strong>the</strong>y came from<br />
Vietnam originally, it must have been from this<br />
area. Whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong>y entered Laos first via <strong>the</strong><br />
Quy Hqp road or via <strong>the</strong> Nam Pheo is<br />
problematical. Both appear to have been wellestablished<br />
routes.<br />
Mene and related languages<br />
<strong>The</strong> Mene language is found spoken in many<br />
villages in Khamkeut District9 <strong>of</strong> Borikhamxay<br />
Province, and in several o<strong>the</strong>r villages in <strong>the</strong><br />
District <strong>of</strong>Vieng Thong.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Mene in Laos all relate that <strong>the</strong>y came<br />
originally from <strong>the</strong> area denoted by <strong>the</strong> doublet<br />
Xieng Mene-Xieng My, in Vietnam, which, due<br />
to <strong>the</strong> diligence <strong>of</strong> Dr. Frank Proschan <strong>of</strong> Indiana<br />
University (p.c.) who visited <strong>the</strong> area in 1993,<br />
we now know to be <strong>the</strong> old names for towns<br />
which appear on maps <strong>of</strong> Ngh~ An Province as<br />
Xietng Lip and Ba@n Pott respectively. <strong>The</strong><br />
former is located at <strong>the</strong> confluence <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Nam<br />
Lip and <strong>the</strong> Nam Chou (Houay Cha Ha), near<br />
where <strong>the</strong> Cha Ha and <strong>the</strong> Nam Ngoen (Ngan)<br />
converge to form <strong>the</strong> Nam Souang (Houay<br />
Nguy~n), while <strong>the</strong> latter is located fur<strong>the</strong>r east<br />
on <strong>the</strong> Nam Ngan. 10 From this geographical<br />
location <strong>the</strong> proximity <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Mene to Quy ...<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2<br />
33
James R. Chamberlain<br />
Chiiu becomes apparent and is noteworthy<br />
because Finot's sample (1917) <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Quy ...<br />
Chiiu alphabet is a Mene type language, marked<br />
by such lexical items as /k:YYt DL2JI 1 'to hurt;<br />
be ill.' Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, <strong>the</strong> users <strong>of</strong> this same<br />
alphabet in Thanh Hoa are called 'Yo' by<br />
Robequain (1929) and Robert (1941). <strong>The</strong><br />
characters are archaic, and <strong>of</strong> unknown origin, 12<br />
and written with brushes from top to bottom,<br />
right to left, like Chinese. Thus Mene and Yo<br />
represent a population <strong>of</strong> Tai speakers with a<br />
substratum <strong>of</strong> Nor<strong>the</strong>rn Branch features, who at<br />
some point in <strong>the</strong>ir history were subjected to<br />
heavy Chinese influence.<br />
It must also be remembered that <strong>the</strong><br />
ethnonyms associated with <strong>the</strong> Nor<strong>the</strong>rn Branch<br />
<strong>of</strong> Tai in Guangxi and Guizhou, and which are<br />
ultimately related to ethnonyms in Chinese<br />
histories <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> area, are also found in this area<br />
south <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> HBng plain, in what is now Thanh<br />
Hoa, Nghe An, Borikhamxay, Khammouane,<br />
Nakhon Phanom, and Sakon Nakhon. Indeed<br />
'Viet' falls into this category as well as may be<br />
seen in <strong>the</strong> table below:<br />
In <strong>the</strong> first two cases <strong>the</strong> names apply to<br />
ostensibly southwestern ethnolinguistic<br />
groups that emanate from Thanh Hoa and<br />
Nghe An. Indeed, Yo/Nyo is used by two<br />
linguistically different subgroups groups in<br />
Sakon Nakhon and Nakhon Phanom. Yooy,<br />
spoken in Sakon Nakhon in Thailand and in<br />
Gnommarath in Khammouane, is known only<br />
as an ethnonym in Thanh Hoa applied to a<br />
group formerly inhabiting this province<br />
(Robequain 1929).<br />
Like <strong>the</strong> Sek, <strong>the</strong> Mene are associated with<br />
gold and <strong>the</strong> gold <strong>of</strong> Xieng Lip was famous.<br />
Luppe (1934) writes:<br />
Quelques centigrammes a chaque battee, de<br />
temps a autre, Ia chance d'une pepite (on en a vu<br />
atteignant 4 a 5 grammes, mais combien rares').<br />
II y a deux sortes d'or: Kham Ke (ou vieux) de<br />
couleur rougeatre et le Kham One ( ou jeune) de<br />
couleur claire. Le premier vaut 4 a 5 piastres le<br />
Bac (4 grammes) et le second 3 piastres. La<br />
production locale annuelle n'atteint certe pas un<br />
kilo. Ce precieux metal est repute et des<br />
comen;:ants vienne de tres loin (Luang-Prabang)<br />
pour en acheter. II est conserve dans les tubes<br />
pris dans l'extremite d'une plume de paon et<br />
bouches a Ia eire vierge. (71-2)<br />
(After consideration, Luppe decided that<br />
exploitation was not commercially viable, at<br />
least by <strong>the</strong> French colonialists <strong>of</strong> that era.)<br />
<strong>The</strong> homeland <strong>of</strong>Proto-Vieticl5<br />
Given this ethnolinguistic distribution, <strong>the</strong> fact<br />
that Tai speakers originally occupied a north to<br />
south continuum which included <strong>the</strong> delta seems<br />
undeniable. So we should be able to at least<br />
<strong>of</strong>fer a hypo<strong>the</strong>sis for <strong>the</strong> homeland <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Vietnamese prior to <strong>the</strong>ir arrival in <strong>the</strong> delta.<br />
<strong>The</strong>refore, in this section it is necessary to digress<br />
temporarily into <strong>the</strong> realm <strong>of</strong> Vietic.<br />
Vietic<br />
'Vietic' is <strong>the</strong> name given by La Vaughn H.<br />
Hayes ( 1982, 1992) to that branch <strong>of</strong><br />
Austroasiatic which includes Vietnamese,<br />
Meuang, and many languages spoken in Ha<br />
Tinh and Quang Binh (in Vietnam), and<br />
Borikhamxay and Khammouane in Laos. All <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> non-Vietnamese languages <strong>of</strong> this branch<br />
have been referred to collectively by such authors<br />
as Maspero (1912) and Cuisinier (1948) as<br />
'Mttdng' (Meuang), an old Tai word meaning<br />
'city' or 'settlement.' Cuisinier points out,<br />
however, that this term is used for <strong>the</strong>se peoples<br />
primarily in Hoa Binh and Thanh Hoa, whereas<br />
China Vietnam La<strong>of</strong>fhai M.C. Character<br />
I, Yi Yay, Dioi, Dudi Yooy *ngji!},c ?<br />
Ou, Ngo, Ngeou Au Nyo, Yo *nguoA K. 1284<br />
Yue, Yueh Vi~ *ji"'iit(
<strong>The</strong> origin <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sek: implications for Tai and Vietnamese history<br />
in Nghe An 'Mttdng' refers to Tai speakers,.and<br />
<strong>the</strong> term Nha Lang is used for <strong>the</strong> Vietic peoples.<br />
South <strong>of</strong>Nghe An, in Ha Tinh and Quang Binh,<br />
Ngu6n is used to designate <strong>the</strong> main group to<br />
which <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r smaller groups are considered<br />
related. Since <strong>the</strong> groups referred to as Nha Lang<br />
and Ngu6n are less well known, <strong>the</strong> branch has<br />
for some years been known as 'Viet-Meuang'.<br />
Although linguistic analysis sufficient to<br />
provide a definitive classification is lacking,<br />
some lexical comparison is possible based on<br />
available information. Some <strong>of</strong> this is set forth<br />
in Chamberlain ( 1997) but caution is advised in<br />
that <strong>the</strong> primary data is essentially<br />
ethnozoo1ogical in nature, which may or may<br />
not be reliable as a lexical domain for<br />
classificatory purposes.<br />
<strong>The</strong> lexical evidence generally supports<br />
Diffloth's subgrouping (p.c.). This evidence,<br />
however, would suggest that <strong>the</strong> Kri-Ph6ng<br />
subgroup <strong>of</strong> Southwest Vietic be considered a<br />
separate sub-branch since many <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> forms<br />
here differ radically from <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r subgroups.<br />
Thus <strong>the</strong> following configuration (Figure 2)<br />
might be considered.<br />
<strong>The</strong> status <strong>of</strong><strong>The</strong>marou is still problematical,<br />
and in many cases seems to fall midway between<br />
Atel and Kri. And frequently, Mlengbrou shows<br />
forms completely at variance with <strong>the</strong> rest <strong>of</strong><br />
Kri-Ph6ng and Vietic. Additional information<br />
on such groups as 'Arem', Mali eng, and Kata<br />
would, <strong>of</strong> course, be helpful as well.<br />
Vietic groups in Laos<br />
In Laos, Vietic ethnic diversity is especially<br />
manifest in and around <strong>the</strong> Nakai-Nam <strong>The</strong>un<br />
Conservation Area and proposed extensions<br />
in Borikhamxay and Khammouane. Within<br />
<strong>the</strong> limited radius <strong>of</strong> Khamkeut, Nakai and<br />
<strong>the</strong> nor<strong>the</strong>rn tip <strong>of</strong> Boualapha, 17 languages<br />
have been identified. <strong>The</strong>ir considerable<br />
linguistic variety indicates a time depth for<br />
this branch <strong>of</strong> Vietic <strong>of</strong> at least 2000-2500<br />
years. Until recently most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se groups<br />
lived in small bands as foraging nomads whose<br />
cultural traits became more specialized, <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
relationships with each o<strong>the</strong>r and <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
relationships with <strong>the</strong> forest transforming and<br />
diversifying to fill <strong>the</strong> eco-cultural niches<br />
postulated in Table 2 below.<br />
<strong>The</strong> groups classed as Culture Type I, <strong>the</strong><br />
true forest people, represent a cultural type that<br />
is practically extinct in Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asia, and that<br />
is found nowhere else on <strong>the</strong> planet.<br />
Beginning in 1976, <strong>the</strong> forest peoples were<br />
rounded up and brought out <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir spiritual<br />
territories in <strong>the</strong> forest to live in villages, a way<br />
<strong>of</strong>life to which <strong>the</strong>y were not capable <strong>of</strong> adjusting<br />
with <strong>the</strong> tragic result that <strong>the</strong> majority <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m<br />
perished from <strong>the</strong> physical and psychological<br />
trauma <strong>of</strong> being relocated. <strong>The</strong> few remaining<br />
survivors live in three principle areas, <strong>the</strong> Ate/<br />
at Tha Meuang on <strong>the</strong> Nam Sot; <strong>the</strong> <strong>The</strong>marou<br />
at Yang Chang on <strong>the</strong> Nam <strong>The</strong>un and Ban Soek<br />
near <strong>the</strong> Nam Noy; and <strong>the</strong> Mlengbrou near <strong>the</strong><br />
Nam One (but now living on <strong>the</strong> Gnommarath<br />
side <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ak mountain). O<strong>the</strong>r Vietic groups,<br />
located in <strong>the</strong> Noy and Sot river systems, have<br />
fared somewhat better as a result <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir closer<br />
contacts with sedentary livelihoods, although<br />
<strong>the</strong>y still face many difficulties resulting from<br />
<strong>the</strong> abrupt transition that was brought upon <strong>the</strong>m.<br />
VIE TIC<br />
I<br />
I I I I I I<br />
NORTH NORTHWEST SOUTHEAST WEST SOUTHWEST SOUTH<br />
I I I I<br />
Vietnamese Town Cheut Ahoe Atel <strong>The</strong>marou Kri<br />
Mu
James R. Chamberlain<br />
No. Eco-spacial Type Vietic Group<br />
I small group foraging nomads Atel, <strong>The</strong>marou, Mlengbrou,<br />
(Cheut?)<br />
II originally collectors and traders who Arao, Maleng, Malang, Makang,<br />
have become emergent swidden seden- To'e, Ahoe, Ph6ng<br />
m<br />
tists<br />
swidden cultivators who move every 2-3 Kri<br />
years between pre-existin_g villue sites<br />
IV combined swidden and paddy sedentists Ahao, Ahlao, Liha, Phong<br />
(Cham), Toum<br />
Table 2 Cultural Typology <strong>of</strong>Vietic Groups in Laos<br />
An identical policy was implemented in<br />
Vietnam beginning in 1954 where according to<br />
Vo (1987) [cited inPhong 1988] <strong>the</strong> Vietic forest<br />
peoples were resettled at Cu Nhai, apparently<br />
one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> relocation centers, ei<strong>the</strong>r in <strong>the</strong> west<br />
<strong>of</strong> Quang Binh or southwest <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> prefecture <strong>of</strong><br />
Hudng K.he in Ha Tinh (it is not clear which).<br />
Arem, Rvc, Malieng, and May were placed in<br />
<strong>the</strong>se new sites. Regarding <strong>the</strong> Rvc, at least, he<br />
reports that at least one third <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m returned to<br />
<strong>the</strong> forest after suffering from malaria, liver and<br />
gastro-intestinal problems, and were reported<br />
living in caves.<br />
Many <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ahoe who inhabited <strong>the</strong> territory<br />
between what is now Na Tane Sub-district <strong>of</strong><br />
Nakai and <strong>the</strong> village <strong>of</strong> Ban Na Va (now in<br />
Khamkeut District), were taken as refugees to<br />
Hinboun District during <strong>the</strong> war, and were later<br />
resettled in Nakai Tay and in Sop Hia on <strong>the</strong><br />
Nakai plateau. <strong>The</strong> main population consists <strong>of</strong><br />
39 households in Nakai Tay and 20 households<br />
in SopHia.<br />
Several groups <strong>of</strong> 'Cheut' in Boualapha<br />
were resettled in village situations. Those in<br />
Ban Na Phao have been <strong>the</strong>re for<br />
approximately 10 years, and those in Tha<br />
Xang for only two or three years. O<strong>the</strong>r<br />
'Cheut' people are said to be in Pha Song,<br />
Vang Nyao, and Takaa. An unidentified group<br />
<strong>of</strong>' Salang' live at Ban Xe N eua fur<strong>the</strong>r south,<br />
also in Boualapha District.<br />
To <strong>the</strong> north, <strong>the</strong> Thaveung (consisting <strong>of</strong><br />
two subgroups, Ahao and Ahlao) are now<br />
located in several villages near Lak Xao,<br />
although <strong>the</strong>y appear to have originated in <strong>the</strong><br />
vicinity <strong>of</strong> Na Heuang. <strong>The</strong> Liha and <strong>the</strong><br />
Phong (Cham) and <strong>the</strong> Toum seem to have<br />
come originally from <strong>the</strong> nor<strong>the</strong>rn Nghe An-<br />
Khamkeut border area, but have lived in<br />
Khamkeut for some time.<br />
<strong>The</strong> proposed relationships <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se groups<br />
within <strong>the</strong> larger frame <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Vietic branch <strong>of</strong><br />
Mon-Khmer have been provided in Figure 2.<br />
Only <strong>the</strong> 'Arem', Rvc, Malieng, May (Cudi),<br />
and <strong>the</strong> more sedentary Sach, groups are not<br />
known to occur in Laos. 16 According to<br />
information kindly provided by <strong>the</strong> Lao Front<br />
for National Construction in Thakhek, at least<br />
one Nguiin village is known to exist in Laos,<br />
Ban Pak Phanang in Boualapha District <strong>of</strong><br />
Khammouane.<br />
Within <strong>the</strong> Vietic group, considerable<br />
cultural differentiation has emerged and <strong>the</strong><br />
groups have tentatively been classified into<br />
categories with ethnic consociations dependent<br />
upon (1) history, ethnolinguistic variation; and<br />
patterns <strong>of</strong> interethnic contacts; (2) modes <strong>of</strong><br />
environmental utilization and arrogation and<br />
modes <strong>of</strong> production; (3) epistemological and<br />
ontological premises manifest in cultural<br />
traditions. 17<br />
This division into cultural types should not<br />
be construed as evolutionary in nature. Indeed,<br />
to <strong>the</strong> extent that we have been able to observe<br />
<strong>the</strong> Vietic peoples, <strong>the</strong>ir modes <strong>of</strong> existence<br />
represent something more akin to an ecological<br />
niching which is manifest in conscious<br />
preferences. Thus Atel people who have been<br />
residing in <strong>the</strong> village <strong>of</strong> Tha Meuang for over<br />
20 years have still not adopted <strong>the</strong> village way<br />
<strong>of</strong> life, even though <strong>the</strong>y are perfectly capable,<br />
intellectually and technically, <strong>of</strong> practicing<br />
agriculture. A return to <strong>the</strong>ir previous way <strong>of</strong><br />
life is still <strong>the</strong>ir preference. As noted above,<br />
similar views are held by Vietic peoples who<br />
were relocated in Vietnam.<br />
36<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
<strong>The</strong> origin <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sek: implications for Tai and Vietnamese history<br />
<strong>The</strong> Vietic homeland<br />
Based upon degree <strong>of</strong> diversity, linguistic<br />
evidence <strong>the</strong>refore places <strong>the</strong> homeland <strong>of</strong>Proto<br />
Vietic in <strong>the</strong> interior regions <strong>of</strong> what is now<br />
Borikhamxay and Khammouane Provinces, with<br />
some overflow to <strong>the</strong> opposite side <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sai<br />
Phou Louang (Annamite) chain, to <strong>the</strong> north in<br />
Nghe An and to <strong>the</strong> east in Quang Binh, that is,<br />
far south <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> H6ng plain. Slightly fur<strong>the</strong>r to<br />
<strong>the</strong> sou<strong>the</strong>ast, <strong>the</strong> greatest diversity <strong>of</strong>Vietnamese<br />
dialects occurs in central Vietnam, presumably<br />
<strong>the</strong> area that gave birth to <strong>the</strong> Vietnamese<br />
language. Some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> history that led to <strong>the</strong><br />
peopling <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Red River Delta with Vietic<br />
speakers is treated in <strong>the</strong> following section.<br />
<strong>The</strong> diversity <strong>of</strong> subsistence type is<br />
interesting as well, since in Vietic, which we<br />
estimate has approximately <strong>the</strong> same time depth<br />
as Tai, <strong>the</strong> entire range <strong>of</strong> livelihoods is found:<br />
hunting and ga<strong>the</strong>ring, swiddening, and irrigated<br />
paddy cultivation. For Tai, however, all groups<br />
are lowland wet rice farmers. In fact it seems<br />
fair to conclude that Vietic paddy cultivation is<br />
a comparatively recent development, and that<br />
<strong>the</strong> Tai term Meuang being applied to a branch<br />
<strong>of</strong> Vietic can only indicate a sedentized group<br />
in <strong>the</strong> eyes <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Tai. Thus we may reconstruct<br />
that while <strong>the</strong> Proto-Vietics were hunterga<strong>the</strong>rers,<br />
<strong>the</strong> Proto-Tais were sedentary wet<br />
rice agriculturists.<br />
Chinese historical records <strong>of</strong>Nam-Viet<br />
With <strong>the</strong> preceding Tai and Vietic overviews in<br />
mind, it remains now to examine <strong>the</strong> historical<br />
record for evidence that supports <strong>the</strong><br />
ethnolinguistic picture. Of particular interest are<br />
those events which take place in or lead to <strong>the</strong><br />
territory south <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Delta.<br />
<strong>The</strong> geographical terminology applied to <strong>the</strong><br />
territory <strong>of</strong> what came to be known as <strong>the</strong> nationstate<br />
<strong>of</strong>Vietnam is varied and complex, changing<br />
frequently throughout history according to <strong>the</strong><br />
policies <strong>of</strong> one dynastic tradition or ano<strong>the</strong>r. To<br />
simplify this situation somewhat, <strong>the</strong> usage <strong>of</strong><br />
Edward Schafer ( 1967) has been adopted,<br />
supplemented by relevant detailed information<br />
from Taylor (1983).<br />
Schafer (5ff) writes that <strong>the</strong> oldest Chinese<br />
records divide <strong>the</strong> territory south <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Yangtze<br />
River into two provinces: Chiang-Nan (MC<br />
Kaung-nam), including <strong>the</strong> modem provinces<br />
<strong>of</strong>Kiangsi, Zhejiang Fujian and Hunan (we will<br />
see that this is an over simplification); and Nam<br />
Viet (MC Nam-Ywat), roughly Guizhou,<br />
Guangxi, and <strong>the</strong> nor<strong>the</strong>rn portions <strong>of</strong>Vietnam. 18<br />
Nam-Viet was fur<strong>the</strong>r divided into Lingnan (MC<br />
Lyeng-nam) 'south <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> mountain passes,'<br />
Guizhou and Guangxi, and, Annam '<strong>the</strong> secured<br />
south,' modem Tongking and adjacent sou<strong>the</strong>rn<br />
areas along <strong>the</strong> coast. However, in ancient times,<br />
Lingnan was frequently used as a synonym for<br />
Nam-Viet.<br />
I have proposed elsewhere ( 1991) that <strong>the</strong><br />
ethnonym 'Lao' is <strong>the</strong> oldest surviving term for<br />
'Tai-Kadai.' It is used throughout Chinese<br />
history to refer to Tai-Kadai speaking peoples,<br />
a conclusion inferred from <strong>the</strong> fact that <strong>the</strong> term<br />
survives variously (but only) in <strong>the</strong> modem<br />
names for languages spoken in <strong>the</strong> three main<br />
sub-families <strong>of</strong>Tai-Kadai: Kadai, Kam-Sui, and<br />
Tai. Eberhard (1968) in his pioneering work on<br />
sou<strong>the</strong>rn Chinese folklore, classifies Lao (Liao)<br />
as <strong>the</strong> oldest <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> chains <strong>of</strong> cultural motifs,<br />
predating his Thai, Pa, and Y ao cultures. He<br />
even goes so far as to propose <strong>the</strong> original<br />
location <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Lao culture at Chang-an, <strong>the</strong><br />
center <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Zhou Kingdom (453).<br />
What follows below in this section is a brief<br />
synopsis <strong>of</strong> some aspects <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> early history <strong>of</strong><br />
Vietnam and Sou<strong>the</strong>rn China which serve to<br />
demonstrate especially south to north movement<br />
and o<strong>the</strong>r information that supports <strong>the</strong> general<br />
ethnolinguistic situation. It is not a coherent<br />
narrative <strong>of</strong> events or a complete picture <strong>of</strong><br />
what is known <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> history <strong>of</strong> this area.<br />
<strong>The</strong> earliest evidence<br />
I have discussed <strong>the</strong>se points elsewhere<br />
(1991a,b), so I will summarize here <strong>the</strong> main<br />
aspects, especially as <strong>the</strong>y relate to <strong>the</strong><br />
classification <strong>of</strong> Kam-Sui-Tai languages.<br />
1. <strong>The</strong> Kingdom <strong>of</strong> Chu appears between<br />
twelfth and eleventh centuries BC in<br />
<strong>the</strong> two Hu, but especially Hunan in<br />
<strong>the</strong> Tong-Ting Lake region <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Middle Y angzi. This I suggest was a<br />
Proto-Tai-Kam-Sui Kingdom. 19<br />
2. One king <strong>of</strong> Chu breaks away to<br />
Zhejiang in <strong>the</strong> ninth century BC and<br />
founds <strong>the</strong> independent kingdom <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Yue (not chronicled until <strong>the</strong> fourth<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2<br />
37
James R. Chamberlain<br />
century BC). This is <strong>the</strong> first split<br />
between Kam-Sui and Be-Tai.<br />
3. In 333 BC Chou attacks Yue stimulating<br />
<strong>the</strong> exodus <strong>of</strong> ruling classes (Lo) to <strong>the</strong><br />
south.<br />
4. <strong>The</strong> 'Hundred Yue' emerge as<br />
independent principalities throughout<br />
<strong>the</strong> region which we know today as<br />
Guizhou, Guangxi, Guangdong, and<br />
Tongking.<br />
5. Eastern Ou inS. Zhejiang and in Fujian<br />
(Min Yue), which were absorbed by<br />
<strong>the</strong> Chinese at <strong>the</strong> end <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> second<br />
century BC.<br />
6. Nan-Yue is established at Nor<strong>the</strong>rn<br />
Guangxi and Guangdong.<br />
7. Western Ou (or Lo-Yue) from Sou<strong>the</strong>rn<br />
Guangxi and Tongking to <strong>the</strong> Col des<br />
Nuages (Aurousseau 1923: 260).<br />
8. Chu was destroyed by Qin in 223 BC.<br />
Sources <strong>of</strong> ancient Vietnamese history<br />
Virtually all historical records relating to<br />
Vietnam, from <strong>the</strong> earliest period to <strong>the</strong> tenth<br />
century (<strong>the</strong> fall <strong>of</strong> Tang) and beyond were<br />
written in Chinese by Chinese historians. <strong>The</strong><br />
earliest extant writing by Vietnamese historians<br />
does not appear until <strong>the</strong> 14th century and even<br />
this history is written in Chinese demotic script.<br />
Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, it is clear from <strong>the</strong> ethnolinguistic<br />
evidence summarized above that <strong>the</strong> modem<br />
Vietnamese were recent arrivals in <strong>the</strong> Delta,<br />
and that <strong>the</strong> movement <strong>of</strong>Viet-Meuang peoples<br />
generally has been from south to north, not <strong>the</strong><br />
reverse as most histories would have us believe.<br />
This historical bias has its origins, no doubt, in<br />
<strong>the</strong> Chinese historiographic point <strong>of</strong> view, which<br />
was indeed one <strong>of</strong> movements from north to<br />
south, <strong>the</strong> direction <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> expanding empire.<br />
At this point in time, I regard <strong>the</strong> work <strong>of</strong><br />
Keith Taylor, especially his <strong>The</strong> Birth <strong>of</strong><br />
Vietnam ( 1983) to be <strong>the</strong> most valuable resource<br />
for early Vietnamese history. <strong>The</strong> book's main<br />
weakness lies in its romantic nationalist endeavor<br />
to present Vietnamese history as a long struggle<br />
by Vietnamese indigenes against Chinese<br />
oppression culminating in <strong>the</strong> kingdom <strong>of</strong> D~i<br />
C6 Vi~t, or national independence, at <strong>the</strong> end <strong>of</strong><br />
Tang. Unfortunately, this viewpoint is only<br />
maintained at <strong>the</strong> expense <strong>of</strong> ethnic identity, <strong>the</strong><br />
true indigenous view having been sacrificed to<br />
<strong>the</strong> historian's preoccupation with <strong>the</strong> nationstate.<br />
However, once this species <strong>of</strong> political<br />
correctness within <strong>the</strong> discipline is understood,<br />
<strong>the</strong> virtue <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> work as a compendium <strong>of</strong><br />
meticulous historical research drawn from<br />
primary Chinese sources, as well as a critical<br />
subsumation <strong>of</strong><strong>the</strong> previous French scholarship<br />
<strong>of</strong>Maspero, Aurousseau, Madrolle, Gaspardone,<br />
et. al., is unequaled.<br />
Taylor divides <strong>the</strong> early history <strong>of</strong> Vietnam,<br />
from <strong>the</strong> very beginnings to <strong>the</strong> establishment<br />
<strong>of</strong> national independence into six phases, a very<br />
useful periodization which is adhered to in <strong>the</strong><br />
brief synopsis below. It must be remembered,<br />
however, that Taylor's analysis is long and<br />
prolix, and I have attempted to extract only that<br />
information which has bearing on <strong>the</strong> topic <strong>of</strong><br />
this paper.<br />
Lo-Yue [From early times to 206 Bq20<br />
Traditional Vietnamese early history, much <strong>of</strong><br />
it based upon <strong>the</strong> fifteenth century Linh-nam<br />
chich qwii, describes <strong>the</strong> territory <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Red<br />
River Delta as being governed by Hung Kings<br />
and L~c Lords. <strong>The</strong> Hung Kings are said to<br />
have ruled <strong>the</strong> Kingdom <strong>of</strong> Van-lang in <strong>the</strong><br />
region known as Me-linh (Mi Ling) situated on<br />
<strong>the</strong> northwest comer <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> H6ng plain at <strong>the</strong><br />
confluence <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Red <strong>the</strong> Clear and <strong>the</strong> Black<br />
rivers (Taylor 1983: 3). Vietnamese authors <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Vi~t sti Ju(/c identify <strong>the</strong> earliest Hung King<br />
as a contemporary <strong>of</strong> King Chuang <strong>of</strong>Chu (692-<br />
682 BC), <strong>the</strong> first <strong>of</strong> a line <strong>of</strong> eighteen<br />
generations, also claimed for <strong>the</strong> Hilng line.<br />
Thus Vietnamese history mimics <strong>the</strong> Chinese<br />
on this point. However archeologically, <strong>the</strong> area<br />
<strong>of</strong> Me-linh, has been shown to be <strong>the</strong> locus <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> late Bronze Age culture <strong>of</strong>Dong-Sdn which<br />
began in <strong>the</strong> seventh century BC (Taylor: 4).<br />
But given <strong>the</strong> lateness <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Vietnamese sources<br />
many questions remain on <strong>the</strong> issue <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Hung<br />
Kings (also cfTaylor: 306ft).<br />
<strong>The</strong> earliest historical mention <strong>of</strong> Van-Lang<br />
is in Tang (618-907 AD), while <strong>the</strong> earliest<br />
mention <strong>of</strong>Hilng as a line <strong>of</strong> kings is said to be<br />
from <strong>the</strong> Tsin (265-317 AD) but even this is no<br />
longer extant and is taken from a fifth century<br />
source (Gaspardone 1955 cited in Taylor). Thus<br />
Hung, as a line <strong>of</strong> kings in <strong>the</strong> Chinese sources<br />
is also problematical, but Jao Tsung-i's (1969)<br />
[cited in Taylor: 306] association <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> written<br />
38<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
<strong>The</strong> origin <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sek: implications for Tai and Vietnamese history<br />
Chinese character with hsiung, <strong>the</strong> clan names<br />
<strong>of</strong> kings in <strong>the</strong> ancient kingdom <strong>of</strong> Chu, would<br />
seem reasonable.<br />
<strong>The</strong> first mention <strong>of</strong>L~c Lords is by Chinese<br />
sources in <strong>the</strong> Han dynasty, a description that<br />
focuses on <strong>the</strong>m between <strong>the</strong> periods <strong>of</strong> 111 BC<br />
(<strong>the</strong> year Chinese suzerainty was imposed) and<br />
42--43 BC (when <strong>the</strong> L~c Lords were defeated).<br />
<strong>The</strong> Hung kings were said to have been<br />
defeated by King An Dudng (Ngan-yang),<br />
mentioned for <strong>the</strong> first time in <strong>the</strong> Kuang chou<br />
chi text <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Chin (Tsin) dynasty (Aurousseau:<br />
212). <strong>The</strong>re he is described as <strong>the</strong> 'son <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
king <strong>of</strong> Shu'. <strong>The</strong>se texts describe only <strong>the</strong> defeat<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> L~c chiefs and do not mention <strong>the</strong> Hung<br />
kings. Here also, in <strong>the</strong>se Tsin dynasty texts, <strong>the</strong><br />
first mention <strong>of</strong> Giao-ch'i and Ctru-chan is made<br />
in <strong>the</strong> Chiao chou wai yu chi, a Tsin recension<br />
<strong>of</strong> a first century Han work. According to<br />
Aurousseau (p. 21 0) <strong>the</strong> dates <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir founding<br />
as Chinese commanderies would have been<br />
sometime between 207 and 111 BC.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> legend it is said that King An Dudng<br />
founded <strong>the</strong> kingdom <strong>of</strong> Au-L~c after invading<br />
Van-lang with an army <strong>of</strong> thirty thousand at <strong>the</strong><br />
end <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> third century BC, presumably<br />
following <strong>the</strong> invasion <strong>of</strong> Western Ou (Au) by<br />
<strong>the</strong> Qin, which forced <strong>the</strong> rulers <strong>of</strong> that kingdom<br />
to flee south. He constructed <strong>the</strong> citadel <strong>of</strong> C6-<br />
loa in Tay-vu, an object <strong>of</strong> much myth, rich in<br />
emblems <strong>of</strong> power such as <strong>the</strong> golden turtle and<br />
<strong>the</strong> white chicken.<br />
At <strong>the</strong> same time, to <strong>the</strong> east, a Qin<br />
commissioner named Chao To with greater<br />
sympathies for <strong>the</strong> south, proclaimed himself<br />
King <strong>of</strong>Nan-Yue (Canton), in opposition to <strong>the</strong><br />
empire. Shortly after relations with Han were<br />
restored in 179 BC, Chao To attacked and<br />
conquered Au L~c. Han regained control <strong>of</strong><br />
Nan Yue in 111 BC, but in Giao-ch'i, <strong>the</strong> L~c<br />
ruling class remained in power until <strong>the</strong>ir defeat<br />
by Ma Yuan in 43 AD. Following this, history<br />
is silent as to <strong>the</strong> fate <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> L~c. 21<br />
It is <strong>of</strong> some interest to note that a number<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> L~c ruling families at this time fled<br />
south into Cl:tu-cban. This population was<br />
important enough that at <strong>the</strong> end <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> year<br />
43 AD Ma Yuan took his two thousand ships<br />
into Cl:tu-cban, to <strong>the</strong> Ma basin and south<br />
into what is now Nghe An. Here it is written<br />
in <strong>the</strong> Shui ching chu that from three to five<br />
thousand were captured and beheaded<br />
(Taylor:41 ).<br />
Han-Yue [206 BC-220 AD]<br />
During <strong>the</strong> Han, Nam Yue was divided into<br />
seven prefectures. In addition to Giao-ch'F 2 and<br />
Ctru-chan, a third province called Nh~t-nam was<br />
added beginning south <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Hoanh Sdn<br />
massive, that is south <strong>of</strong>Ctru-chan (Taylor: 30).<br />
Han settlements began to emerge. Evidence <strong>of</strong><br />
Han-style tombs have been discovered in Giaoch'i,<br />
Ctru-chan, and nor<strong>the</strong>rn NMt-nam along<br />
<strong>the</strong> Giang River, but nowhere else in Vietnam<br />
(Taylor: 54).<br />
<strong>The</strong> second century was beset by no less<br />
that five major rebellions against Han authority<br />
in Nh~t-nam and in Ctru-chan. This locus <strong>of</strong><br />
discontent in <strong>the</strong> south continued into <strong>the</strong> tenth<br />
century, and marks two significant aspects <strong>of</strong><br />
Vietnamese arrival in <strong>the</strong> Delta: south to north<br />
movement and a composition <strong>of</strong> Sinicized<br />
Vietics. More and more frequently throughout<br />
this period, attacks against Giao-ch'i were led<br />
by disenchanted Chinese expatriates with strong<br />
indigenous followings.<br />
Giao-Yue [AD 220-589]<br />
<strong>The</strong> Cham state <strong>of</strong> Lin-i was established in AD<br />
192 by means <strong>of</strong> a rebellion in Tudng-lam by<br />
Ou Lien. Lin-i invaded Nh~t-nam in 248 which<br />
it annexed up to <strong>the</strong> Ctru-chan border (Taylor:<br />
89). This inspired <strong>the</strong> people <strong>of</strong> Ctru-chan and<br />
even Giao-ch'i to rebel as well (p. 90). Thus <strong>the</strong><br />
pattern <strong>of</strong> unrest emanating from <strong>the</strong> south<br />
continued in this period.<br />
During <strong>the</strong> early Chin, Giao Province added<br />
several new prefectures, among <strong>the</strong>m Ctru-duc<br />
which was formed <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> sou<strong>the</strong>rn portion <strong>of</strong><br />
Ctru-chan, in <strong>the</strong> plain <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Song Ca. This is<br />
likewise part <strong>of</strong> a pattern <strong>of</strong> increased specificity<br />
in administration <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> south by <strong>the</strong> Chinese.<br />
In AD 34 7 under <strong>the</strong> command <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> usurper<br />
Wen (said to have been ethnic Chinese and a<br />
former slave), <strong>the</strong> army <strong>of</strong> Lin-i marched north<br />
through Nh~t-nam to Hoanh Sdn, and <strong>the</strong>n on<br />
to Ctru-duc and Cttu-chan (Taylor: 1 07). <strong>The</strong>se<br />
hostilities continued until <strong>the</strong> 370s (p. 109).<br />
With <strong>the</strong> demise <strong>of</strong> Tsin, <strong>the</strong> £>6 family rose to<br />
power in Giao, beginning with £>6 Vi~n who<br />
had served as prefect in Nh~t-nam and Ctru-duc<br />
before being assigned to Giao-ch'i (p. 11 0). This<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2<br />
39
James R. Chamberlain<br />
pattern <strong>of</strong> <strong>of</strong>ficial assignment was repeated <strong>of</strong>ten,<br />
ano<strong>the</strong>r example <strong>of</strong> south to north influence in<br />
Vietnam.<br />
Around 424 Lin-i reinitiated its aggression,<br />
seizing Nh~t-nam and raiding Ciru-dttc, <strong>the</strong> king<br />
established <strong>the</strong> fortress <strong>of</strong>Khu-tUc at <strong>the</strong> mouth<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Giang. From this position he was able to<br />
raid Ciru-dttc (Taylor: 115-6). <strong>The</strong> aggression<br />
<strong>of</strong> Lin-i was finally ended by a decisive Sung<br />
military campaign that began in 446 and<br />
devastated Lin-i. However, Nh~t-nam soon fell<br />
under Lin-i authority once again by virtue <strong>of</strong> its<br />
geographical location. Following <strong>the</strong> defeat,<br />
however, <strong>the</strong> capital was moved from <strong>the</strong> its old<br />
location near modem Hu€ fur<strong>the</strong>r south to Tnlkieu,<br />
near modem Da-ning (Taylor: 118).<br />
In summing up this period Taylor writes:<br />
It was at this time [<strong>the</strong> fifth century] that Giao's<br />
nor<strong>the</strong>rn border was adjusted to <strong>the</strong> modern<br />
border between China and Vietnam in<br />
recognition <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> natural frontier dividing <strong>the</strong><br />
indigenous Vietnamese political system from<br />
imperial administration. <strong>The</strong> Vietnamese were<br />
no longer a part <strong>of</strong> an amorphous frontier<br />
jurisdiction as <strong>the</strong>y had been under Han and<br />
Wu, a jurisdiction based on concepts <strong>of</strong> empire<br />
ra<strong>the</strong>r than on <strong>the</strong> indigenous culture. By<br />
detaching Ho-p'u and establishing Ytieh<br />
Province late in <strong>the</strong> fifth century, <strong>the</strong> Chinese<br />
realized that <strong>the</strong> Vietnamese lands were too far<br />
away and too un-Chinese to rule in <strong>the</strong> usual<br />
way. <strong>The</strong>reafter, <strong>the</strong> Vietnamese were recognized<br />
administratively in a province <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir own (p.<br />
131).<br />
Taylor goes on to note <strong>the</strong> fixing <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
sou<strong>the</strong>rn border at Hoanh Sdn, and <strong>the</strong> imperial<br />
policy <strong>of</strong> not 'tampering with <strong>the</strong> cultural<br />
frontier.' Thus <strong>the</strong> 'Vietnamese,' who at this<br />
point in time in Giao-clii we must still regard as<br />
ethnically Tai, are described as belonging to <strong>the</strong><br />
nor<strong>the</strong>rn empire while descending from a<br />
sou<strong>the</strong>rn culture, a characterization that is indeed<br />
well-suited to both <strong>the</strong> Tais in <strong>the</strong> north <strong>of</strong>Nam<br />
Viet as well as to <strong>the</strong> ethnic Vietnamese in <strong>the</strong><br />
south.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> year 535, Dttc Province was formed<br />
around <strong>the</strong> mouth <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Song Ca, out <strong>of</strong> what<br />
had been Ciru-chan Prefecture (or sou<strong>the</strong>rn Ciruchan<br />
as it had been known since <strong>the</strong> time <strong>of</strong><br />
Chao To in <strong>the</strong> third century BC), and two<br />
additional provinces, Ly and Minh were named<br />
in <strong>the</strong> obscure valley <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ngan Sau, a sou<strong>the</strong>rn<br />
tributary <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Song Ca skirting <strong>the</strong> lush<br />
rainforests <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Annamite Chain. It is likely<br />
that <strong>the</strong> sudden appearance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se two hi<strong>the</strong>rto<br />
unmentioned provinces in <strong>the</strong> hinterlands is<br />
related to Chinese economic interest in gold,<br />
and perhaps secondarily, rhinoceros horn and<br />
kingfisher fea<strong>the</strong>rs, products that were plentiful<br />
in <strong>the</strong> area until recently. Although <strong>the</strong> records<br />
are not precise, I will speculate that Ly was in<br />
<strong>the</strong> valley <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ngan Sau, while Minh was in<br />
<strong>the</strong> adjacent upper valley <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Song Giang<br />
where a major town by that name is located.<br />
<strong>The</strong> successful rebellion <strong>of</strong> Ly Bi in 541<br />
likewise began in <strong>the</strong> south in Dttc, and, again<br />
following <strong>the</strong> pattern <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> disenchanted<br />
Chinese commander turned rebel, attacked north<br />
through Chu-dien and Ai (Taylor: 135ft). Like<br />
<strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>rs, who came before and after, <strong>the</strong> culture<br />
and system <strong>of</strong> government <strong>the</strong>y espoused was<br />
still that <strong>of</strong> imperial China. Interestingly, in <strong>the</strong><br />
struggle that followed between Liang and Ly<br />
Bi, <strong>the</strong> followers <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> latter are described in<br />
<strong>the</strong> sources as 'Lao Chieftains'. When Ly Bi<br />
was finally defeated, his elder bro<strong>the</strong>rLy Thien<br />
Bao raised yet ano<strong>the</strong>r army in Dttc to attack<br />
<strong>the</strong> Liang forces to <strong>the</strong> north. He was defeated<br />
in Ai but escaped into <strong>the</strong> mountains with <strong>the</strong><br />
'Lao' (p. 143). This was in 547. Finally,<br />
according to later Vietnamese sources, a relative<br />
<strong>of</strong> Ly Thien Bao named Ly Ph~t Tit gained<br />
possession <strong>of</strong> western Giao in 557, ostensibly<br />
supported by <strong>the</strong> Lao <strong>of</strong> Ai, while Tri~u Quang<br />
Phvc retained <strong>the</strong> east. In 569/571 Ly Ph~t Tit<br />
defeated Quang Phvc and took control entirely<br />
(p. 153ft). <strong>The</strong> historians <strong>of</strong> Sui maintained that<br />
Ly Ph~t Tit was an ethnic Li.<br />
Sixth Century [Sui: AD 589-618]<br />
In <strong>the</strong> Sui Dynasty, in <strong>the</strong> year 598, Ling-hu<br />
Hsi, military commander <strong>of</strong> Kuei and Giao,<br />
renamed several important areas. Tan-xudng<br />
(and points west) became Phong, Dttc became<br />
Hoan, and Hoang (on <strong>the</strong> nor<strong>the</strong>rn coast) became<br />
Lvc (Lu). <strong>The</strong>n, in 604, Sui reorganized <strong>the</strong><br />
administration once again, dividing all <strong>of</strong><br />
Vietnam into three prefectures (as opposed to<br />
provinces): Giao-clii included <strong>the</strong> entire H6ng<br />
plain, Ai was converted back to Ciru-chan, and<br />
40<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
)<br />
<strong>The</strong> origin <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sek: implications for Tai and Vietnamese history<br />
Roan (formerly Due) became Nh~t-nam. (Taylor<br />
158ft)<br />
Tang-Yue [AD 618-907]<br />
Tang began by reorganizing Vietnam yet again,<br />
this time into a number <strong>of</strong> small provinces under<br />
two 'central authorities' [see Map !-locations<br />
adapted from Taylor: 169]. <strong>The</strong> first<br />
administration included all <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> provinces in<br />
<strong>the</strong> plains <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> H6ng and <strong>the</strong> Ma, with Ai as<br />
<strong>the</strong> most important province in <strong>the</strong> basin <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Ma. <strong>The</strong> second administration was at Roan in<br />
<strong>the</strong> plain <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Song Ca.<br />
<strong>The</strong> reorganization was fixed in 679 with<br />
<strong>the</strong> formal establishment <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 'Protectorate <strong>of</strong><br />
Annam' (Annam = '<strong>the</strong> pacified south'). In<br />
addition to <strong>the</strong> main provinces, 'halter provinces'<br />
were established in order to pacify <strong>the</strong> many<br />
ethnarchs in <strong>the</strong> hinterlands. Kinh and Lam (Lin),<br />
at <strong>the</strong> sou<strong>the</strong>rn border near Hoanh-sdn were<br />
named in 628 and 635 respectively.<br />
Later, in 669, <strong>the</strong> sou<strong>the</strong>rn border was more<br />
formally acknowledged with <strong>the</strong> setting up <strong>of</strong><br />
PhUc-lqc also in <strong>the</strong> vicinity <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Hoanh-sdn<br />
massif. It is described as having been<br />
'appropriated by migrating "uncivilized Lao"<br />
in <strong>the</strong> sixth century. <strong>The</strong> details <strong>of</strong> this are more<br />
crucial because at some point in Vietnamese<br />
history, between <strong>the</strong> Tang Chinese sources and<br />
<strong>the</strong> later 14th century Sino-Vietnamese works,<br />
PhUc-lqc (Fu-lu) was relocated from <strong>the</strong> south<br />
to <strong>the</strong> north, to <strong>the</strong> northwest comer <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
H6ng plain, a fate likewise shared by An-vien<br />
(An-yiian) and Dudng-lam (T'ang-lin). (Taylor:<br />
172,327ft)<br />
This topic was important enough that Taylor<br />
{p. 327ft) devotes an entire appendix to its<br />
explication. He relates that according Chinese<br />
sources 23 An-vien was originally a district first<br />
noted in <strong>the</strong> Sui dynasty in Nh~t-nam Prefecture<br />
(formerly Cuu-duc). In 622 An-vien was a<br />
district in Due Province which became Roan in<br />
627. Between 639 and 669 this district was<br />
joined with Dudng-liim to become Dudng-lam<br />
Province. Finally, in 669 a district <strong>of</strong> PhUc-lqc<br />
was appended to Dudng-lam resulting in PhUclqc<br />
Province. It location appears to have been<br />
approximately at <strong>the</strong> Hoanh Sdn massif on <strong>the</strong><br />
border with Champa. Because <strong>the</strong>y were<br />
changed so frequently, it is Taylor's opinion<br />
that in many Tang sources <strong>the</strong> terms Dudnglam<br />
and Phuc-lqc were for <strong>the</strong> most part<br />
synonymous. But in <strong>the</strong> ninth century Phuc-lqc<br />
disappears entirely and is replaced by Dudnglam.<br />
Now <strong>the</strong>se same three topnyms, in<br />
Vietnamese sources referring to <strong>the</strong> period<br />
following <strong>the</strong> fall <strong>of</strong> Tang in <strong>the</strong> tenth century,<br />
are relocated. And this is <strong>of</strong> vital interest to us<br />
here, because: (1) it represents a very specific<br />
movement from a location very near to <strong>the</strong> Vietic<br />
homeland in <strong>the</strong> south to <strong>the</strong> Delta <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> H6ng<br />
River in <strong>the</strong> north; (2) Because <strong>the</strong> two most<br />
important Vietnamese independence leaders,<br />
Ph1lng Hung (8th c.) and Ngo Quy~n (lOth c.)<br />
are said to have been born in Dudng-lam and<br />
PhUc-lqc respectively. Although perplexing on<br />
<strong>the</strong> surface, from a historical linguistic point <strong>of</strong><br />
view <strong>the</strong> answer is obvious: Ph1lng Hung and<br />
Ngo Quy~n were born in <strong>the</strong> south and led <strong>the</strong><br />
Vietnamese rebellions to <strong>the</strong>ir conclusions in<br />
<strong>the</strong> north. 24<br />
Returning to Tang reorganization, it is<br />
likewise <strong>of</strong> interest here that <strong>the</strong> inland provinces<br />
<strong>of</strong> Ly and Minh, instated during <strong>the</strong> Liang<br />
dynasty, were retained (only Ly had been<br />
renamed Tri in 598). According to Taylor's<br />
map (p. 170), Tri lay north <strong>of</strong> Minh. As<br />
mentioned above, I would like to suggest that in<br />
fact Tri (Ly) encompassed <strong>the</strong> valley <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Ngan Sau, while Minh was located in <strong>the</strong> upper<br />
valley <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Giang where <strong>the</strong> toponym may<br />
still be found at Minh Hoa (or Quang Minh ?).<br />
Little is recorded from this area except for an<br />
uprising by 'refractory Lao tribesmen' in <strong>the</strong><br />
province <strong>of</strong> Minh. And 'Lao' in this case could<br />
be none o<strong>the</strong>r than <strong>the</strong> Sek who must have been<br />
established <strong>the</strong>re prior to <strong>the</strong> fifth or sixth<br />
centuries when Lyand Minh were created. Given<br />
<strong>the</strong> Sek ethnic-specific association with gold,<br />
and assuming <strong>the</strong>re would have been little reason<br />
for <strong>the</strong> Chinese to proclaim <strong>the</strong>se two inland<br />
provinces without economic motivation, I<br />
believe this hypo<strong>the</strong>sis to be reasonably accurate.<br />
Also, as mentioned above, Lao and Li were<br />
consistently applied as ethnonyms for Tai-Kadai<br />
speakers. 25<br />
Ano<strong>the</strong>r small inland province in <strong>the</strong> area <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> upper Ca was established in 635 under <strong>the</strong><br />
name <strong>of</strong> Sdn. Located near Xieng Khwang<br />
Province in Laos, this is approximately <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2<br />
41
James R. Chamberlain<br />
location <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Mene gold mining area discussed<br />
above.<br />
Di~n province was originally located just to<br />
<strong>the</strong> north <strong>of</strong> Hoan. It was incorporated into<br />
Hian about 650, but was reinstated as a province<br />
again in 764. Sdn was <strong>the</strong>n made a part <strong>of</strong><br />
Di~n.<br />
Ai and seven o<strong>the</strong>r provinces were<br />
established in <strong>the</strong> basin <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ma. Taylor regards<br />
this territory as a backwater in <strong>the</strong> center <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
protectorate that was least affected by Chinese<br />
rule, and <strong>the</strong>refore 'emerged in <strong>the</strong> tenth century<br />
as <strong>the</strong> original and most persistent center <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
politics <strong>of</strong> independence' (p. 173). In<br />
ethnolinguistic terms, I would rephrase this to<br />
say that Ai, especially <strong>the</strong> hinterlands, was a<br />
vacuum filled eventually by Muimg speakers,<br />
<strong>the</strong> language closest to Vietnamese, whose<br />
language and culture exhibit Tai influence as<br />
opposed to Chinese. <strong>The</strong> adjacent province <strong>of</strong><br />
Tntdng separated Giao from Ai on <strong>the</strong> coast.<br />
On <strong>the</strong> nor<strong>the</strong>rn coast <strong>of</strong> Giao, Lvc (Lu)<br />
province (formerly Hoang) served both as a<br />
highway and a buffer in Giao relations with<br />
Kuangtung. Taylor (p. 175) notes that in this<br />
role as interface between protectorate and<br />
empire, it was more <strong>of</strong>ten under <strong>the</strong> control <strong>of</strong><br />
powers to <strong>the</strong> north.<br />
Finally, Phong (Feng) was strategically<br />
located at <strong>the</strong> junction <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Red, <strong>the</strong> Black,<br />
and <strong>the</strong> Clear. It held control over 28 'halter<br />
provinces' to <strong>the</strong> west and northwest to Yunnan,<br />
and provided protection for Giao from attacks<br />
initiated by <strong>the</strong> peoples living in <strong>the</strong>se areas.<br />
Vietnamese movements north<br />
Taylor (p. 191ft) reports that following a period<br />
<strong>of</strong> relative security until 705-6, Tang authority<br />
in Hoan weakened. In 722 a man named Mai<br />
Thuc Loan from a salt-producing village on <strong>the</strong><br />
Hoan coast sou<strong>the</strong>ast <strong>of</strong>Ha Tinh (sou<strong>the</strong>rn Nghe<br />
An) brought toge<strong>the</strong>r people from thirty-two<br />
provinces, including Lin-i, Chen-la, and a<br />
hi<strong>the</strong>rto unknown kingdom called Chin-lin<br />
('gold neighbor'), altoge<strong>the</strong>r totaling four<br />
hundred thousand, and styling himself'<strong>the</strong> Black<br />
Emperor' he marched northward and 'seized all<br />
<strong>of</strong> Annam.' His success was short-lived and he<br />
was immediately attacked and killed by imperial<br />
forces from Kuang. While Taylor is perplexed<br />
by <strong>the</strong> nature <strong>of</strong> this event, why so many foreign<br />
elements should unite to mount such an attack,<br />
<strong>the</strong> answer seems obvious, that <strong>the</strong> core <strong>of</strong> this<br />
movement were not aliens, <strong>the</strong>y were <strong>the</strong> true<br />
ancestors <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> modem Vietnamese, Sinicized<br />
Vietic coastal frontiersmen, in large numbers,<br />
moving north. <strong>The</strong> Chinese army sent to put<br />
down <strong>the</strong> Black Emperor is said to have<br />
numbered one hundred thousand. Taylor (p. 216)<br />
speculates that many <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se soldiers remained,<br />
and that many were surely sent to Hoan where<br />
<strong>the</strong> rebellion began.<br />
Vietnamese traditions have not highlighted<br />
this event, although Taylor notes (p. 191) that<br />
<strong>the</strong> tombs <strong>of</strong>his parents and <strong>the</strong> citadel he erected<br />
are to be found near <strong>the</strong> Black Emperor's<br />
birthplace, and a temple inscription in this area<br />
reads:<br />
<strong>The</strong> Tang Empire waxed and waned;<br />
<strong>The</strong> mountains and rivers <strong>of</strong> Hoan and Dien<br />
stand firm through <strong>the</strong> ages.<br />
Given <strong>the</strong> Chinese historiographic<br />
underpinnings <strong>of</strong>Vietnamese history generally,<br />
<strong>the</strong> Black Emperor's lack <strong>of</strong> prominence is not<br />
surprising. We have already noted <strong>the</strong> previous<br />
pattern <strong>of</strong> south to north rebellions led by<br />
dissatisfied Chinese expatriate <strong>of</strong>ficials.<br />
Following a brief mention <strong>of</strong> an uprising by<br />
a military commander <strong>of</strong> Dien, <strong>the</strong> next major<br />
local hero to appear in Taylor's treatment is<br />
PhUng Hung. Since I have dealt in detail<br />
elsewhere (Chamberlain: 1991) with <strong>the</strong> close<br />
similarities between this story and that <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Lao epic <strong>of</strong> Thao Hung Thao Cheuang I will not<br />
repeat this here. But Taylor's interpretation <strong>of</strong><br />
some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> names bears fur<strong>the</strong>r scrutiny. After<br />
<strong>the</strong> death <strong>of</strong> Hung, it is written in <strong>the</strong> Vietnamese<br />
sources 26 that B6 Pha L~c fought against Hung's<br />
bro<strong>the</strong>r Hai chasing him into <strong>the</strong> mountains<br />
foreverP <strong>The</strong> Vietnamese word for 'fa<strong>the</strong>r'<br />
which Taylor cites in his subsequent discussion<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> posthumous title accorded to Hung is Bo:<br />
a conspicuous borrowing from Tai, not<br />
indigenous to Vietnamese as assumed by Taylor.<br />
It also needs to be reiterated at this point that<br />
<strong>the</strong> birthplace <strong>of</strong>Phimg Hung was f>udng-lam,<br />
an old sou<strong>the</strong>rn toponym moved north to Phong<br />
in <strong>the</strong> later Vietnamese histories, no doubt a<br />
factor <strong>of</strong> its being moved along with <strong>the</strong> ethnic<br />
Vietnamese rebels during <strong>the</strong> Tang.<br />
42<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
<strong>The</strong> origin <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sek: implications for Tai and Vietnamese history<br />
Taylor (p. 215) writes: 'All <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> major<br />
rebel figures <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ninth century came from<br />
Hoan, Ai or Phong'. In 802 <strong>the</strong> Chams (Huanwang),<br />
with collusion <strong>of</strong>Hoan and Ai, annexed<br />
<strong>the</strong>se provinces for seven years until in 809<br />
<strong>the</strong>y were retaken by <strong>the</strong> Tang protector general<br />
<strong>of</strong> Giao named Chou. Chou captured <strong>the</strong> son <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Cham king along with <strong>the</strong> rebel governors<br />
<strong>of</strong>Hoan and Ai, and rebuilt <strong>the</strong> citadels <strong>the</strong>re as<br />
a demonstration <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> authority <strong>of</strong>Tang (Taylor:<br />
226).<br />
Dudng Thanh was <strong>the</strong> first major rebel leader<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> early ninth century. He was apparently<br />
from a Chinese family who served as governors<br />
<strong>of</strong>Hoan since <strong>the</strong> early eighth century following<br />
<strong>the</strong> defeat <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Black Emperor and Dudng<br />
Thanh's family may have been members <strong>of</strong> that<br />
force. All <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> major ingredients are found<br />
here: Vietic territory, Sinicizing influences, and<br />
south to north movement (Taylor: 227ft).<br />
Also in ninth century, B6 T6n Thanh and<br />
his son B6 Thii Tn1ng were anti-Tang Chinese<br />
immigrants from Ai. B6 T6n Thanh was <strong>the</strong><br />
governor and military commander <strong>of</strong> Ai who<br />
was killed by <strong>the</strong> protector general Li Cho for<br />
siding with Lao leaders. <strong>The</strong> B6 family dated<br />
from <strong>the</strong> Ch'i and Liang dynasties (479-556)<br />
(Taylor: 240).<br />
As ano<strong>the</strong>r indication <strong>of</strong> unrest in <strong>the</strong> south,<br />
in 835 Protector General T'ien Tsao sent a<br />
general named Tang Ch'eng-ho pacify Hoan,<br />
and in <strong>the</strong> following year yet ano<strong>the</strong>r military<br />
governor was sent <strong>the</strong>re to assist him (Taylor:<br />
235-6).<br />
At <strong>the</strong> end <strong>of</strong> 862, Nan-chao which had<br />
been threatening Annam for some time, invaded<br />
with a force <strong>of</strong> fifty thousand men and Giao fell<br />
at <strong>the</strong> beginning <strong>of</strong> 863. Records state that one<br />
hundred and fifty thousand Tang soldiers were<br />
killed or captured by Nan-chao and an unknown<br />
number fled to <strong>the</strong> north. Probably <strong>the</strong> highest<br />
portion were local recruits and it may be assumed<br />
that <strong>the</strong> victory <strong>of</strong> Nan-chao led to a severe<br />
reduction in population in <strong>the</strong> Delta. Nan-chao<br />
was driven out by Kao P'ien in 866 (Taylor:<br />
239ft).<br />
Of interest, in <strong>the</strong> wake <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Nan-chao war<br />
and <strong>the</strong> weakened condition <strong>of</strong>Giao, are Taylor's<br />
remarks (p. 248) to <strong>the</strong> effect that <strong>the</strong> existence<br />
<strong>of</strong> 'two cultural currents' became clear: ( 1) <strong>the</strong><br />
Tang-Viet Buddhist culture <strong>of</strong> Giao, militarily<br />
dependent upon Tang, and (2) <strong>the</strong> anti-Tang<br />
elements, many <strong>of</strong> whom had sided with Nanchao<br />
and fled into <strong>the</strong> mountains with <strong>the</strong> attack<br />
<strong>of</strong>Kao P'ien. 28<br />
Tenth Century: establishment <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Vietnamese<br />
State in AD 965<br />
A number <strong>of</strong> sou<strong>the</strong>rn leaders lead <strong>the</strong> way to<br />
complete independence for Vietnam in <strong>the</strong> tenth<br />
century, including <strong>the</strong> following:<br />
Dltdng f)inh Ngh~. A general from Ai who<br />
rebelled and ruled in Giao from 931, and was<br />
killed in 937. (Taylor: 265)<br />
Ng6 Quy&l. From Budng-lam (one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
sou<strong>the</strong>rn toponyms relocated north discussed<br />
above), <strong>the</strong> son-in-law <strong>of</strong> Budng f)inh Ngh~<br />
who was given a military command in Ai. He<br />
took control <strong>of</strong> Giao after <strong>the</strong> assassination <strong>of</strong><br />
his fa<strong>the</strong>r-in-law, defeated <strong>the</strong> Chinese from<br />
Canton in 938, and died in 944. His court is<br />
described as very traditionally Chinese (Taylor:<br />
267ft).<br />
f)inh B(} Linh. Succeeded his fa<strong>the</strong>r who<br />
served as governor <strong>of</strong> Hoan under Budng Binh<br />
Ngh~ and Ngo Quy~n, and, following <strong>the</strong> death<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> king in 963, established <strong>the</strong> independent<br />
kingdom <strong>of</strong>f)ai Co Vi~t in 965. To accomplish<br />
this he relied primarily on support from his own<br />
army from Ai and an army <strong>of</strong> thirty thousand<br />
from Hoan led by his son. In good Chinese<br />
tradition he took <strong>the</strong> title <strong>of</strong> Emperor in 966<br />
(Taylor: 275ft).<br />
Conclusions<br />
1. Sek is a small language with farreaching<br />
implications. In <strong>the</strong> field <strong>of</strong><br />
comparative and historical Tai it is <strong>the</strong><br />
key to <strong>the</strong> reconstruction <strong>of</strong> Proto-Tail<br />
Be-Tai initial consonants. For Tai and<br />
Vietnamese history, accounting for <strong>the</strong><br />
location <strong>of</strong> Sek provokes a complete<br />
rethinking <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> basic premises upon<br />
which that history has stood for many<br />
hundreds <strong>of</strong> years. <strong>The</strong> re-working <strong>of</strong><br />
this history will entail <strong>the</strong><br />
reinterpretation <strong>of</strong> Chinese historical<br />
records in <strong>the</strong> light <strong>of</strong> linguistic<br />
evidence from both Tai-Kadai and<br />
Austroasiatic.<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2<br />
43
James R. Chamberlain<br />
2. Many questions remain unanswered. <strong>The</strong><br />
precise dates when <strong>the</strong> ethnic Vie1namese<br />
actually replaced <strong>the</strong> Tai in <strong>the</strong> Delta are<br />
uncertain, but this must have occurred<br />
sometime between <strong>the</strong> seventh and <strong>the</strong><br />
ninth centuries. 29 From an ethnolinguistic<br />
perspective <strong>the</strong> Vietics were originally<br />
non-sedentary inhabitants <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> interior<br />
(as evidenced by <strong>the</strong>ir lack <strong>of</strong> an ludicbased<br />
writing system), one branch <strong>of</strong><br />
which became heavily Sinicized (<strong>the</strong><br />
Vietnamese) and ano<strong>the</strong>r <strong>of</strong> which<br />
became heavily Tai infulenced (<strong>the</strong><br />
Mudng---cf. Condominas 1980).<br />
Was Nor<strong>the</strong>rn Tai split into two<br />
branches Ou and Yi, both <strong>of</strong> which<br />
were represented in <strong>the</strong> continuum south<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Delta? If so, as <strong>the</strong> evidence<br />
suggests, <strong>the</strong>n to which group did Sek<br />
belong? And this leads to ano<strong>the</strong>r<br />
interesting possibility that results from<br />
our suspicion that Sek is not <strong>the</strong> original<br />
ethnonym. That is, <strong>the</strong> example <strong>of</strong> Sek<br />
also gives us an example <strong>of</strong> entry from<br />
Vietnam into Laos that may also apply<br />
to Yooy, who are found only on <strong>the</strong><br />
Nakai plateau and in adjacent areas <strong>of</strong><br />
Gnommarath District along <strong>the</strong> foot <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> lower Ak escarpment.<br />
Geographically <strong>the</strong>y are <strong>the</strong> next-door<br />
neighbors <strong>of</strong> Sek. And <strong>the</strong> closest and<br />
oldest mention <strong>of</strong> this ethnonym appears<br />
in Robequain's monograph (1929) on<br />
Thanh Hoa (formerly Ciru-chiin and<br />
later Ai) where <strong>the</strong> 'Yoi' are described<br />
as <strong>the</strong> oldest, but now extinct,<br />
population. Thus one hypo<strong>the</strong>sis might<br />
be that <strong>the</strong> Y ooy in Gnommarath are<br />
<strong>the</strong> Sek who became Southwestemized,<br />
whereas <strong>the</strong> Sek proper, were in fact<br />
<strong>the</strong> Y oi who remained on <strong>the</strong> east <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Cordillera, not arriving in Laos until<br />
approximately 300 years ago. To some<br />
extent this parallels <strong>the</strong> relationship <strong>of</strong><br />
Mene and Nyo, <strong>the</strong> Nyo likewise having<br />
become Southwestemized, probably<br />
through contact with Phou Thay<br />
beginning in Nghe An.<br />
Note also that 'Mudng,' a Tai<br />
word applied to <strong>the</strong> non-Sinicized<br />
relatives <strong>of</strong> Vietnamese in Thanh Hoa<br />
Notes<br />
and Hoa Binh, is used as an ethnonym<br />
for Tai speakers in Nghe An, indicating<br />
that <strong>the</strong> Vietic Mudng must have<br />
dispersed northward from this area, after<br />
adopting a sedentary livelihood under<br />
Thay Muc1ng influence. What was <strong>the</strong><br />
nature <strong>of</strong> this influence and what are<br />
<strong>the</strong> linguistic and cultural traces?<br />
Finally, what is <strong>the</strong> ethnolinguistic<br />
history <strong>of</strong>Phong? Situated between <strong>the</strong><br />
Da and <strong>the</strong> HcSng (known as <strong>the</strong> Te and<br />
<strong>the</strong> Tao to Tai speakers), it is also on<br />
<strong>the</strong> nor<strong>the</strong>rn edge <strong>of</strong> Mudng-speaking<br />
territory. Phong was usually a willing<br />
participant <strong>of</strong> uprisings originating in<br />
Roan and Ai. It is fur<strong>the</strong>rmore <strong>the</strong><br />
ethnonym <strong>of</strong> several old Khmuic groups<br />
now located in Houa Phanh; an<br />
ethnonym for Vietic groups in Nghe<br />
An and Khamkeut; an administrative<br />
term in Black Tai and Lao; <strong>the</strong> personal<br />
name <strong>of</strong> important historical figures in<br />
Nghe An, Xieng Khwang, Louang<br />
Prabang, and Sip Song Chu Tai; and it<br />
appears in <strong>the</strong> province names <strong>of</strong>Phong<br />
ThO and Phongsaly. <strong>The</strong> true origins <strong>of</strong><br />
this word so far remain a mystery.<br />
3. To return to Haudricourt's original<br />
question, linguistic, historical, and<br />
cultural evidence indicates that Sek is<br />
<strong>the</strong> sou<strong>the</strong>rnmost extension <strong>of</strong> what was<br />
at one time a continuum <strong>of</strong> Nor<strong>the</strong>rn<br />
Branch Tai or Be-Sek speaking peoples<br />
extending from <strong>the</strong> Sino-Vietnamese<br />
frontier through <strong>the</strong> HcSng delta to <strong>the</strong><br />
modem provinces <strong>of</strong> Thanh Hoa, Nhge<br />
An, Quimg Binh, and eventually to <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
present locations in Laos, in Khamkeut<br />
District (adjacent to <strong>the</strong>·Ngan Siiu valley<br />
in <strong>the</strong> former Chinese Province <strong>of</strong> Ly<br />
or Tri) and in Nakai District (adjacent<br />
to <strong>the</strong> upper Giang valley, <strong>the</strong> former<br />
Chinese Province <strong>of</strong> Minh). That is to<br />
say, it did not result from <strong>the</strong> abrupt<br />
displacement <strong>of</strong> an original population<br />
from Guangdong.<br />
1 A version <strong>of</strong> this paper was presented as a keynote<br />
address at <strong>the</strong> International Conference on Tai Studies<br />
44<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
<strong>The</strong> origin <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sek: implications for Tai and Vietnamese history<br />
held by Mahidol University, July 29-31, 1998.<br />
2 I have retained <strong>the</strong> original spelling <strong>of</strong> Sek, ( 1)<br />
because it is consistant with <strong>the</strong> romanization used in<br />
Laos, and (2) because phonetically <strong>the</strong> vowel is really<br />
lei ra<strong>the</strong>r than I rei which is true for <strong>the</strong> Lao language<br />
as well.<br />
3 This scheme is somewhat outdated on <strong>the</strong> Kadai<br />
side where data has been sparse. Jerold Edmondson<br />
(p.c.) now believes that Laha, Buyang, Ain and Qabiao<br />
are closer to Kam-Tai, while Hlai, Gelao, Cunhua<br />
and Lachi are independent groups descending directly<br />
from <strong>the</strong> parent language.<br />
4 Originally, <strong>the</strong> modern province <strong>of</strong>Borikhamxay<br />
was part <strong>of</strong> a larger Khammouane Province, <strong>the</strong> name<br />
<strong>of</strong> which was taken from <strong>the</strong> town <strong>of</strong> Khammouane.<br />
This same Khammouane town, formerly a provincial<br />
capital, is now a subdistrict in Khamkeuth District in<br />
Borikhamxay Province.<br />
5 lnaa ml 'sou<strong>the</strong>rn paddy' was actually a separate<br />
village, now abandoned, about 2 km from Ban Beuk.<br />
6 Note that all <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se villages are located in Laos,<br />
not in Vietnam as implied in <strong>the</strong> Gedney materials.<br />
7 From unpublished fieldnotes <strong>of</strong> Khammanh<br />
Siphanxay, Institute <strong>of</strong> Cultural Research, Lao PDR.<br />
8 Ban Toeng is actually composed <strong>of</strong> two villages,<br />
<strong>the</strong> larger Ban Toeng which is located on <strong>the</strong> Nam<br />
Noy, and a smaller village called Ban Soek fur<strong>the</strong>r<br />
away from <strong>the</strong> Nam Noy which contains a mixture <strong>of</strong><br />
Sek and Brou households. Recently several families<br />
<strong>of</strong><strong>The</strong>marou have been resettled here as well.<br />
9 From Cham subdistrict in <strong>the</strong> nor<strong>the</strong>rn portion <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> district bodering <strong>the</strong> Vietnamese province <strong>of</strong>Nghe<br />
An, including <strong>the</strong> subdistricts <strong>of</strong> Lak Xao (Ban Phon<br />
Hong, Ban Houay Keo ); Khamkeut (Ban Phon Sa-at,<br />
Ban Phon Meuang Noy); Na Heuang (Lak 10, Lak<br />
12, Na Khi); Nam Sak (Ban Phon Ngam, Ban Sop<br />
Khi); Sop Chat (Ban Sop Chat, Ban Sop Mong, Ban<br />
Phon Keo, Ban Sene Sy, Ban Tham Bing, Ban Phiang<br />
Pone); Ka'ane (Ban <strong>The</strong>ne Kwang, Ban Pha Poun,<br />
Ban Phiang Pho, Ban Sane, Ban Kok Feuang); Phon<br />
Thoen (Keng Kwang, Ban Kato', Ban Kane Nha,<br />
Ban Keng Bit, Ban Sop Gnouang, Ban Yang Xao,<br />
Ban Tha Bak, Ban Kapap); Sop Pone (Ban Sot, Ban<br />
Tha Sala, Ban Boung Kham); and Tha Veng (Ban<br />
Phon Xay, Ban Kong Phat, Ban Xam Toey, Ban Na<br />
Khwan, Ban Phou Viang).<br />
10 <strong>The</strong> difficulties <strong>of</strong>locating toponyms in Vietnam<br />
is complicated by <strong>the</strong> fact that so many places have<br />
more than one name as in <strong>the</strong> case <strong>of</strong> Xieng Mene<br />
and Xieng My mentioned here. For example, <strong>the</strong><br />
Song Ca River is also known variously as Nam Lam,<br />
Nam Pao, or Nam Noen depending on <strong>the</strong> portion <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> river, <strong>the</strong> country, or <strong>the</strong> ethnicity <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> people<br />
who use <strong>the</strong> name.<br />
11 This lexeme, incidentally, appears to have a<br />
cognate in Kam-Sui, as well as a contact form in<br />
Cham (Austronesian).<br />
12 A recent article by Houmphanh Rattanavong<br />
( 1996) suggests that <strong>the</strong> Quy Chiiu script is descended<br />
directly from an Indic Pallava source transported to<br />
nor<strong>the</strong>rn Vietnam in <strong>the</strong> first century AD. Since this<br />
and <strong>the</strong> following century was <strong>the</strong> beginning <strong>of</strong> a<br />
period which saw <strong>the</strong> introduction <strong>of</strong> considerable<br />
Buddhist influence from India into Giao-clii this<br />
hypo<strong>the</strong>sis is plausible although <strong>the</strong> details have yet<br />
to be explicated. <strong>The</strong> presence <strong>of</strong> a large population<br />
<strong>of</strong> Indians and Central Asians in Giao-clii was wellrecorded<br />
by Chinese historians, and was especially<br />
notable during <strong>the</strong> governorship <strong>of</strong> Shih Hsieh in <strong>the</strong><br />
latter part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 2nd century AD, where <strong>the</strong> rise <strong>of</strong><br />
Buddhism flourished in <strong>the</strong> waning years <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Han<br />
(cf. Taylor 80ft). <strong>The</strong> ethnic identity <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> main<br />
population <strong>of</strong> Giao-clii, however, was most probably<br />
Tai or Be-Tai, ra<strong>the</strong>r than 'Vietnamese' in <strong>the</strong> modern<br />
sense <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> term (Chamberlain 1992).<br />
13 MC = Middle Chinese. This is <strong>the</strong> Chinese<br />
reconstructed by Karlgren (1923) and called by him<br />
Ancient Chinese spoken in <strong>the</strong> 6th c. AD as distinct<br />
from his Archaic Chinese. <strong>The</strong> character references<br />
are to <strong>the</strong> 1923 work. Unfortunately Karlgren's<br />
reconstruction <strong>of</strong> Archaic Chinese published in 1957<br />
under <strong>the</strong> title Grammatica Serica Recensa at<br />
Goteborg, is not available to me at <strong>the</strong> time <strong>of</strong> this<br />
writing. I will leave it to those more knowlegeable in<br />
<strong>the</strong> field <strong>of</strong> Chinese linguistics to <strong>of</strong>fer more definitive<br />
reconstructions. But for <strong>the</strong> time being, <strong>the</strong>se may<br />
serve as illustrative.<br />
14 Jerold Edmondson (p.c.) pointed out to me <strong>the</strong> 3-<br />
way distinction in <strong>the</strong> romanized syllable Yi, between<br />
Yi (Tibeto-Burrnan); Yi (Kadai); and Yi (Tai). Tai<br />
languages invariably show <strong>the</strong> C tone for this word.<br />
15 Phong et. al. ( 1988), however, claim that <strong>the</strong><br />
languages in Ha Tinh and Quang Binh are collectively<br />
known as Chr.it, a word <strong>the</strong>y say means 'mountain' in<br />
<strong>the</strong> Rife language <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> area, that is, 'mountain people,'<br />
referring to <strong>the</strong>ir preferred habitat in higher altitudes<br />
near river sources. This appellation, <strong>the</strong>y imply,<br />
includes Arem, Rpc, Malieng, May (Czrdi), and perhaps<br />
<strong>the</strong> more sedentary Sach, but presumably excludes <strong>the</strong><br />
sedentary Ngu6n. <strong>The</strong>refore, Chlrt, Nguo'n, and Nha<br />
Lang, although <strong>the</strong>y are more general terms, are not<br />
widely recognized. Muimg on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand, aside<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2<br />
45
James R. Chamberlain<br />
from its being a term for a specific group <strong>of</strong> dialects<br />
quite distant from <strong>the</strong> Vietic speakers to <strong>the</strong> south, is<br />
too easily confused with <strong>the</strong> Tai ethnonym in Nghe<br />
An. As we have seen, even <strong>the</strong> term V i?t is a Chinese<br />
word, but in lieu <strong>of</strong> any better proposals at <strong>the</strong> present,<br />
'Vietic' will be used here to refer to this branch, as has<br />
been <strong>the</strong> common practice in recent years in most<br />
academic literature published in English.<br />
16 <strong>The</strong>se cultures are <strong>of</strong> a similar type to those<br />
found in Laos as described by Phong et. al. (1988),<br />
focusing on <strong>the</strong> Rgc. He writes:<br />
. . . les Rvc vivent dans Ia fon!lt pr<strong>of</strong>onde,<br />
cherchant refuge dans les cavernes ou sous des<br />
abris de fortune faits de branchages. Refusant le<br />
contact avec les etrangers, difficilement<br />
abordables, ils menent une veritable existence de<br />
nomades chasseurs-cuilleurs dans Ia Cordillere<br />
annamitique. Comme vetements, ces hommes<br />
portent des pagnes en ecorce d'arbre sechee. Ils<br />
vivent trois mois par an de cultures sur bn1lis<br />
pratiquees pendant Ia saison seche, de janvier a<br />
avril.<br />
This is <strong>the</strong> only mention <strong>of</strong> cave-dwelling, although<br />
o<strong>the</strong>r Vietnamese sorces may address this subject.<br />
No mention was made <strong>of</strong> this practice during our<br />
fieldwork in Laos.<br />
17 This system is based upon a modification <strong>of</strong> sets<br />
<strong>of</strong> phenomena suggested by Benjamin (!985) as<br />
applicable to <strong>the</strong> differentiation <strong>of</strong> Semang, Senoi,<br />
and Malay groups in peninsular Malasia.<br />
18 I will use Yue to indicate <strong>the</strong> ethnonym used in<br />
<strong>the</strong> historical records, and Viet or Vietnamese to<br />
refer to <strong>the</strong> modern ethnic group and national<br />
language. It is indicative <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> identity crisis faced<br />
by <strong>the</strong> Vietnamese that <strong>the</strong> two terms used to describe<br />
<strong>the</strong> main languages <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> country, Vi~t and Mu
<strong>The</strong> origin <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sek: implications for Tai and Vietnamese history<br />
Canton appear <strong>the</strong> Tan, whose ancient speech is quite<br />
unknown.'<br />
26 <strong>The</strong> extant Chinese sources are not detailed.<br />
Taylor notes (p. 331ft) that <strong>the</strong> hero's name in <strong>the</strong><br />
Chinese sources is Dfi Anh Han, <strong>the</strong> last syllable <strong>of</strong><br />
which fits with one <strong>of</strong> Cheuang's names, Cheuang<br />
Han. <strong>The</strong> Vietnamese Vi~t fJi~n u linh tQ.p, a<br />
fourteenth century text, cites a non-extant Chinese<br />
work, Chiao chou chi, by <strong>the</strong> protector general Chao<br />
Ch' ang (AD 791 ). Taylor also notes that <strong>the</strong> toponyms<br />
and titles used in <strong>the</strong> account are peculiar to<br />
Vietnamese historiography <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> post independence<br />
period, not to Chinese history, so much may have<br />
been added or changed for political purposes.<br />
27 This is perhaps in Tai /phoo 84 faac 4 boAIB 4 '<br />
'fa<strong>the</strong>r+sky+Lo' or Khun Lo, who descended from<br />
heaven to defeat Cheuang in <strong>the</strong> epic, although 'fa<strong>the</strong>r'<br />
has <strong>the</strong> wrong tone.<br />
28 Taylor relates <strong>the</strong>se two groups to Vietnamese<br />
and Mudng based on an article by NguySn Linh and<br />
Hoang Xuan Chinh-f>dt nude va con nguc1i thc1i<br />
Hl:mg Vudng, in Hi'mg Vudng dl/llg nucic, edited by<br />
Uy ban khoa hQC xa hQi 3:91-112. Hanoi, 1973.<br />
Hayes (1992) however, having carried out a detailed<br />
glottochronological analysis, dates <strong>the</strong> separation <strong>of</strong><br />
Vietnamese and Mudng at 1255 ± 165 years, that is<br />
<strong>the</strong> twelth century at <strong>the</strong> earliest.<br />
29 <strong>The</strong> majority <strong>of</strong> Chinese loanwords in Vietnamese<br />
are <strong>of</strong> Tang (MC) origin (Vudng 1975).<br />
References<br />
[For references to specific editions <strong>of</strong> primary<br />
sources in Chinese and Vietnamese see<br />
Aurousseau: 1923; Gaspardone: 1955; Schafer<br />
1967; and Taylor 1983 below.]<br />
Aurousseau, Leonard. 1923. Le premiere conquete<br />
chinoise des pays annamites. Bulletin de I' Ecole<br />
:fran9aise d' Extreme-Orient XXIII. 137-264.<br />
Benjamin, Ge<strong>of</strong>frey. 1985. In <strong>the</strong> long term: three<br />
<strong>the</strong>mes in Malayan Cultural Ecology. in Cultural<br />
Values and Human Ecology in Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asia.<br />
eds. K. Hutterer, T. Rambo, and G. Lovelace.<br />
Michigan Papers on South and Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asian<br />
Studies. <strong>The</strong> University <strong>of</strong> Michigan. Number 27.<br />
Cadiere, M.L. 1905. Les Haute Vallees du Song<br />
Gianh. Bulletin de I' Ecole fran9aise d' Extreme<br />
OrientV: 349-367.<br />
Chamberlain, James R. 1991a. <strong>The</strong> efficacy <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> P/<br />
PH distinction in Tai languages. in <strong>The</strong> Ram<br />
Khamhaeng Controversy: Collected Papers. ed.<br />
J.R.Chamberlain, <strong>The</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>.<br />
1991 b. Tai-Kadai Considerations in Sou<strong>the</strong>rn Chinese<br />
and Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asian Prehistory. <strong>The</strong> High Bronze<br />
Age <strong>of</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asia and South China. Hua<br />
Hin, January 14-19, 1991.<br />
1991c. Mene: A Tai dialect originally spoken in Nghe<br />
An (Nghe Tinh), Vietnam-Preliminary linguistic<br />
observations and historical implications. <strong>Journal</strong><br />
<strong>of</strong><strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>79: 103-123.<br />
1992. <strong>The</strong> Black Tai Chronicle <strong>of</strong> Muang Mouay,<br />
<strong>Part</strong> I: Mythology. <strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> Mon-Khmer<br />
Studies. XXI.I9-55.<br />
1997. Nature and Culture in <strong>the</strong> Nakai-Nam <strong>The</strong>un<br />
Conservation Area. (forthcoming)<br />
Chamberlain, James R., Charles Alton, Latsamay<br />
Silavong, and Bounleung Philavong. 1996. Socioeconomic<br />
and Cultural Survey: Nam <strong>The</strong>un 2<br />
Hydroelectric Project Area. (2 vols) CARE<br />
International/Laos.<br />
Chamberlain, James R., Charles Alton, Latsamay<br />
Silavong, Panh Phamsombath, Khammanh<br />
Siphanxay. 1997. Social Action Plan: Cultural<br />
Diversity and Socio-economic Development in<br />
<strong>the</strong> Context <strong>of</strong> Conservation. (<strong>Vol</strong> II <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Environmental and Social Action Plan for Nakai<br />
Nam <strong>The</strong>un Catchment and Corridor Areas).<br />
IUCN, Vientiane.<br />
Condominas, Georges. 1980. L 'Espace Sociale: A<br />
Propos de l'Asie du Sud-Est. Flammarion, Paris.<br />
Cuisinier, Jeanne. 1948. Les Mu 'o 'ng: geographique<br />
humaine et sociologie. Paris, Institute<br />
d'Ethnologie.<br />
Eberhard, W. 1968. <strong>The</strong> Local Cultures <strong>of</strong> South and<br />
East China. Leiden: E. J. Brill.<br />
Finot, Louis. 1917. Recherches sur Ia Litterature<br />
Laotienne. Bulletin de I' Ecole fran9aise d'<br />
Extreme-Orient 17.5.<br />
Gaspardone, Emile. 1955. Champs Lo et Champs<br />
Hiong. <strong>Journal</strong> Asiatique 243: 461-77.<br />
Gedney, William J. 1993. <strong>The</strong> Saek Language:<br />
Glossary, Texts, and Translations. ed. Thomas J.<br />
Hudak. Michigan Papers on South and Sou<strong>the</strong>ast<br />
Asia No. 41, Center for South and Sou<strong>the</strong>ast<br />
Asian Studies, <strong>The</strong> University <strong>of</strong> Michigan, Ann<br />
Arbor.<br />
Haudricourt, Andre-G. 1958. Les Sek de Ia province<br />
du Cammon (Laos), migration thai ou deportation<br />
chinoise? <strong>Journal</strong> Asiatique 246:107-08.<br />
Hayes, La Vaughn H. 1982. <strong>The</strong> mutation <strong>of</strong> R in<br />
pre-Thavung. Mon-Khmer Studies 12: 91-122.<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s I & 2<br />
47
James R. Chamberlain<br />
__ . 1992. Vietic and Viet-Muong: a new<br />
subgrouping. Mon-Khmer Studies 21: 211-28.<br />
Houmphanh Rattanavong. 1996. Quy Chau's Script.<br />
Lanxang Heritage <strong>Journal</strong>! (2): 1-40.<br />
Jao Tsung-1. 1969. Wu Yueh wen-hua. BIHP<br />
Academica Sinica 41 (4): 609-36.<br />
Karlgren, Bernhard. 1923. Analytic Dictionary <strong>of</strong><br />
Chinese and Sino-Japanese. Reprinted 1974.<br />
Dover, New York.<br />
Luppe, Albert. 1934. Muongs de Cua-Rao: Etude<br />
Monographique. Imp. d'Extreme-Orient, Hanoi.<br />
Macey, Paul. 1907. Etude ethnographique et<br />
linguistique sue les K'Katiam-Pong-Houk, dits:<br />
Thai Pong (Province du Cammon-Laos). Revue<br />
Indochinoise 5: 1411-24.<br />
Maspero, Henri. 1912. Etude sur Ia phonetique<br />
historique de Ia langue annamite: les initiates.<br />
Bulletin de 1' Ecole fran9aise d' Extreme-Orient<br />
12 (1): 1-127.<br />
Morev, L. N. 1988. <strong>The</strong> Sek Language. Moscow:<br />
Nauka.<br />
Ngo E>uc Thjnh. 1977. (Sur Ia repartition et<br />
!'appellation administative des villages a Quang<br />
Binh avant Ia revolution d'Aout.) La campagne<br />
vietnamienne a tra.vers l'histoire. Hanoi: Nha x.b.<br />
Khoa hQC xa hOi, pp 40 1-416.<br />
NguyBn Linh and Hoang Xuan Chinh. 1973. E>~t<br />
nude va con nguCii thCii Himg Vuong. in Hrmg<br />
Vltdng dl/llg nucic, edited by Uy ban khoa hQc<br />
xa h9i 3:91-112. Hanoi.<br />
NguyBn PhU-Phong, Trfut Tri-Doi, and M. Ferlus. **<br />
(no date) Lexique Vietnamien-Rqc-Francais.<br />
Universite de Paris VIII, Sudestasie.<br />
Placzek, James A. 1998. Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asia as <strong>the</strong> cradle<br />
<strong>of</strong> Asian culture-and <strong>the</strong> place <strong>of</strong> Tai within it.<br />
First International Conference on Tai Studies,<br />
Bangkok, July 29-31. Mahidol University.<br />
Robequain, Charles. 1929. Le Thanh Hoa. Ecole<br />
fran9aise d' Extreme-Orient, Paris et Bruxelles.<br />
Robert, R. 1941. Notes sur les Tay Deng de Lang<br />
Chlinh (Thanh Hoa-Annam). Institute<br />
Indochinois pour I' Etude de l'Homme, Memoire<br />
No.1. Imp. d'Extreme-Orient, Hanoi.<br />
Schafer, Edward H. 1967. <strong>The</strong> Vermillion Bird.<br />
University <strong>of</strong> California Press, Berkely.<br />
Taylor, Keith W. 1983. <strong>The</strong> Birth <strong>of</strong> Vietnam.<br />
University <strong>of</strong> California Press, Berkeley.<br />
Vo Xuan Trang. 1987. Situation preoccupante des<br />
Rue de Binh Tri Thien. Song Huong 28, Hue.<br />
Vuong, LQc. 1975. Glimpses <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> evolution <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Vietnamese language. Linguistic Essays<br />
(Vietnamese Studies 40).<br />
KEYWORDS-HISTORICAL LINGUIS<br />
TICS, SOUTHEAST ASIA, LAOS, VIET<br />
NAM, SEK, SACH, TAl<br />
48<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
LUE ETHNICITY IN NATIONAL CONTEXT:<br />
A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF TAl LUE COMMUNITIES<br />
IN THAILAND AND LAOS<br />
Paul T. Cohen*<br />
Abstract<br />
<strong>The</strong> Lue are a Tai-speaking people whose home land is <strong>the</strong> Sip Song Panna<br />
region <strong>of</strong> Yunnan, China. <strong>The</strong>re are also large Lue populations in Thailand<br />
and Laos. This paper compares Lue communities in nor<strong>the</strong>rn Laos (Muang<br />
Sing) and nor<strong>the</strong>rn Thailand (Nan}, focusing on <strong>the</strong> relation between Lue<br />
ethnic identification and territorial cults. I seek to explain <strong>the</strong> transformation<br />
<strong>of</strong> Lue ethnic identity in terms <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> way <strong>the</strong> Lue relate to <strong>the</strong> nation-state<br />
and, in particular, to discourses <strong>of</strong> national culture and development.<br />
Michael Moerman, in his paper 'Ethnic Identity<br />
in a Complex <strong>Society</strong>: Who are <strong>the</strong> Lue?' (1965),<br />
noted that for <strong>the</strong> Lue villagers <strong>of</strong> Ban Ping <strong>of</strong><br />
Chiang Rai province in nor<strong>the</strong>rn Thailand,<br />
identification as Lue did not preclude <strong>the</strong>m from<br />
identifying as Thai in some contexts. <strong>The</strong> point<br />
is reiterated in a more recent publication: 'But<br />
<strong>the</strong> Thai-Lue <strong>of</strong> Ban Ping have always been<br />
both Thai and Lue' (Moerman and Miller 1989:<br />
317). This might be so but in <strong>the</strong> early 1960s<br />
identification as Thai was obviously very weak.<br />
<strong>The</strong>n, Ban Ping was physically isolated by poor<br />
roads. Contact with <strong>the</strong> Thai state was largely<br />
limited to <strong>the</strong> payment <strong>of</strong> taxes for which <strong>the</strong><br />
Lue felt <strong>the</strong>y received little or nothing in return,<br />
and central Thai <strong>of</strong>ficials were feared and<br />
distrusted. In response, <strong>the</strong> Lue <strong>of</strong> Ban Ping<br />
<strong>of</strong>ten spoke nostalgically <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 'Old Country'<br />
in Sip Song Panna in sou<strong>the</strong>rn China in<br />
recounting legends <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir migration in <strong>the</strong> mid<br />
nineteenth century from Muang Phong in that<br />
region (1967: 406; 1968: 13). Moerman<br />
concluded that at <strong>the</strong> time 'ethnic identification<br />
as a minority people can sometimes impede<br />
national identification' (1967:406). Returning<br />
to Ban Ping in <strong>the</strong> mid 1980s Moerman and<br />
Miller found <strong>the</strong> village much more diverse<br />
occupationally; villagers had extensive contacts<br />
with <strong>the</strong> outside world; <strong>the</strong> government was<br />
perceived as a benign source <strong>of</strong> assistance (e.g.,<br />
for education, employment, health services,<br />
agricultural information, and development<br />
funds). Consequently, 'villagers now more <strong>of</strong>ten<br />
feel <strong>the</strong>mselves to be citizens <strong>of</strong> a nation ra<strong>the</strong>r<br />
than members <strong>of</strong> a disadvantaged minority<br />
group'. However, <strong>the</strong>y add: '<strong>The</strong>ir distinctiveness<br />
is now being lost into <strong>the</strong> stream <strong>of</strong><br />
national culture' (Moerman and Miller 1989:<br />
317).<br />
In this paper, following Moerman and<br />
Miller's precedent, I examine Lue ethnic<br />
identification in national context, though I extend<br />
my analysis beyond Thailand to compare Tai<br />
Lue communities in Nan in nor<strong>the</strong>rn Thailand<br />
with those in Muang Sing in nor<strong>the</strong>rn Laos. In<br />
this comparative study I also focus on <strong>the</strong> relation<br />
between Lue ethnicity and territorial cults <strong>of</strong><br />
guardian spirits that link <strong>the</strong> Lue to <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
ancestors.<br />
In Nan it cannot be said that Lue identity<br />
has been swamped by national culture. On <strong>the</strong><br />
contrary, <strong>the</strong>re has been a Lue cultural revival<br />
<strong>of</strong> a kind in some Lue villages in Nan; but it is a<br />
• Senior Lecturer in Anthropology, School <strong>of</strong><br />
Behavioural Sciences, Macquarie University, Sydney,<br />
NSW 2109, Australia: e-mail: <br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s I & 2<br />
49
Paul T. Cohen<br />
revival linked closely with national culture, <strong>the</strong><br />
manner in which national culture constructs Lue<br />
identity, and state intervention in rural<br />
development. In Muang Sing, by contrast, Lue<br />
ethnic consciousness is an example <strong>of</strong> what<br />
Charles Keyes (1993: 44) has termed 'localized<br />
ethnic identity', that is, a local identity that is<br />
unself-consciously 'rooted in tradition' and 'not<br />
challenged by those who seek to impose a<br />
national hegemony on peoples with different<br />
cultural heritages' (ibid.: 46).<br />
<strong>The</strong> political origin <strong>of</strong> Lue ethnicity<br />
George Condominas (1990:37-38) claims that<br />
<strong>the</strong> first phase in <strong>the</strong> evolution <strong>of</strong> Tai political<br />
systems was one in which loose 'confederations'<br />
<strong>of</strong> Tai principalities (muang) were formed as<br />
<strong>the</strong> Tai 'war chiefs' pushed westward from what<br />
is now nor<strong>the</strong>rn Vietnam and north-eastern Laos.<br />
<strong>The</strong> second phase was a consequence <strong>of</strong> one<br />
chief imposing his authority on a group <strong>of</strong><br />
muang, <strong>the</strong>reby creating a larger, more<br />
centralized state, for example, Lan Na centred<br />
on Chiang Mai, Lan Sang on Luang Prabang<br />
and <strong>Siam</strong> on Ayutthaya. <strong>The</strong>se new, more<br />
centralized states comprised a 'kingdom <strong>of</strong><br />
kingdoms' (Lehman 1984: 243). <strong>The</strong> Lue<br />
kingdom <strong>of</strong> Sip Song Panna represents ano<strong>the</strong>r<br />
example <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> general Tai pattern <strong>of</strong> political<br />
organization, with <strong>the</strong> Lue king (Chao Phaen<br />
Din: "Lord <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Land') ruling over a number<br />
<strong>of</strong> principalities and <strong>the</strong>ir princes (Chao Muang:<br />
'Lords <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Principality') 1 •<br />
According to Moerman (1965: 1223), Tai<br />
'tribal' names (Lue, Khoen, Khon Muang, Lao,<br />
etc), are political in origin. This view gains<br />
support from <strong>the</strong> fact that <strong>the</strong> names <strong>of</strong> states<br />
(muang) and <strong>of</strong> ethnic entities 'exhibit parallel<br />
variation'. Thus, those who identify <strong>the</strong>mselves<br />
as Lue can claim origin from <strong>the</strong> state <strong>of</strong> Sip<br />
Song Panna (earlier known as Muang Lue). But<br />
in o<strong>the</strong>r contexts <strong>the</strong>se Lue may also identify as<br />
Y ong, Lue Muang Phong, Lue Muang La, Lue<br />
Muang Sing, etc. that is, Lue who originate<br />
from smaller muang <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> kingdom <strong>of</strong> Sip Song<br />
Panna or at least within its political orbit. <strong>The</strong><br />
relative autonomy and localized identity <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se<br />
smaller muang were arguably reinforced by <strong>the</strong><br />
limited political sway <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> king (largely<br />
restricted to <strong>the</strong> capital, Chiang Rung and<br />
adjacent muang) and by <strong>the</strong> political instability<br />
caused by frequent civil wars in <strong>the</strong> nineteenth<br />
century (Tanabe 1988: 5).<br />
We can trace <strong>the</strong> political origin <strong>of</strong> Muang<br />
Sing to <strong>the</strong> founding <strong>of</strong> Chiang Khaeng in <strong>the</strong><br />
fourteenth century by Chao Fa Dek Noi, a Lue<br />
prince from Sip Song Panna 2 • Chiang Khaeng<br />
was located on <strong>the</strong> east bank <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Mekong<br />
River, near <strong>the</strong> confluence <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Luai and<br />
Mekong rivers. In c. 1858 <strong>the</strong> capital was<br />
transferred to <strong>the</strong> village <strong>of</strong> Ban Yu on <strong>the</strong><br />
western side <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Mekong (Grabowsky and<br />
Kaspar-Sickermannn: 8). In 1885 <strong>the</strong> ruler, Chao<br />
Fa Silinor, again relocated <strong>the</strong> capital to <strong>the</strong><br />
valley <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sing River, some 60 kilometres<br />
sou<strong>the</strong>ast. Chao Fa Silinor brought about a<br />
thousand <strong>of</strong> his subjects with him but most new<br />
settlers came from <strong>the</strong> nearby principalities <strong>of</strong><br />
sou<strong>the</strong>rn Sip Song Panna: Muang La, Muang<br />
Phong, Muang Yuan, Muang Hun and Muang<br />
Mang. <strong>The</strong> documents <strong>of</strong> that period refer to <strong>the</strong><br />
new capital alternatively as 'Muang Sing' and<br />
'Chiang Khaeng' (ibid.: 10). Nei<strong>the</strong>r Chiang<br />
Khaeng nor Muang Sing was ever incorporated<br />
into <strong>the</strong> kingdom <strong>of</strong> Sip Song Panna. Ra<strong>the</strong>r<br />
<strong>the</strong>y remained small, semi-autonomous Lue<br />
states that were variously peripheral sub-vassals<br />
to China, Burma and <strong>Siam</strong> via <strong>the</strong> intermediary<br />
states <strong>of</strong> Sip Song Panna, Chiang Tung, Chiang<br />
Mai, and Nan. In <strong>the</strong> late nineteenth century<br />
Muang Sing was called 'a principality under<br />
three overlords' (muang samfaifa), those being<br />
Chiang Mai and Nan (tributaries <strong>of</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>) and<br />
Chiang Tung (tributary <strong>of</strong> Burma). As a result<br />
<strong>of</strong> border negotiations between Britain and<br />
France, Muang Sing became an autonomous<br />
polity under French protection in 1896. It only<br />
came under direct French rule in 1916 following<br />
a rebellion led by Chao Ong Kham (son and<br />
successor <strong>of</strong> Chao Fa Silinor). Never<strong>the</strong>less<br />
Muang Sing, under French colonial rule and<br />
subsequent royalist and communist governments<br />
<strong>of</strong> independent Laos, has preserved a strong<br />
sense <strong>of</strong> local autonomy and identity as '<strong>the</strong><br />
secret capital <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Lue in Laos' (ibid.: 16).<br />
<strong>The</strong> cult <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> guardian spirits and localized<br />
ethnic identity in Muang Sing<br />
Keyes briefly visited Muang Sing in 1991 and<br />
came to <strong>the</strong> conclusion that here Lue ethnic<br />
50<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
Lue ethnicity in national context<br />
consciousness exemplifies what he calls<br />
'localized ethnic identity' (1993: 44). He writes:<br />
'Local identities are perpetuated by stories,<br />
myths, and legends about forbears; in <strong>the</strong> case<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Lue, such stories link <strong>the</strong>m with premodem<br />
principalities known as <strong>the</strong> muang <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Lue. <strong>The</strong>re is little reason for such people to<br />
reflect on what Lue means because <strong>the</strong>re are<br />
few occasions when people find <strong>the</strong>mselves<br />
having to be self-conscious about who <strong>the</strong>y are'.<br />
He adds: 'I suspect that many <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> villagers in<br />
Chiang Kham district in nor<strong>the</strong>rn Thailand with<br />
whom Moerman worked in <strong>the</strong> late 1950s and<br />
early 1960s also called <strong>the</strong>mselves Lue for<br />
similar reasons' (ibid.:46).<br />
My own research in Muang Sing reveals<br />
that <strong>the</strong> 'stories, myths and legends about<br />
forbears', which have shaped localized ethnic<br />
identity and remain unchallenged by national<br />
discourses, are closely connected with <strong>the</strong> cult<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> muang guardian spirits (phi muang).<br />
<strong>The</strong> present guardian spirit cult <strong>of</strong> Muang<br />
Sing was initiated by Chao Fa Silinor. <strong>The</strong><br />
annual ritual was held on <strong>the</strong> 13th day <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 3rd<br />
Lue month (January) in a forested area near <strong>the</strong><br />
village <strong>of</strong> Chiang Mun less than a kilometre<br />
northwest <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> walled town <strong>of</strong> Muang Sing. It<br />
comprised <strong>the</strong> sacrifice <strong>of</strong> a black buffalo to <strong>the</strong><br />
32 guardian spirits (phi muang) <strong>of</strong>Muang Sing.<br />
<strong>The</strong> two main ritual <strong>of</strong>ficiants were <strong>the</strong> mor<br />
daeng (literally 'red doctor', referring to <strong>the</strong> red<br />
headdress) and mor luang ('great doctor'). <strong>The</strong><br />
mor daeng was responsible for <strong>the</strong> spearing <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> buffalo and <strong>the</strong> mor luang for <strong>the</strong> cutting up<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> buffalo and presentation <strong>of</strong> <strong>of</strong>ferings at a<br />
nearby shrine to <strong>the</strong> 32 guardian spirits. O<strong>the</strong>r<br />
ritual <strong>of</strong>ficiants included a specialist who<br />
invoked <strong>the</strong> spirits (mor khap ), a flautist (mor<br />
pao pi) and a female medium (thi nang).<br />
Fur<strong>the</strong>r details <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ritual need not concern<br />
us here. What is important is to emphasize is<br />
<strong>the</strong> collective nature <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ritual. First, all <strong>the</strong><br />
villagers <strong>of</strong> Muang Sing shared <strong>the</strong> cost <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
sacrificial buffalo, with contributions collected<br />
by <strong>the</strong> sub-district (taseng) headmen. Second,<br />
after <strong>of</strong>ferings were presented to <strong>the</strong> 32 guardian<br />
spirits and several guest spirits <strong>the</strong> remaining<br />
meat was divided between <strong>the</strong> assembled<br />
representatives <strong>of</strong> all <strong>the</strong> taseng and villages, to<br />
be eaten toge<strong>the</strong>r at <strong>the</strong> ritual site. It was thus at<br />
once a rite <strong>of</strong> communion with <strong>the</strong> guardian<br />
spirits and a rite <strong>of</strong> commensality between all<br />
<strong>the</strong> villages <strong>of</strong> Muang Sing.<br />
<strong>The</strong> traditional rulers (Chao Fa Silinor and<br />
Chao Ong Kham) and subsequently <strong>the</strong> French<br />
and Lao civil authorities used to sponsor <strong>the</strong><br />
annual cult ritual. However, <strong>the</strong> left-wing Pa<strong>the</strong>t<br />
Lao withdrew this patronage in 1973. About ten<br />
years ago <strong>the</strong> district <strong>of</strong>ficer (chao muang)<br />
prohibited buffalo sacrifice, claiming that it was<br />
wasteful. Yet <strong>the</strong> cult has survived, relatively<br />
unchanged, despite disassociation from political<br />
authority and lack <strong>of</strong> <strong>of</strong>ficial support. <strong>The</strong><br />
ceremony I witnessed in 1997 was attended by<br />
several hundred devotees, many bringing with<br />
<strong>the</strong>m gifts <strong>of</strong> candles to represent fellow<br />
villagers.<br />
<strong>The</strong> 32 guardian spirits <strong>of</strong> Muang Sing<br />
comprise quite recent historical figures such as<br />
Chao Fa Silinor and one <strong>of</strong> his wives, Nang<br />
Pinkaeo Lortfa, remote legendary figures such<br />
as Panya Tanhai 3 or spirits <strong>of</strong> mythical beings<br />
linked to <strong>the</strong> natural landscape, such as <strong>the</strong><br />
mermaid (ngeuak) Nang Phomkhiao. In <strong>the</strong><br />
words <strong>of</strong> one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> cult <strong>of</strong>ficiants, all 32 spirits<br />
'are ancestors whose spirits have shown<br />
beneficence towards <strong>the</strong> Tai Lue <strong>of</strong>Muang Sing'<br />
(banphaburut thi mi bunkhun tor Tai Lue Muang<br />
Sing). This beneficence is expressed in a several<br />
ways: <strong>the</strong> building or renovation <strong>of</strong> Buddhist<br />
temples and monuments, <strong>the</strong> exercise <strong>of</strong> 'power<br />
and influence' (idthiphon) and expertise in<br />
magical spells (wetmon katha).<br />
<strong>The</strong> identification <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> guardian spirits as<br />
'ancestors' (banphaburut) raises <strong>the</strong> issue <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> role <strong>of</strong> ancestors and ancestor worship among<br />
<strong>the</strong> Lue. According to one authoritative source:<br />
'<strong>The</strong>re is no evidence <strong>of</strong> an ancestor cult at any<br />
level <strong>of</strong> Lue society; <strong>the</strong> Lue (except for <strong>the</strong><br />
sinicized nobility) place little emphasis on<br />
remembering <strong>the</strong>ir ancestors, and pay little<br />
attention to kinship ties beyond those <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
immediate family' (LeBar et al. 1960: 209).<br />
This certainly does not apply to Muang Sing<br />
where great store is placed on ancestors in both<br />
Buddhist and non-Buddhist ceremonies. For<br />
example, a key ritual in what is widely<br />
considered <strong>the</strong> most important village-based<br />
Buddhist festival-Bun Than Tham-consists<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> transference <strong>of</strong> merit (bun) to ancestors.<br />
<strong>The</strong>se include recently deceased kin and more<br />
distant kin going back many generations (both<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2<br />
51
Paul T. Cohen<br />
are categories <strong>of</strong> consanguines to whom kinship<br />
is traced bilaterally). In <strong>the</strong> case <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> phi muang<br />
cult, ancestry is not based on consanguinity but<br />
on <strong>the</strong> identification <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> collectivity <strong>of</strong><br />
(ancestral) spirits with <strong>the</strong> territory <strong>of</strong> Muang<br />
Sing. <strong>The</strong> fact that <strong>the</strong>se ancestors are not<br />
dynastic ancestors, as in some Tai guardian spirit<br />
cults, no doubt makes <strong>the</strong> severance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> cult<br />
from political authority easier and allows <strong>the</strong><br />
ancestors to be identified purely with locality.<br />
Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, each <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 32 guardian spirits<br />
is identified with a particular feature <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
natural landscape within <strong>the</strong> Muang Sing valley:<br />
Doi Heua, a hill at <strong>the</strong> nor<strong>the</strong>rn end <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
valley; an area called Pak Bong at <strong>the</strong> sou<strong>the</strong>astern<br />
extremity <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> valley (near <strong>the</strong> main<br />
route leading to <strong>the</strong> Mekhong River via Muang<br />
Long and Chiang Kok); a lowland forested area<br />
called Pa Dong Mao, near <strong>the</strong> sou<strong>the</strong>rn most<br />
Lue village <strong>of</strong> Yang Piang; and Doi Chiangteum<br />
to <strong>the</strong> south-east, site <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> sacred Muang Sing<br />
reliquary (That Chiangteum) and overlooking<br />
<strong>the</strong> Nam Sing River and main route to Luang<br />
Nam Tha. Two spirits have <strong>the</strong>ir abodes at <strong>the</strong><br />
western and eastern flanks <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> valley near <strong>the</strong><br />
Lue villages <strong>of</strong> Tapao and Silimun respectively.<br />
Several spirits are identified with locations near<br />
waterways within <strong>the</strong> valley.<br />
According to Gehan Wijeyewardene (1993:<br />
163), a Tai muang is a 'river valley bounded by<br />
mountains . . . an ecological, agricultural unit in<br />
which <strong>the</strong> watershed and catchment provided<br />
<strong>the</strong> irrigation for wet-rice agriculture, and <strong>the</strong><br />
mountain passes articulated relations with <strong>the</strong><br />
outside world'. At <strong>the</strong> time <strong>of</strong> Chao Fa Silinor<br />
<strong>the</strong> centre <strong>of</strong> Muang Sing comprised a fortified<br />
town (wiang) surrounded by a moat and ear<strong>the</strong>n<br />
walls with gateways facing <strong>the</strong> four cardinal<br />
directions. In <strong>the</strong> centre <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> walled town was<br />
Silinor's palace (hor Chao Fa). <strong>The</strong> town was<br />
divided into four administrative sections: Chiang<br />
In, Chiang Cai, Chiang Yeun and Chiang Lae<br />
(where Lue <strong>of</strong>ficials related to <strong>the</strong> ruler resided)<br />
and was surrounded by ano<strong>the</strong>r four<br />
administrative areas called Muang Nam, Luang<br />
Wiang, Luang Nam Kaeo, and Yang Piang.<br />
This is what Nguyen Duy Thieu (1993) refers<br />
to as <strong>the</strong> 'middle area' which was 'intercalated<br />
between <strong>the</strong> centre and <strong>the</strong> outermost area'.<br />
Topographically <strong>the</strong> middle area 'remained in<br />
<strong>the</strong> limits <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> valley bottom' and was inhabited<br />
by Tai commoners (mostly Lue and some Tai<br />
Neua). <strong>The</strong> outermost area comprised <strong>the</strong><br />
surrounding mountains and was inhabited by<br />
Akha and Yao highlanders who practised<br />
swidden agriculture and who were collectively<br />
called Kha (literally, 'slaves'). <strong>The</strong>se were<br />
divided into administrative units called buak,<br />
each controlled by a Lue <strong>of</strong>ficial (with <strong>the</strong> title<br />
<strong>of</strong> Chao Buak) who exacted tribute and corvee<br />
labour".<br />
It can be argued that <strong>the</strong> collectivity <strong>of</strong><br />
guardian spirits and <strong>the</strong>ir abodes (enumerated<br />
in invocation and in sacred texts) provides a<br />
kind <strong>of</strong> spiritual map or sacral topography ,<br />
which has <strong>the</strong> cadastral function <strong>of</strong> setting <strong>the</strong><br />
physical limits to <strong>the</strong> Lue-inhabited political<br />
core <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> muang. It also serves to mark <strong>the</strong><br />
boundaries <strong>of</strong> Lue as an ethnic group both<br />
different from and superior to neighbouring<br />
highlanders. A French report on Muang Sing <strong>of</strong><br />
early this century comments on <strong>the</strong> 'proclivity<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Lue to surrender <strong>the</strong>mselves to pomp and<br />
pageantry as long as it gave <strong>the</strong>m <strong>the</strong> "illusion<br />
<strong>of</strong> being a great people" or at least being at <strong>the</strong><br />
top <strong>of</strong> an ethnic hierarchy which placed <strong>the</strong><br />
montagnards at <strong>the</strong> bottom' (Gunn 1989: 62).<br />
<strong>The</strong> villages <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Muang Sing valley have<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir own local cults centred on 'pillars <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
village' (lak ban or cai ban) and village guardian<br />
spirits (phi ban). <strong>The</strong> timing <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> annual<br />
propitiation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se local spirits varies from<br />
village to village and is not integrated with <strong>the</strong><br />
annual ritual <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> cult <strong>of</strong> muang guardian<br />
spirits5• Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, at <strong>the</strong> time <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
propitiation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> village spirits <strong>the</strong> village is<br />
ritually sealed <strong>of</strong>f from <strong>the</strong> outside world for<br />
periods <strong>of</strong> up to three days. It seems to me that a<br />
principal function <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> phi muang cult is to<br />
create, through its collective rituals, a sense <strong>of</strong><br />
local loyalty that transcends village autonomy<br />
and particularism.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Lue diaspora<br />
<strong>The</strong> Lue population <strong>of</strong> Sip Song Panna has been<br />
estimated as almost a quarter <strong>of</strong> a million<br />
(225,488) (Hsieh 1989: 62). Estimates for <strong>the</strong><br />
total Lue population <strong>of</strong> Laos vary from about<br />
100,000 to 125,000 6 • Moerman gives a figure <strong>of</strong><br />
50,000 Lue for Thailand (1968: 4) but this<br />
obviously does not include <strong>the</strong> Lue-Y ong<br />
52<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
Lue ethnicity in national context<br />
population <strong>of</strong> Lamphun Province which<br />
probably numbers between 240,000-320,000 7 •<br />
<strong>The</strong>re is also a sizeable Lue population in Burma<br />
to <strong>the</strong> west <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Mekong (e.g. in Muang Yong<br />
and Chiang Tung), though I have been unable<br />
to discover any figures for this region. While<br />
estimates for <strong>the</strong> Lue population outside <strong>the</strong><br />
homeland <strong>of</strong> Sip Song Panna are ra<strong>the</strong>r imprecise<br />
it is reasonable to conclude that <strong>the</strong>re are many<br />
more Lue outside Sip Song Panna than inside.<br />
Some <strong>of</strong> this is due simply to <strong>the</strong> redrawing <strong>of</strong><br />
borders in <strong>the</strong> nineteenth century (e.g. loss <strong>of</strong><br />
Muang U and Muang U Tai to French colonial<br />
Laos) but <strong>the</strong> Lue diaspora can be largely<br />
attributed to migration. <strong>The</strong> reasons for this<br />
exodus are many and varied. In Laos migration<br />
reached as far south as Luang Prabang with <strong>the</strong><br />
establishment <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Lue village <strong>of</strong> Ban Phanom.<br />
Here <strong>the</strong> original settlers accompanied wives<br />
<strong>of</strong>fered as tribute (tawaai) by Sip Song Panna<br />
princes to <strong>the</strong> Lao king Fa Ngum in <strong>the</strong><br />
fourteenth century 8 • However, most Lue<br />
migration from Sip Song Panna into L~os has<br />
occurred during <strong>the</strong> last two centuries, some to<br />
escape marauding Haw armies, some enticed<br />
by <strong>the</strong> prospect <strong>of</strong> unoccupied fertile land, and<br />
o<strong>the</strong>rs to escape <strong>the</strong> turmoil <strong>of</strong> civil wars.<br />
Lue migration into nor<strong>the</strong>rn Thailand began<br />
on a large scale in <strong>the</strong> early nineteenth century<br />
as a result <strong>of</strong> military and forced resettlement<br />
campaigns carried out by Prince Kawila. Two<br />
centuries <strong>of</strong> Burmese rule had left <strong>the</strong> Chiang<br />
Mai valley devastated and virtually depopulated.<br />
Kawila, backed by his suzerain, <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>ese<br />
king (Rama 1), initiated a policy known as<br />
'putting vegetables into baskets, putting people<br />
into towns' (kep phak sai sa kep khon sai muang)<br />
in order to rebuild Chiang Mai and re-establish<br />
it as <strong>the</strong> political and cultural centre <strong>of</strong> Lan Na.<br />
To achieve this he launched numerous military<br />
raids to <strong>the</strong> west and north against Red Karen,<br />
Shan, Khoen, and Lue villages and towns to<br />
resettle war captives in Chiang Mai, Lamphun,<br />
and Lampang. According to <strong>Vol</strong>ker Grabowsky<br />
(1999: 21, 22), <strong>the</strong> largest influx <strong>of</strong> manpower<br />
to Lan Na was a result <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> conquest <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
small Lue kingdom <strong>of</strong> Muang Yong, which<br />
surrendered in 1805, and 10,000 people from<br />
here were resettled in Lamphun. In 1807/8<br />
fur<strong>the</strong>r attacks were made against various muang<br />
in Sip Song Panna and many Lue families from<br />
here were resettled in Lampang9 and Chiang<br />
Mai.<br />
Nan similarly suffered under <strong>the</strong> yoke <strong>of</strong><br />
Burmese domination and towards <strong>the</strong> end <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
eighteenth century it was devastated and<br />
depopulated. <strong>The</strong> repopulation <strong>of</strong> Nan appears<br />
to have begun in <strong>the</strong> early 1790s. In 1790, 585<br />
families from Muang Yong avoided deportation<br />
to Burma by fleeing to Nan (ibid.: 24). In 1812,<br />
6,000 war captives from Muang La, Muang<br />
Phong (in Sip Song Panna) and from Luang<br />
Phu Kha (nor<strong>the</strong>rn Laos) were resettled in Nan<br />
(ibid.: 25) 10 • However, Grabowsky suggests that<br />
Nan's resettlement policy was based less on<br />
military force and more on voluntary<br />
resettlement and notes that after <strong>the</strong> late 1830s<br />
numerous Lue fled anarchy and civil war in Sip<br />
Song Panna and sought refuge in Nan.<br />
Such voluntary migration accounts for <strong>the</strong><br />
Lue settlement <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Thawangpha b~in in Nan.<br />
For example, in 1836 or 1837 a civil war<br />
developed between two aristocratic factions over<br />
precious elephants from Laos. One group from<br />
Muang La (in sou<strong>the</strong>rn Sip Song Panna) fled<br />
<strong>the</strong> turmoil, sought sanctuary in Nan and<br />
established three villages in <strong>the</strong> Thawangpha<br />
basin (Nong Bua, Ton Hang and Don Mun)<br />
(ibid.: 26; see also Pachoen 1984: 9-12). As a<br />
result <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se migrations <strong>the</strong>re are now some<br />
50 Lue villages in Nan province (Ratanaporn<br />
1996: 6).<br />
Whe<strong>the</strong>r or not Lue migration has been<br />
forced or voluntary, historical 'memories' <strong>of</strong><br />
migration are for many Lue in diaspora an<br />
important component <strong>of</strong> localized ethnic<br />
consciousness 11 • <strong>The</strong>se 'memories' also<br />
comprise recollections <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> locality from which<br />
<strong>the</strong> Lue migrated and <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> guardian spirits <strong>of</strong><br />
that locality. Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, <strong>the</strong>se memories are<br />
preserved through various forms <strong>of</strong> representation:<br />
naming <strong>the</strong> new settlement after<br />
<strong>the</strong> original, resettlement in an area that is<br />
geographically and ecologically similar to <strong>the</strong><br />
homeland, and recreation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> local guardian<br />
spirits 12 •<br />
<strong>The</strong> transformation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> cult <strong>of</strong> guardian<br />
spirits and Lue ethnicity in Nan<br />
Diasporic representation is less complete in <strong>the</strong><br />
case <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> three Lue villages <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Thawangpha<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2<br />
53
Paul T. Cohen<br />
basin in Nan. Thus <strong>the</strong> village <strong>of</strong>Nong Bua was<br />
named after a local swamp, not <strong>the</strong> village <strong>of</strong><br />
origin in Muang La. However, <strong>the</strong> cult <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 32<br />
guardian spirits <strong>of</strong> Muang La has been<br />
represented, albeit with modifications. In Muang<br />
La <strong>the</strong> annual ritual <strong>of</strong> 'sealing <strong>of</strong>f <strong>the</strong> muang'<br />
(pithi kam muang) and <strong>of</strong> worshipping <strong>the</strong> 32<br />
guardian spirits <strong>of</strong> Muang La used to take place<br />
over a period <strong>of</strong> 96 days, that is, three days for<br />
each <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> spirits whose shrines were situated<br />
in different locations. Later, all <strong>the</strong> guardian<br />
spirits came to be worshipped collectively<br />
(though each with its own shrine) in <strong>the</strong> same<br />
place under a large banyan tree just outside <strong>the</strong><br />
city gate. <strong>The</strong> three main <strong>of</strong>ficiants at this ritual<br />
were <strong>the</strong> Mor Muang (literally, 'doctor <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
kingdom'), Chao Muang (ruler) and thi nang<br />
<strong>the</strong>wada (female medium) and <strong>the</strong> major<br />
<strong>of</strong>ferings comprised a black pig, a white buffalo<br />
and a black buffalo (Thai-Yunnan Newsletter<br />
1988: 2-3). Today a similar ritual (also called<br />
pithi kam muang) is performed in Nong Bua<br />
village, though only every three years. For three<br />
days <strong>the</strong> village is ritually sealed <strong>of</strong>f. In <strong>the</strong> past<br />
only Lue people were permitted to attend and<br />
no one was allowed to enter or leave <strong>the</strong> village<br />
(Ratanapom 1996: 14). Nowadays, outsiders,<br />
including tourists, may attend with <strong>the</strong> payment<br />
<strong>of</strong> a fine. In Nong Bua <strong>the</strong> same types <strong>of</strong> ritual<br />
<strong>of</strong>ficiants known by <strong>the</strong> same names (mor<br />
muang, Chao Muang, thi nang) participate; <strong>the</strong><br />
Chao Muang is said to be a direct descendant <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Muang La ruler and has always lived in Don<br />
Mun village. As in Muang La <strong>the</strong>re are 32<br />
guardian spirits. <strong>The</strong> Lue <strong>of</strong> Thawangpha<br />
worship <strong>the</strong>se guardian spirits as 'ancestor<br />
spirits' (Baba 1996: 31). <strong>The</strong> pre-eminent spirit,<br />
Chao Luang Muang La, is at once <strong>the</strong> guardian<br />
spirit <strong>of</strong> Nong Bua village and <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> three Lue<br />
villages as a whole. <strong>The</strong> shrines <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r 31<br />
spirits are spread out over <strong>the</strong> three villages and<br />
5 are located in non-Lue villages. Only 21 <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> 32 spirits are included in <strong>the</strong> kam muang<br />
ritual (Baba 1993: 10-11).<br />
One major recent innovation was <strong>the</strong><br />
building, in 1984, <strong>of</strong> a statue <strong>of</strong> Chao Luang<br />
Muang La near his spirit shrine at Nong Bua. It<br />
is said that <strong>the</strong> statue is a replica <strong>of</strong> a drawing<br />
made by a famous monk (Ajan Montri) from<br />
Phrae, based on a vision he had <strong>of</strong> Chao Luang<br />
Muang La 13 • <strong>The</strong> statue was built as a memorial<br />
(anusawari) to Chao Luang Muang La,<br />
considered 'a fearless fighter <strong>of</strong> great skill' and<br />
an ancestor (banphaburut) <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Lue <strong>of</strong> Nong<br />
Bua, Ton Hang and Don Mun (Pachoen 1984:<br />
37). According to Yuji Baba, <strong>the</strong> statue also<br />
'commemorates <strong>the</strong>ir migration from Muang<br />
La in Sipsong Panna' (1993: 3).<br />
<strong>The</strong> leader <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Lue migrants from Sip<br />
Song Panna was a descendant <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ruler <strong>of</strong><br />
Muang La and was called Chao Luang Anuphap.<br />
He resided in Don Mun village and a line <strong>of</strong><br />
male descendants who have continued to live in<br />
this village inherited his title <strong>of</strong> 'Chao Muang'.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> nineteenth century it appears Chao Luang<br />
Anuphap was responsible for looking after<br />
nearby royal land and granaries <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Nan ruler<br />
(Baba 1996: 29) and presumably also were his<br />
early successors. It seems, at his time, <strong>the</strong> role<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Lue Chao Muang was one <strong>of</strong> real political<br />
power, possibly as a vassal Chao Muang to <strong>the</strong><br />
Nan ruler (Chao Fa). Although Nong Bua<br />
villagers claim <strong>the</strong>ir village to be <strong>the</strong> oldest in<br />
<strong>the</strong> area, it is more likely that Don Mun was<br />
settled first and that Chao Luang Anuphap was<br />
<strong>the</strong> first to reclaim land through <strong>the</strong> construction<br />
<strong>of</strong> a dam and an irrigation canal (Baba 1993: 7).<br />
During <strong>the</strong> centralization <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>ese state<br />
under King Chulalongkom at <strong>the</strong> beginning <strong>of</strong><br />
this century, and ensuing changes in provincial<br />
administration, <strong>the</strong> three Lue villages were<br />
incorporated into a single sub-district (tambon)<br />
with Don Mun as <strong>the</strong> centre. But later Ton<br />
Hang became <strong>the</strong> centre <strong>of</strong> a separate subdistrict,<br />
which also included Nong Bua. As a<br />
result, <strong>the</strong> political power <strong>of</strong> Don Mun and that<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Chao Muang <strong>the</strong>re waned and <strong>the</strong>reafter<br />
<strong>the</strong> Chao Muang came to play only a ritual role<br />
(1996: 29).<br />
Nong Bua villagers reclaimed a swamp near<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir village, by flood control and draining,<br />
probably early this century. Local tradition has<br />
it that an evil spirit, who <strong>of</strong>ten seized girls from<br />
<strong>the</strong> village, once inhabited this swamp. <strong>The</strong> chief<br />
local guardian spirit, Chao Luang Muang La,<br />
was invited to subdue <strong>the</strong> spirit and <strong>the</strong>n lotus<br />
was planted in <strong>the</strong> swamp (an event which gave<br />
<strong>the</strong> village its name <strong>of</strong> Lotus Swamp [Nong<br />
Bua]) (Baba 1993: 6; 1996: 33).<br />
Nong Bua has prospered since <strong>the</strong> expulsion<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> evil spirit and <strong>the</strong> reclamation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
swamp. This prosperity was matched by<br />
54<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s I & 2
Lue ethnicity in national context<br />
changing political fortunes when, in 1979, <strong>the</strong><br />
village headman became <strong>the</strong> sub-district<br />
headman. In this position he carried out road<br />
and bridge development and promoted Lue<br />
culture, as represented by <strong>the</strong> old and beautiful<br />
Lue-style Buddhist temple and local Lue<br />
weaving (Pachoen 1984: 41-4), attracting a large<br />
number <strong>of</strong> tourists to <strong>the</strong> village. Later <strong>the</strong> King<br />
<strong>of</strong> Thailand awarded <strong>the</strong> headman <strong>the</strong> prize <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> best village headman in <strong>the</strong> country (Baba<br />
1993: 7). Also crucial to <strong>the</strong> promotion <strong>of</strong> Lue<br />
culture in Nong Bua by this headman has been<br />
<strong>the</strong> annual three-day ritual <strong>of</strong> Chao Luang<br />
Muang La, elaborated by <strong>the</strong> building <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
statue to Chao Luang Muang La in 1984. <strong>The</strong><br />
statue has thus become more than a memorial to<br />
an ancestor and to Lue migration for all three<br />
Lue villages; it has also been appropriated as a<br />
symbol <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> successful 'development' <strong>of</strong>Nong<br />
Bua village (Baba 1996: 35).<br />
Nong Bua has also appropriated history by<br />
presenting its own version, which places Nong<br />
Bua at centre stage <strong>of</strong> local history. This is<br />
exemplified in <strong>the</strong> publication commemorating<br />
<strong>the</strong> building <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Chao Luang Muang La statue.<br />
<strong>The</strong> third chapter provides a translation in Thai<br />
<strong>of</strong> a document in Lue script and held in Nong<br />
Bua. <strong>The</strong> publication asserts that Nong Bua was<br />
<strong>the</strong> first village settled after <strong>the</strong> migration from<br />
Muang La (Pachoen 1984: 11). But, according<br />
to Baba, <strong>the</strong> original document makes no such<br />
claim (1996: 36). It is noteworthy, too, that<br />
throughout <strong>the</strong> 54-page volume <strong>the</strong>re is only<br />
occasional mention <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r two Lue villages<br />
<strong>of</strong> Don Mun and Ton Hang. Baba aptly observes<br />
that <strong>the</strong> commemorative publication 'appears to<br />
be an attempt to rewrite local history with Nong<br />
Bua as its focal point' (1996: 36).<br />
By contrast with Nong Bua, Don Mun village<br />
has suffered political and economic misfortune<strong>the</strong><br />
loss <strong>of</strong> political power <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Chao Muang<br />
and relative poverty compared to Nong Bua.<br />
This has been accompanied by rivalry between<br />
<strong>the</strong> two villages, especially since Nong Bua's<br />
push towards 'development' after 1979.<br />
Don Mun villagers have not accepted <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
plight as ineluctable destiny but have sought<br />
redress through ritual action and assertion <strong>of</strong><br />
Lue cultural identity. An astrologer told a young<br />
man from Don Mun village, who was working<br />
in Bangkok, that <strong>the</strong> wandering soul <strong>of</strong> Chao<br />
Luang Anuphap needed a place to live and this<br />
was <strong>the</strong> cause <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> economic failure <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
village. Consequently in May 1991 a spirit shrine<br />
was built for Chao Luang Anuphap in <strong>the</strong> centre<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> village. According to Baba, <strong>the</strong> shrine<br />
was built not only as a ritual means to alleviate<br />
poverty but also as 'a concrete symbol <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
own historical memories' (<strong>of</strong> migration) and<br />
thus as a claim for 'cultural independence' from<br />
Nong Bua village (ibid.: 36).<br />
In 1993 a ritual was held for Chao Luang<br />
Anuphap during <strong>the</strong> three-day ritual for Chao<br />
Luang Muang La in Nong Bua. Never<strong>the</strong>less,<br />
<strong>the</strong> Chao Muang from Don Mun and fellow<br />
villagers continued <strong>the</strong>ir customary participation<br />
in <strong>the</strong> Nong Bua ritual. However, in December<br />
1996 Don Mun withdrew altoge<strong>the</strong>r from <strong>the</strong><br />
triennial ritual <strong>of</strong> Chao Luang Muang La at<br />
Nong Bua and held a separate three-day festival<br />
at Don Mun. On <strong>the</strong> morning <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> second day<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> festival, at <strong>the</strong> edge <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> village, animals<br />
(including a buffalo) were sacrificed to Chao<br />
Luang Muang La and to twelve <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> lesser<br />
guardian spirits located in Don Mun. In <strong>the</strong> late<br />
morning <strong>of</strong>ferings were presented at <strong>the</strong> shrine<br />
<strong>of</strong> Chao Luang Anuphap. Later, back at <strong>the</strong><br />
ceremonial site at <strong>the</strong> edge <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> village, a<br />
troupe <strong>of</strong> local village girls, adorned<br />
immaculately in Lue-style dress and woven<br />
shoulder sashes, performed 'Lue' dances in front<br />
<strong>of</strong> a large village audience, though <strong>the</strong> dances<br />
were not recognizably Lue at alP 4 • Immediately<br />
following <strong>the</strong> dancing performance <strong>the</strong> attention<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> audience was drawn to <strong>the</strong> large shrine <strong>of</strong><br />
Chao Luang Muang La, indicated clearly in<br />
large letters in Thai script above <strong>the</strong> shrine<br />
entrance. Inside was seated a female medium<br />
(thi nang) and a mor muang clo<strong>the</strong>d in red. <strong>The</strong><br />
medium was soon possessed by <strong>the</strong> spirit <strong>of</strong><br />
Chao Luang Muang La who, it was explained to<br />
me, had by-passed Nong Bua village! Here was<br />
a ritual performance aimed at appropriating <strong>the</strong><br />
beneficent power <strong>of</strong> Chao Luang Muang La in<br />
an effort to tum <strong>the</strong> scales <strong>of</strong> fortune for <strong>the</strong><br />
village15• It was also arguably an appropriation<br />
(or re-appropriation) <strong>of</strong> Chao Luang Muang La<br />
as a guardian spirit, since, as <strong>the</strong> villagers <strong>of</strong><br />
Don Mun claim, until about a hundred years<br />
ago, <strong>the</strong> ritual <strong>of</strong> Chao Luang Muang La was<br />
held at Don Mun. <strong>The</strong> spirit possession seance<br />
was followed by Lue songs (khap Lue) sung by<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s I & 2<br />
55
Paul T. Cohen<br />
several elderly women and by a soul-calling (su<br />
khwan) ceremony.<br />
Lue identity in <strong>the</strong> context <strong>of</strong> Thai national<br />
culture and development<br />
King Chulalongkorn initiated <strong>the</strong> process <strong>of</strong><br />
administrative centralization in response to <strong>the</strong><br />
threat <strong>of</strong> annexation <strong>of</strong> peripheral regions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>Siam</strong>ese kingdom by colonial powers. Ano<strong>the</strong>r<br />
component <strong>of</strong> national integration was <strong>the</strong><br />
emergence <strong>of</strong> a policy that considered as 'Thai'<br />
anyone who spoke a Tai language. By <strong>the</strong> 1930s<br />
<strong>the</strong> government was energetically engaged in<br />
<strong>the</strong> promotion and codification <strong>of</strong> national<br />
culture, culminating in 1939 in <strong>the</strong> change <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> name <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> country from <strong>Siam</strong> to Thailand.<br />
Significantly, <strong>the</strong> promotion <strong>of</strong> national culture<br />
and economic nationalism became intertwined,<br />
with some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Cultural Mandates issued in<br />
<strong>the</strong> period 1939-1940 designed 'to encourage<br />
<strong>the</strong> prosperity and well-being <strong>of</strong> Thai as against<br />
Chinese or ethnic minorities' (Reynolds 1991:<br />
5-6). 'Development' thus became a subdiscourse<br />
within <strong>the</strong> broader, encompassing<br />
discourse <strong>of</strong> national culture.<br />
However, it was not until about <strong>the</strong> mid<br />
1960s that development at <strong>the</strong> rural level was<br />
actively promoted with <strong>the</strong> setting up <strong>of</strong> villagelevel<br />
farmers groups, credit associations,<br />
community development groups, housewives<br />
and women's groups, etc. <strong>The</strong> process <strong>of</strong> state<br />
intervention in rural development was<br />
accelerated after <strong>the</strong> student uprising <strong>of</strong> 1973<br />
which pressured <strong>the</strong> state to pay more attention<br />
to rural poverty and o<strong>the</strong>r rural problems.<br />
Accompanying <strong>the</strong>se state-controlled rural<br />
development programs has been a development<br />
discourse that emphasizes 'development' and<br />
'progress' and 'participation' (within groups and<br />
projects initiated and controlled by <strong>the</strong> state).<br />
State-led rural development programs are<br />
markedly oriented towards <strong>the</strong> village as an<br />
administrative unit, with requisite local leaders<br />
in <strong>of</strong>ficial roles. Competitions between villages<br />
(kan prakuat muban) are encouraged (e.g.<br />
competitions to select most progressive<br />
headman, housewife pageants, etc.) and,<br />
according to Philip Hirsch (1993: 332), <strong>the</strong>se<br />
can be seen as 'disciplinary mechanisms in<br />
support <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>of</strong>ficial discourse <strong>of</strong> village'.<br />
Underpinning this discourse is <strong>the</strong> assumption<br />
<strong>of</strong> access to state resources and improved rural<br />
welfare. <strong>The</strong> end result <strong>of</strong> this process <strong>of</strong> state<br />
intervention is a radical shift from a situation in<br />
which 'village and state are geographically and<br />
institutionally separate' to one in which <strong>the</strong> state<br />
has become 'part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> village' (Hirsch 1989:<br />
35, 54).<br />
Consistent with my point above concerning<br />
<strong>the</strong> integrity <strong>of</strong> economic development and<br />
national culture, Hirsch also notes (1990: 13)<br />
that development discourse in Thailand is not<br />
just about achieving economic prosperity but<br />
also about cultural development. Cultural<br />
development encompasses moral and spiritual<br />
development with <strong>the</strong> idealization <strong>of</strong> civic virtues<br />
such as diligence, punctuality, tidiness and<br />
honesty. It is noteworthy that <strong>the</strong> Lue <strong>of</strong> nor<strong>the</strong>rn<br />
Thailand are especially renowned for <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
diligence (khayan) and textile weaving serves<br />
to enhance this reputation. Textiles are also<br />
strongly considered a culturally appropriate form<br />
<strong>of</strong> development for women and for this reason<br />
have been promoted by <strong>the</strong> royal family<br />
(especially by Queen Sirikit) as well as by<br />
government departments (e.g. Community<br />
Development). Textile production enables<br />
women to combine income earning with o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
domestic activities.<br />
In Nong Bua <strong>the</strong> weaving <strong>of</strong> Lue textiles<br />
had lapsed for a long time but was revived by a<br />
local woman in 1977. Notably <strong>the</strong> subsequent<br />
development <strong>of</strong> a viable local weaving industry<br />
in <strong>the</strong> village owed much to assistance and<br />
promotion by <strong>the</strong> District Officer, <strong>the</strong> Governor<br />
<strong>of</strong> Nan, <strong>The</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong> and, from late 1979<br />
to early 1980, <strong>the</strong> Department for <strong>the</strong> Promotion<br />
<strong>of</strong> Weaving sent instructors to Nong Bua to<br />
train local women. Later, two women's groups<br />
(klum satri), comprising almost a hundred<br />
households, were set up to undertake weaving<br />
on a cooperative basis (Pachoen 1984: 43). Now,<br />
a cooperative store in Nong Bua displays a large<br />
variety <strong>of</strong> Lue weaving for direct sale to tourists<br />
or wholesale to buyers supplying <strong>the</strong> tourist<br />
market elsewhere.<br />
However, Lue textiles are more than<br />
commodities for sale; <strong>the</strong>y are an important part<br />
<strong>of</strong> contemporary Lue ceremonial and symbolic<br />
life. For example, at <strong>the</strong> 1996 rituals for Chao<br />
Luang Muang at Nong Bua and Don Mun,<br />
56<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
Lue ethnicity in national context<br />
described above, ornate and colourful Lue<br />
textiles featured prominently in <strong>the</strong> attire <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
young female dancers and o<strong>the</strong>r local women<br />
present. Also, at Nong Bua, Lue textiles<br />
ostentatiously bedecked <strong>the</strong> many stands<br />
surrounding <strong>the</strong> ceremonial site in <strong>the</strong> village<br />
square.<br />
<strong>The</strong> revival <strong>of</strong> Lue textiles in <strong>the</strong>se Lue<br />
villages in Nan highlights <strong>the</strong> issue <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
contemporary construction <strong>of</strong> Lue ethnicity in<br />
relation to <strong>the</strong> Thai nation and national culture<br />
in Thailand. I would argue that contemporary<br />
Lue ethnic identification in Thailand is, in part,<br />
a reflection <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> way national culture constructs<br />
Lue identity. According to Keyes, from <strong>the</strong><br />
viewpoint <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> contemporary Thai elites who<br />
promote national culture, '<strong>the</strong> Lue are <strong>of</strong> interest<br />
primarily as representatives <strong>of</strong> one variant <strong>of</strong><br />
nor<strong>the</strong>rn Thai culture'. This perspective is<br />
pronounced in <strong>the</strong> case <strong>of</strong> Lue textiles,which<br />
Keyes considers 'a consequence <strong>of</strong> appropriation<br />
<strong>of</strong> non-<strong>Siam</strong>ese Tai traditions' as part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
heritage <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Thai' (n.d.: 16, 17). <strong>The</strong> revival<br />
<strong>of</strong> Lue-style weaving in <strong>the</strong> villages <strong>of</strong> Nong<br />
Bua and Don Mun, with <strong>the</strong> assistance <strong>of</strong> a host<br />
<strong>of</strong> government institutions, is a reflection <strong>of</strong><br />
this process <strong>of</strong> appropriation, <strong>of</strong> elite Thai<br />
perceptions <strong>of</strong> where <strong>the</strong> Lue fit in national<br />
culture and what elements can be pr<strong>of</strong>iled and<br />
commoditized, and <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Lue response to <strong>the</strong>se<br />
perceptions.<br />
<strong>The</strong> intrusion <strong>of</strong> national culture into <strong>the</strong><br />
local Lue world is also well illustrated in <strong>the</strong><br />
case <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> cult <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> guardian spirits. <strong>The</strong><br />
triennial cult ritual and <strong>the</strong> statue <strong>of</strong> Chao Luang<br />
Muang La serve to legitimize Nong Bua village<br />
as 'winner <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> competition for rural<br />
development' (Baba 1993: 9). <strong>The</strong> re-invented,<br />
life-like nature <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> statue-quite at variance<br />
with traditional representation <strong>of</strong> Lue guardian<br />
spirits-makes it an acceptable icon <strong>of</strong> national<br />
culture and development, as it is consistent with<br />
modern Thai trend <strong>of</strong> building statues <strong>of</strong> national<br />
heroes (e.g. modernizing kings such as<br />
Chulalongkorn). At <strong>the</strong> same time, <strong>the</strong> statue is<br />
symbolic <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> beneficent supernatural power<br />
<strong>of</strong> Chao Luang Muang La that can be tapped in<br />
a quite magical way by <strong>the</strong> local communityl 6 •<br />
This polysemous symbolism allows local Lue<br />
identity to be meaningful within a national<br />
context.<br />
Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, as Thawangpha Lue villages<br />
have become increasingly part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Thai state<br />
and <strong>the</strong> state part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> village, <strong>the</strong> supra-village<br />
cult <strong>of</strong> Chao Luang Muang La has eventually<br />
collapsed and has fragmented into separate<br />
village cults under <strong>the</strong> pressure <strong>of</strong> administrative<br />
changes and state development programs that<br />
encourage inter-village competition. However,<br />
<strong>the</strong> competition between Nong Bua and Don<br />
Mun villages has not been waged purely on<br />
economic grounds. Ever since <strong>the</strong> spirit <strong>of</strong> Chao<br />
Luang Muang La expelled <strong>the</strong> evil swamp spirit,<br />
allowing Nong Bua to reclaim <strong>the</strong> swamp and<br />
prosper, economic competition has also been<br />
expressed in ritual action (statue, shrines,<br />
separate cults, spirit possession, etc.). Again<br />
<strong>the</strong>re has been increasing rivalry between <strong>the</strong><br />
two villages to become <strong>the</strong> paragons <strong>of</strong> Lue<br />
culture, in a sense to out-Lue each o<strong>the</strong>r. In this<br />
intensified competition it is apparent that<br />
economic and ritual action and <strong>the</strong> promotion<br />
<strong>of</strong> local Lue culture have coalesced and toge<strong>the</strong>r<br />
have been subsumed by <strong>the</strong> hegemonic<br />
ideologies <strong>of</strong> national culture and development.<br />
Lue ethnic identity in Muang Sing and Nan:<br />
a comparison<br />
In both Muang Sing and Nan localized ethnic<br />
identity has a political origin centred on small<br />
principalities (muang) and <strong>the</strong>ir guardian spirit<br />
cults. In <strong>the</strong> case <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> diasporic Lue <strong>of</strong><br />
Thawangpha district in Nan, historical memories<br />
<strong>of</strong> migration linked <strong>the</strong>m with <strong>the</strong>ir homeland<br />
and its guardian spirits who are also considered<br />
to be ancestors.<br />
Memories <strong>of</strong> migration are not a feature <strong>of</strong><br />
local identity in Muang Sing. <strong>The</strong> early Lue<br />
settlers <strong>of</strong> Muang Sing in <strong>the</strong> nineteenth century<br />
originated from many Lue muang in Burma and<br />
sou<strong>the</strong>rn Sip Song Panna. However, Muang Sing<br />
is <strong>the</strong> fons et origo <strong>of</strong> localized ethnic identity.<br />
This identity has its roots in <strong>the</strong> relative<br />
autonomy <strong>of</strong> Muang Sing as a political entity,<br />
in <strong>the</strong> power and prestige <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> founding ruler<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> principality, Chao Fa Silinor, and in <strong>the</strong><br />
cult <strong>of</strong> guardian spirits he initiated. <strong>The</strong>se<br />
guardian spirits were also considered ancestors<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> local Lue and were closely identified<br />
with <strong>the</strong> natural landscape <strong>of</strong> Muang Sing. I<br />
suggest that Lue ethnic identity served to<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2<br />
57
Paul T. Cohen<br />
reinforce claims <strong>of</strong> political autonomy (in<br />
relation to neighbouring kingdoms) and establish<br />
superiority and control over neighbouring hill<br />
people. In Nan I suspect that a sense <strong>of</strong><br />
superiority and separateness as Lue may have<br />
been initially in <strong>the</strong> nineteenth century directed<br />
at o<strong>the</strong>r Tai lowland settlers and as a means <strong>of</strong><br />
justifying a special relationship and privileges<br />
with <strong>the</strong> ruler (Chao Fa) <strong>of</strong> Nan.<br />
In Muang Sing localized ethnic identity has<br />
persisted relatively unchanged. One reason for<br />
this is that Muang Sing, since inception, has<br />
been able to maintain its political integrity. At<br />
<strong>the</strong> present time it forms a separate district<br />
(also called muang), in <strong>the</strong> modem socialist<br />
state <strong>of</strong> Lao PDR, which approximates to<br />
Muang Sing at <strong>the</strong> beginning <strong>of</strong> this century.<br />
<strong>The</strong> present district <strong>of</strong> Muang Sing still has<br />
significant political and economic autonomy.<br />
It is administered largely by local Lue<br />
<strong>of</strong>ficials-a consequence, in part, <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> fact<br />
that Laos is legally a multi-ethnic state that<br />
proclaims <strong>the</strong> equality <strong>of</strong> all ethnic groups in<br />
<strong>the</strong> country. Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, poor communications<br />
and an under-resourced state mean that <strong>the</strong>re is<br />
minimal 'development' and state intervention<br />
in <strong>the</strong> district. <strong>The</strong> cult <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> muang guardian<br />
spirits has survived too, albeit in a modified<br />
form that has disconnected it from political<br />
authority but not from locality. Thus it continues<br />
to be an expression <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> unity and autonomy<br />
<strong>of</strong> Muang Sing (in relation to <strong>the</strong> state and<br />
tribal neighbours) and <strong>of</strong> local Lue identity<br />
unselfconsciously rooted in tradition. <strong>The</strong> Lue<br />
<strong>of</strong> Muang Sing do have a national identity as<br />
Lao-many Lue fought in <strong>the</strong> national struggle<br />
on <strong>the</strong> side <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Pa<strong>the</strong>t Lao and many also<br />
identify with certain national festivals such as<br />
that for <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong> New Year )-but national culture<br />
does not encroach significantly on <strong>the</strong>ir local<br />
identity.<br />
By contrast, <strong>the</strong> Lue villages <strong>of</strong>Thawangpha<br />
District in Nan no longer comprise a single<br />
political or administrative entity. Also, an<br />
intrusive Thai state has reduced much <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
economic autonomy <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Lue, forcing <strong>the</strong>m to<br />
quite consciously re-invent <strong>the</strong>ir local identity<br />
within <strong>the</strong> wider hegemonic discourses <strong>of</strong><br />
national culture and development. As such, over<br />
<strong>the</strong> past twenty years or so, 'localized ethnic<br />
identity' has been transformed into a more<br />
contrived ethnic variant <strong>of</strong> an over-arching Thai<br />
national culture.<br />
State intervention in rural areas in Thailand<br />
in <strong>the</strong> name <strong>of</strong> development has tended to foster<br />
inter-village competition and, in relation to <strong>the</strong><br />
Lue villages <strong>of</strong> Nong Bua and Don Mun, this<br />
has been exacerbated by local historical<br />
contingencies. As a consequence, Lue local<br />
identity has been turned inwards through intense<br />
rivalry between Lue villages, a rivalry that is<br />
expressed in <strong>the</strong> coalescence <strong>of</strong> economic, ritual<br />
and cultural action.<br />
Acknowledgements<br />
I would like to thank Yuji Baba, <strong>Vol</strong>ker<br />
Grabowsky, Chris Lyttleton and <strong>the</strong> JSS<br />
reviewer for <strong>the</strong>ir helpful comments on a draft<br />
<strong>of</strong> this paper. I would also like to acknowledge<br />
<strong>the</strong> financial support <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Australian Research<br />
Council which made field research possible.<br />
Between late 1995 and early 1998 I made five<br />
fields trips to Muang Sing ranging from a few<br />
days to six weeks. In Lao PDR <strong>the</strong> research on<br />
which this paper is based was supported by <strong>the</strong><br />
Institute <strong>of</strong> Research on Culture and <strong>Society</strong><br />
(Ministry <strong>of</strong> Information and Culture) and, in<br />
particular, I thank <strong>the</strong> Director, Houmphanh<br />
Rattanavong, as well as Khamphaeng<br />
Thipmountaly, who assisted me in <strong>the</strong> field, for<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir valuable assistance. Research in Nan<br />
Province, nor<strong>the</strong>rn Thailand, was based on two<br />
brief visits, <strong>of</strong> two days each, in December 1995<br />
and December 1996.<br />
Notes<br />
1 <strong>The</strong> chao muang' s village or town tends to be <strong>the</strong><br />
political capital <strong>of</strong> his muang, and duplicates on a<br />
smaller scale <strong>the</strong> court and its bureaucracy as found<br />
in Chiengrung (LeBar et al. 1960: 211).<br />
<strong>The</strong> number <strong>of</strong> muang varied over time; in 1780<br />
<strong>the</strong>re were some 20 muang, in 1950 more than 30<br />
(Chiang cited in LeBar et al.1960: 211). Peculiar to<br />
Lue political organisation was <strong>the</strong> system <strong>of</strong> 12 panna<br />
(literally 'twelve thousand rice fields'). Hsieh (1989:<br />
106) notes: 'Although <strong>the</strong> panna was a larger<br />
organization than <strong>the</strong> meeng (muang) . . . <strong>the</strong>re was<br />
no formal government for each panna. Some Chao<br />
meeng were called Chao panna. However •. <strong>the</strong>y were<br />
like coordinators whose responsibility was to collect<br />
58<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
Lue ethnicity in national context<br />
tribute within particular panna and submit <strong>the</strong>m to<br />
<strong>the</strong> king. In general, a Chao panna did not have <strong>the</strong><br />
authority to command princes <strong>of</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r meeng'.<br />
Sip Song Panna was established as a state at <strong>the</strong><br />
end <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> twelth century AD. It became formally a<br />
vassal state <strong>of</strong> China in <strong>the</strong> late fourteenth century.<br />
From <strong>the</strong> sixteenth century to <strong>the</strong> nineteenth century<br />
Sip Song Panna also paid tribute to kings <strong>of</strong> Burma.<br />
This type <strong>of</strong> dual tributary relationship enabled Sip<br />
Song Panna to maintain a high degree <strong>of</strong> autonomy<br />
with minimal interference from her suzerain powers.<br />
It was only permanently incorporated into <strong>the</strong> Chinese<br />
state in <strong>the</strong> late nineteenth century as a consequence<br />
<strong>of</strong> boundary treaties between China, Britain and<br />
France. Sip Song Panna (Xishuangbanna) is presently<br />
an Autonomous Prefecture <strong>of</strong> Yunnan Province, PRC.<br />
2 <strong>The</strong> historical legend <strong>of</strong> Chao Fa Dek Noi is well<br />
known in Muang Sing and was recounted to me a<br />
number <strong>of</strong> times by Lue elders <strong>the</strong>re. <strong>The</strong> story is<br />
also recounted in Saengthong Photibupha's recent<br />
Pawatsat Muang Siang Khaeng (1998). <strong>The</strong> Lue king<br />
<strong>of</strong> Chiang Rung, Sawaennifa, had a son, Chao Inpan<br />
(later called Chao Fa Dek Noi). As a boy Chao Inpan<br />
was inquisitive and intelligent. He was also gregarious<br />
and liked to play with o<strong>the</strong>r children (dek noi). This<br />
group <strong>of</strong> children, under Chao Inpan's leadership,<br />
stole an ox and a buffalo in <strong>the</strong> rice fields. <strong>The</strong> people<br />
saw this as an inauspicious portent for <strong>the</strong> country<br />
and <strong>the</strong>y petitioned <strong>the</strong> king to intervene. As<br />
punishment <strong>the</strong> king exiled his son and sent him on a<br />
large raft down <strong>the</strong> Mekong with five pairs <strong>of</strong> servants<br />
and seven pairs <strong>of</strong> slaves. As <strong>the</strong>y drifted down <strong>the</strong><br />
Mekong Chao Inpan ordered his followers to found<br />
settlements along <strong>the</strong> way. Eventually <strong>the</strong> prince had<br />
a dream that he should establish his own settlement<br />
near a large rock in <strong>the</strong> river with <strong>the</strong> shape <strong>of</strong> a white<br />
tiger chasing a golden deer. As <strong>the</strong>re were few <strong>of</strong> his<br />
followers left by this stage <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> journey <strong>the</strong>y would<br />
have to summon up courage (khaengcai). Hence <strong>the</strong><br />
new settlement was named Muang Chiang Khaeng.<br />
3 Panya Tanhai is also <strong>the</strong> paramount guardian<br />
spirit <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Chiangteum reliquary at Muang Sing.<br />
<strong>The</strong> annual reliquary festival (Bun That) attracts large<br />
numbers <strong>of</strong> Lue devotees from Muang Sing, nor<strong>the</strong>rn<br />
Laos and Sip Song Panna. In <strong>the</strong> mythical history <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> reliquary, recounted in <strong>the</strong> chronicle Tham<br />
Tamnan That Luang Chiangteum Muang Sing, Panya<br />
Tanhai is honoured as a devout Buddhist ruler<br />
responsible for <strong>the</strong> initial construction <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> reliquary.<br />
4 Today <strong>the</strong> conscription <strong>of</strong> Akha labour has been<br />
replaced by <strong>the</strong> extensive use by Lue <strong>of</strong> Akha wage<br />
labour for wet-rice cultivation.<br />
5 For an analysis <strong>of</strong> similar village territorial cults<br />
in Sip Song Panna see Tanabe (1988).<br />
6 Keyes (1993: 37) gives a figure <strong>of</strong> 103,000 based<br />
on <strong>the</strong> 1985 Institute <strong>of</strong> Ethnology estimate. Chazee<br />
(1995: 48) gives an estimate <strong>of</strong> 125,000.<br />
7 Pers.comm. <strong>Vol</strong>ker Grabowsky.<br />
8 According to <strong>the</strong> headman <strong>of</strong> Ban Phanom<br />
(Kaentha Phaisomat) whom I interviewed in<br />
November 1995. He claimed that <strong>the</strong>se settlers and<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir descendants specialized in <strong>the</strong> production <strong>of</strong><br />
handicrafts and <strong>the</strong> performance <strong>of</strong> Lue dances for<br />
<strong>the</strong> royal court at Luang Prabang only a few kilometres<br />
away.<br />
9 For details <strong>of</strong> Lue settlement in Lampang, see<br />
Prachan Rakphong (1987: 9-11).<br />
10 Ratanaporn ( 1996: 5) also mentions refugees from<br />
Chiang Khaeng.<br />
11 See Tanabe (1984: 101) on forced resettlement<br />
<strong>of</strong> Tai Khoen from Chiang Tung as a basis <strong>of</strong> ethnic<br />
consciousness and 'historical memory <strong>of</strong> ethnic<br />
oppression' in resettled Khoen communities near<br />
Chiang Mai and as a basis <strong>of</strong> later rebellion (1889).<br />
Tanabe notes: 'Among <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong> Khoen peasants at<br />
least, old songs and verses recollecting life in <strong>the</strong><br />
original villages in <strong>the</strong> Chiang Tung area and <strong>the</strong><br />
sufferings <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Khoen people down to <strong>the</strong> present<br />
were chanted at village assemblies before <strong>the</strong><br />
uprising'.<br />
12 An apt example <strong>of</strong> such multi-faceted representation<br />
is that <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Lue migrants from Muang<br />
Y ong noted above. Oral tradition has it that <strong>the</strong> ruler<br />
<strong>of</strong> Muang Yong was promised fertile land near Chiang<br />
Mai but this had already been settled by o<strong>the</strong>r war<br />
captives. So he was asked to clear wasteland around<br />
Lamphun. <strong>The</strong> ruler was delighted because <strong>the</strong><br />
geographical and ecological environment was similar<br />
to that <strong>of</strong> Muang Y ong and he decided to settle <strong>the</strong>re.<br />
'He named his chief village 'Waing Yong', whereas<br />
smaller settlements nearby were named after former<br />
satellite muang <strong>of</strong> Y ong. <strong>The</strong> villages <strong>of</strong> Yu and Luai<br />
were built on opposite sides <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Kuang River,<br />
corresponding exactly to <strong>the</strong> original locations <strong>of</strong><br />
Muang Yu and Muang Luai. Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, <strong>the</strong> four<br />
guardian spirits <strong>of</strong>Muang Yong (each represented by<br />
a stone-cut white elephant) were also 'resettled' along<br />
with <strong>the</strong> population and located at <strong>the</strong> main monastery<br />
<strong>of</strong> Wiang Yong (Grabowsky 1999: 33, 45).<br />
13 Pers. comm. Yuji Baba.<br />
14 <strong>The</strong> dances bore little resemblance to Lue dances<br />
I have seen in Sip Song Panna and Muang Sing. My<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2<br />
59
Paul T. Cohen<br />
wife, who is Thai and who was also in <strong>the</strong> audience<br />
at Don Mun, claims <strong>the</strong> dances were standard nor<strong>the</strong>rn<br />
and central Thai.<br />
15 Yuji Baba, in a personal communication, informs<br />
me that he heard ano<strong>the</strong>r version <strong>of</strong> this story, namely<br />
that <strong>the</strong> medium at Don Mun was possessed by <strong>the</strong><br />
sister <strong>of</strong> Chao Luang Muang La, Chiang Lan, and<br />
that it was she who by-passed Nong Bua village,<br />
even though most <strong>of</strong> her devotees live in Nong Bua.<br />
Clearly both versions confirm that Don Mun villagers<br />
were engaged in competitive ritual action to attract<br />
<strong>the</strong> supernatural support <strong>of</strong> ancestral spirits.<br />
16 Tambiah highlights this ambiguity in his use <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> concept 'indexical symbol' in his study <strong>of</strong> Buddha<br />
images and amulets in Thailand. Indexical symbols<br />
are 'symbols that are associated with <strong>the</strong> represented<br />
object by a conventional semantic rule, and <strong>the</strong>y are<br />
simultaneously also indexes in existential, pragmatic<br />
relation to <strong>the</strong> objects <strong>the</strong>y represent' (1984: 4). Grant<br />
Evans (n.d.: 14) also uses this concept as a means <strong>of</strong><br />
comprehending recent 'statue mania' in Thailand in<br />
which public statues <strong>of</strong> national heroes have become<br />
<strong>the</strong> focus <strong>of</strong> popular religious cults. For example, <strong>the</strong><br />
equestrian statue <strong>of</strong> King Chulalongkorn in Bangkok<br />
reflects a nationalist project and stands for modernity,<br />
progress, and prosperity. At <strong>the</strong> same time, every<br />
Tuesday crowds ga<strong>the</strong>r at <strong>the</strong> statue 'because many<br />
people believe that it can work miracles for problems<br />
<strong>of</strong> everyday life and especially for business matters'.<br />
References<br />
Baba, Yuji. 1993. <strong>The</strong> Ritual <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Guardian Spirit<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Tai-Lue and its Social Background: A<br />
Case Study <strong>of</strong> Nan Province in Nor<strong>the</strong>rn Thailand.<br />
Paper presented at 5th International Conference<br />
on Thai Studies, S.O.A.S., London.<br />
Baba, Yuji 1996. Migration and Spirit Cult: <strong>The</strong><br />
Case Study on Tai-Lue Villages in Nan Province,<br />
Nor<strong>the</strong>rn Thailand. Paper presented at 6th<br />
International Conference on Thai Studies, Chiang<br />
Mai, 14-17 October.<br />
Chazee, L. 1995. Atlas des Ethnies et Sous-Ethnies<br />
du Laos. Bangkok: privately published.<br />
Condominas, G. 1990. From Lawa to Mon, from<br />
Saa' to Thai. Historical and Anthropological<br />
Aspects <strong>of</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asian Social Spaces.<br />
Canberra: Research School <strong>of</strong> Pacific Studies,<br />
ANU.<br />
Evans, G. n.d.Immobile Memories: Statues in<br />
Thailand and Laos. Forthcoming in Cultural<br />
Crisis and Social Memory: <strong>The</strong> Politics <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Past in <strong>the</strong> Thai World, (eds) Charles F. Keyes<br />
and Shigeharu Tanabe.<br />
Grabowsky, V. 1999. Forced Resettlement Campaigns<br />
in Nor<strong>the</strong>rn Thailand During <strong>the</strong> Early Bangkok<br />
Period (forthcoming).<br />
Grabowsky, V. and Kaspar-Sickermann n.d. On <strong>the</strong><br />
History <strong>of</strong> Muang Sing (manuscript)<br />
Gunn, G. C. 1989. Rebellion in Nor<strong>the</strong>rn Laos: <strong>The</strong><br />
Revolts <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Lu and <strong>the</strong> Chinese Republicans<br />
(1914-1916), <strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, 77(1):<br />
61-65.<br />
Hirsch, P. 1989. <strong>The</strong> State in <strong>the</strong> Village: Interpreting<br />
Rural Development in Thailand, Development<br />
and Change 20: 35-56.<br />
Hirsch, P. 1990. Development Dilemmas in Rural<br />
Thailand. Singapore: Oxford University Press.<br />
Hirsch, P. 1993. What is <strong>the</strong> Thai Village?. In National<br />
Identity and its Defenders: Thailand, 1939-1989.<br />
(ed.) C.J. Reynolds, Chiang Mai: Silkworm<br />
Books. Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asia, No.25, pp.323-340.<br />
Hsieh, Shih-Chung 1989. Ethnic-Political Adaptation<br />
and Ethnic Change <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sipsong Panna Dai: An<br />
Ethnohistorical Analysis. PhD dissertation.<br />
University <strong>of</strong> Washington.<br />
Keyes, C. F. 1993. Who are <strong>the</strong> Lue? Revisited Ethnic<br />
Identity in Lao, Thailand, and China. Paper<br />
presented at Seminar on State <strong>of</strong> Knowledge <strong>of</strong><br />
Thai Culture, Bangkok, 10-13 September.<br />
LeBar, F. M., G. C. Hickey, J. K.Musgrave. 1960.<br />
Ethnic Groups <strong>of</strong> Mainland Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asia .. New<br />
Haven: Human Relations Area Files Press.<br />
Lehman, F. 1984. Freedom from Bondage in<br />
Traditional Burma and Thailand, <strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong><br />
Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asian Studies, 14(2): 233-44.<br />
Moerman, M. 1965. Ethnic Identification in a<br />
Complex Civilization: Who are <strong>the</strong> Lue?,<br />
American Anthropologist, 67:1215-30.<br />
Moerman, M. 1967. A Minority and its Government:<br />
<strong>The</strong> Thai-Lue <strong>of</strong> Nor<strong>the</strong>rn Thailand. In Sou<strong>the</strong>ast<br />
Asian Tribes, Minorities, and Nations. (ed.) Peter<br />
Kunstadter, Princeton New Jersey: Princeton<br />
University Press.<br />
Moerman, M. 1968. Agricultural Change and Peasant<br />
Choice in a Thai Village. Berkeley & Los<br />
Angeles: University <strong>of</strong> California Press.<br />
Moerman, M. and P. L. Miller. 1989. Changes in a<br />
Village's Relations with its Environment. In<br />
Culture and Environment in Thailand: A<br />
Symposium <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>. Bangkok: <strong>The</strong><br />
<strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>.<br />
60<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
Lue ethnicity in national context<br />
Nguyen Duy Thieu 1993. Relationships between <strong>the</strong><br />
Tai-Lua and O<strong>the</strong>r Minorities in <strong>the</strong> Socio<br />
Political Systems <strong>of</strong>Muang Xinh (Nor<strong>the</strong>rn Laos).<br />
Paper presented at 5th International Conference<br />
on Thai Studies, S.O.A.S., London.<br />
Pachoen Cinsit 1984. Anusorn Thai Lue: Thiraleuk<br />
Ngan Chalong Anusawari Chao Luang Muang<br />
La (Thai Lue Memories: Commemorative<br />
<strong>Vol</strong>ume for <strong>the</strong> Chao Luang Muang La Monument<br />
Festival). Nan: Daen Thai.<br />
Prachan Rakphong 1987. Kanseuksa Muban Thai<br />
Lue nai Cangwat Lampang (A Study <strong>of</strong> Tai-Lue<br />
Villages in Lampang Province). Social Science<br />
<strong>Society</strong> <strong>of</strong> Thailand.<br />
Reynolds, C. 1991. Introduction: National Identity<br />
and its Defenders. In National Identity and its<br />
Defenders: Thailand, I939-I989. (ed.) C.J.<br />
Reynolds, pp. 1-34.<br />
Ratanaporn Sethakul 1996. From Sipsong Panna to<br />
Lan Na: <strong>the</strong> Lu in Nan Province. Paper presented<br />
at <strong>the</strong> 14th Conference <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> International<br />
Association <strong>of</strong> Historians <strong>of</strong> Asia, Chulalongkorn<br />
University, Bangkok, 20-24 May.<br />
Saengthong Photibupha 1998. Pawatsat Muang Siang<br />
Khaeng (<strong>The</strong> History <strong>of</strong>Muang Chiang Khaeng).<br />
Vientiane: Preservation <strong>of</strong> Lao Manuscripts<br />
Programme.<br />
Tambiah, S. J. 1984. <strong>The</strong> Buddhist Saints <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Forest<br />
and <strong>the</strong> Cult <strong>of</strong> Amulets. Cambridge: Cambridge<br />
University Press.<br />
Tanabe, Shigeharu 1984. Ideological Practice in<br />
Peasant Rebellions: <strong>Siam</strong> at <strong>the</strong> Turn <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Twentieth Century. In History and Peasant<br />
Consciousness in South East Asia. (ed.) Andrew<br />
Turton and Shigeharu Tanabe. Senri Ethnological<br />
Studies No.l3, Osaka, National Museum <strong>of</strong><br />
Ethnology.<br />
Tanabe, Shigeharu 1988.Spirits and Ideological<br />
Discourse: <strong>the</strong> Tai Lue Guardian Cults in Yunnan,<br />
Sojourn, 3(1):1-25.<br />
Thai-Yunnan Project Newsletter!, June 1988. <strong>The</strong><br />
Muang Spirits <strong>of</strong> Muang La (excerpt from<br />
Boonchuai Srisawad's Thai Sipsongpanna, <strong>Vol</strong>.<br />
1, translated by Cholthira Satyawadhna).<br />
Wijeyewardene, G. 1993. <strong>The</strong> Frontiers <strong>of</strong> Thailand.<br />
In National Identity and its Defenders: Thailand,<br />
1939-1989. (ed.) C. J. Reynolds, pp.157-90.<br />
KEYWORDS-LUE, TAl, THAILAND,<br />
LAOS, ETHNICITY, SPIRIT CULTS,<br />
NATIONAL CULTURE, DEVELOPMENT.<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2<br />
61
COUDEE MAGIQUE, EAU LUSTRALE ET BATON<br />
ENCHANTE: RITES ET CROYANCES DANS<br />
LA CONSTRUCTION DE L'HABITAT TRADITIONNEL DES<br />
JAWI (PATANI, THAILANDE DU SUD)<br />
Pierre Le Roux•<br />
Resume<br />
Dans Ia region de Patani, les habitants, musulmans d'origine malaise,<br />
construisaient naguere de magnifiques maisons de bois sur pilotis, de differents<br />
styles et que I' on trouve encore en nombre, selon des mesures augurales, des<br />
rites propitiatoires et une orientation appropries, dans le strict respect de<br />
croyances populaires. Cet appareil rituel est reproduit et pro Ionge dans I 'habitat<br />
modeme de beton, acier et verre'.<br />
En 1785, le souverain siamois Rama 1 er conquit<br />
le su1tanat malais de PatanF au terme d'une<br />
campagne victorieuse contre p1usieurs Etats, en<br />
particulier le royaume mon de Ligor (actuelle<br />
province thai'landaise de N akhon Sri<br />
Thammarat). Patani fut annexe par le royaume<br />
bouddhique siamois mais, devenu vassal,<br />
conserva dans les faits une independance presque<br />
totale. C' est a compter de Ia signature du Traite<br />
Anglo-<strong>Siam</strong>ois de 1909, que Patani, royaume<br />
musulman, fut considere, au moins par le <strong>Siam</strong><br />
et les pays voisins sinon par les habitants du<br />
sultanat, comme faisant partie du <strong>Siam</strong><br />
bouddhiste qui allait devenir bientot le 'Pays<br />
des Tha!s' ou Thai1ande (Kokbua Suwannathat<br />
Pian 1988) (Figure 1). D'un point de vue<br />
politique cette annexion a ete l'une des causes<br />
principales d'une guerilla larvee pendant des<br />
annees et jusqu' a Ia fin de Ia decennie 1980<br />
(Bruneau 1987, Forbes 1989, Nantawan<br />
Haernindra 1976, Surin Pitsuwan 1985). De<br />
1'origine culturellement malaise de Patani, il<br />
subsiste encore bien des traces ..<br />
Parmi ces rappels culturellement signifiants<br />
de I' anteriorite du sultanat sur I' autorite<br />
siamoise, il faut noter I' existence de kayu atah<br />
ning 3 'ce bois-au-dessus'' espar a fonction<br />
symbolique glisse dans Ia charpente des maisons,<br />
ou encore Ia canonnade festive des 'canons' de<br />
bambou charges au carbure de calcium, bede<br />
kaba ', pour Ia commemoration annuelle des<br />
ceh~bres canons geants du sultanat, emportes<br />
par les <strong>Siam</strong>ois apres le sac de Ia ville, au XVIII•<br />
siecle, et deposes a Bangkok devant I' ancien<br />
ministere de Ia Guerre (LeRoux 1998a etc).<br />
Cet attachement a leur histoire, les habitants<br />
de Patani I' expriment egalement via des<br />
elements heterogenes et syncretiques issus de Ia<br />
fusion des deux cultures: malaise musulmane et<br />
animiste, tres influencee par l'hindouisme, et<br />
siamoise bouddhique egalement melee de<br />
paganisme dans sa version populaire et rurale,<br />
ainsi que le montre le my<strong>the</strong> fondateur jawi de<br />
I' elephant blanc aux defenses noires4.<br />
De Ia somme de ces elements emerge<br />
l'ethnonyme de cette population, a majorite<br />
rurale, dont les individus se reconnaissent a Ia<br />
fois comme des Jawi 5 c'est-a-dire des Malais<br />
d' origine, et non des Malaysiens, et comme des<br />
Thai"landais ou 'ressortissants de Tha!lande', et<br />
non pas des <strong>Siam</strong>ois. Ce demier terme equivaut<br />
en effet localement, dans toutes Ies categories<br />
' Ethnologue, docteur de l'EHESS, membre de<br />
l'IRSEA, CNRS-Universite de Provence (Marseille,<br />
France).<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s I & 2<br />
63
Pierre Le Roux<br />
0 100 200<br />
300<br />
Kilometres<br />
LAOS<br />
THAILANDE ·)·, _... ."-.<br />
(<strong>Siam</strong>) _)· ) f./<br />
., I ·-·,.1 -~<br />
,.J", / . ., /'-.--..{<br />
\.. ...... L '-../ ~<br />
....., '<br />
/<br />
~ .<br />
.......·-·'""'·<br />
) / '\.._.. ......<br />
"'"'""''~u ... .)<br />
KAMPUCHEA<br />
(Cambodge)<br />
Golfe de Thailande<br />
Alre de grande ~onc:entration des<br />
habitants d'orlglne malaise (}awl)<br />
m<br />
Alre de moindre concentration des<br />
habitants d'origine malaise (autres<br />
Malais de Thanande)<br />
(Malaisie)<br />
Figure 1 Carte de situation de Ia region habitee par les Jawi. Provinces thai1andaises de Pattani, Yala et<br />
Narathiwat, equivalent a peu pres au territoire de I' ancien sultanat de Patani.<br />
64 <strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
Coudee magique, eau lustrale er baron enchante<br />
Figure 2 Les cinq elements du bonheur d' un Jaw i : Ia mai son, Ia tourterelle, le kriss, Ia bague d'agate, et<br />
l' epouse. District de Sai Buri, province de Pattani, 1991 (c li che P. LeRoux).<br />
de population, a bouddhiste (de confession<br />
bouddhique).<br />
Les Jawi constituent une entite culturelle<br />
originale, differenciable de celle des Malais<br />
habitant Ia Malaisie, longtemps, et jusqu' a tres<br />
recemment, demeuree par Ia force des chases et<br />
des aleas de l'histoire un conservatoire culture!<br />
du Monde malais peninsulaire (LeRoux 1997a<br />
& b; LeRoux & Azip Samuyama 1997). Depuis<br />
le debut des annees 90 surtout, ils paraissent en<br />
voie d' assimilation a Ia societe thallandaise,<br />
consequence parmi d'autres d'une forte<br />
croissance economique regionale.<br />
La maison ideale ou l'ideal social ?<br />
Le Jawi, en tant qu'individu, nage dans un<br />
univers sympathique. La vie quotidienne est<br />
impregnee de magie et, dans cette societe oLI<br />
nature et surnature sont indissociables, l' individu<br />
vit en permanence a Ia fois protege et menace<br />
par les entites spirituelles issues de divers<br />
pan<strong>the</strong>ons (indien, musulman, bouddhique,<br />
siamois, mon, animiste). Cette relation complexe<br />
entre nature martelle et surnature immortelle<br />
est laissee a I' appreciation et a Ia competence<br />
mediatrice d'experts eclaires, les bohmo,<br />
(guerisseurs) qui sont aussi, en tant que medecins<br />
des esprits, les maltres des rites (LeRoux 1997a,<br />
Wilkinson 1932). Ce sont eux que les villageois<br />
consultent, non seulement de fa~on curative<br />
lorsqu'une personne est malade, mais encore<br />
preventivement, afin d'eviter la confrontation<br />
directe et imprevue, done dangereuse, avec le<br />
divin, d' oLI qu'il provienne, en se le conciliant.<br />
Dans cette societe rurale les rites sont essentiels,<br />
ou plutot le respect des rites, a toutes les etapes<br />
de la vie, tant lors d, un emmenagement qu' a<br />
plus forte raison Iars d'une construction neuve.<br />
Dans leur definition ideale du bonheur, les<br />
Jawi enoncent une liste de cinq elements<br />
indispensables : une maison Q'umoh) , une<br />
tourterelle Geopelia striataL. (burong ttite), un<br />
kriss (kereh), une bague d' agate (chic/u!ng aki'),<br />
et une epouse (ttino ). La maison, au sens large,<br />
est ainsi pensee par les Jawi comme un element<br />
majeur de Ia stabi li te et du bonheur social et<br />
c'est pourquoi !'ensemble des rites de<br />
construction est loin d'etre mineur ou<br />
anecdoctique (Figure 2). Ces ingredients sont,<br />
bien slir, idealises: une jeune femme 'a Ia<br />
demarche gracieuse de I' elephant' 6 , un kriss<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s l & 2<br />
65
Pierre Le Roux<br />
invincible, une tourterelle don~e au chant<br />
magique d'une valeur d'un million de baths 7<br />
une agate qui <strong>of</strong>fre 1 'invulnerabilite, une<br />
propriete (maison et terrain) splendide et<br />
exempte de fan tomes qui sont iss us de 1' arne de<br />
personnes disparues de mort violente et pour<br />
lesquelles les rites funeraires n'ont pas ete-ou<br />
pas pu etre-rendus convenablement. Pour pallier<br />
ce dernier probleme, les Jawi procedent a leurs<br />
constructions selon des rites propitiatoires envers<br />
les genies, qui s' averent en outre augures<br />
favorables ou defavorables.<br />
Semanga' Rumoh: l'essence vitale ou l'ame<br />
deJa maison<br />
Pour les Jawi, et pour les Malais en general, les<br />
humains ne sont pas les seuls etres a posseder<br />
une essence vitale. Les animaux, certains<br />
vegetaux et mineraux, ainsi que certaines chases,<br />
en particulier le bateau et la maison, en<br />
detiennent aussi. D'ailleurs, pour les Jawi les<br />
animaux et les arbres sont reputes avoir eu la<br />
faculte de la parole, aux temps originels. Le<br />
terme malais qui exprime cette 'essence' vitale,<br />
semangat, a souvent ete traduit par arne<br />
(Annandale 1901, 1909; Cuisinier 1951;<br />
Wilkinson 1906; Winstedt 1916). II serait sans<br />
doute plus juste de parler de 'force' vitale. Le<br />
concept jawi de semanga' est difficile a<br />
apprehender parce qu'il renvoie a plusieurs<br />
notions mais aussi a plusieurs cultures. Plusieurs<br />
notions parce qu'il induit ala fois une vie, une<br />
puissance, un esprit et un etre. Plusieurs cultures<br />
parce qu'il renvoie aux notions d'ame, de<br />
spiritualite et d'existence dans les mondes<br />
indien, musulman, et bouddhique. Sans doute,<br />
au lieu de traduire semanga' par 'arne', terme<br />
possedant une forte connotation culturelle dans<br />
notre langue, ne serait-ce que dans son acception<br />
religieuse, pourrait-on assez justement lui<br />
preferer un terme a Ia fois plus confus parce que<br />
mal defini et plus precis par tout ce qu'il induit<br />
implicitement : lemana des Austronesiens. Un<br />
autre terme malayo-polynesien, tapu, a ete<br />
emprunte avec bonheur et est d'un usage<br />
pratique, car sans equivalent dans notre culture,<br />
sous la forme tabou.<br />
Quoi qu' il en soit, pour le common des Jawi,<br />
en particulier la majorite paysanne, 1' etre humain<br />
est seul a posseder trois 'ames' differentes :<br />
nyawoh (du sanskrit), roh (de l'arabe) et<br />
semanga' (terme austronesien). Le premier<br />
terme, nyawoh, correspond au souffle regulateur<br />
et ordonnateur de la vie qui apparait au terme<br />
du sixieme mois du stade fretal, et qui, apres la<br />
disparition du corps, et s' il demeure sur terre en<br />
tant qu'unite definie, se transforme en fantome.<br />
L'expression ame' nyawoh 'prendre l'ame'<br />
signifie litteralement 'tuer'. Le second terme,<br />
roh, designe le souffle au sens propre qui<br />
constitue une sorte de 'corps astral' et distingue<br />
l'homme de l'animal. C'est cette 'arne' qui est<br />
plus particulierement prise en compte par les<br />
<strong>of</strong>ficiants religieux (les trois 'ames' se<br />
confondent cependant lors d'un deces: elles<br />
s'echappent simultanement). Le demier terme,<br />
semanga', qui recouvre les croyances malaises<br />
les plus anciennes est le plus difficilement defini<br />
par les Jawi: l'expression ame' semanga'<br />
'prendre l'ame' signifie non pas 'tuer' mais<br />
bien 'charmer, ensorceler, enchanter, env<strong>of</strong>iter'.<br />
Pour le common des Jawi, le principe vital<br />
semanga', et celui d'une maison n'y echappe<br />
pas, ne doit etre ni effraye ni menace et encore<br />
moins desequilibre. Pour eviter cela, il faut suivre<br />
des consignes 'ordinaires' comme l'interdit de<br />
s' ex primer bruyamment, de fa~on intempestive,<br />
celui de se deplacer lourdement au sein de la<br />
maison en faisant vibrer la moindre latte, et il<br />
faut respecter des consignes 'extraordinaires',<br />
lors d'evenements exceptionnels comme un<br />
orage, une naissance, une alliance, un deces,<br />
etc. Par exemple, pour eviter que la foudre ne<br />
tombe sur la maison lors des violents orages de<br />
la mousson du sud-ouest, les Jawi glissent la<br />
lame d'une arme blanche, celle d'un kriss<br />
(Figure 3) ou a defaut d'un simple coupe-coupe,<br />
entre les interstices du plancher, au chambranle<br />
de la porte principale, afin de detoumer les<br />
coups et de dissuader l'eclair de violenter le<br />
batiment. Chez d'autres peoples malais, tels que<br />
les habitants de Selangor rencontres par William<br />
Skeat a Ia fin du XIX• siecle, le peril des orages<br />
etait detoume par les habitants en lan~ant<br />
quelques poignees de sel (sacrificiel) dans le<br />
foyer. Les petillements et etincelles resultants<br />
etaient comme le vaccin des eclairs et du tonnerre<br />
qu'ils evoquaient. Lors d'une naissance, pour<br />
eviter notamment que la maison -
Coudee magique, eau lustrale et baton enchante<br />
Figure 3 Kri ss tajong de Patan i au manche a tete<br />
de Shi va. Dessin de !'auteur, 1994.<br />
accouchee, a defaut un de ses parents proches,<br />
entreti ent un feu allume par sa femme, et surtout,<br />
il jette sur Je sol dans I' espace ouvert entre les<br />
pilotis de Ia maison, sous le lieu exact de Ia<br />
parturition, un plant epineux d'ananas (lana ')<br />
ou de Pandanus (kkuwe) , afin de faire reculer<br />
!'esprit malin qui tente de se hasarder Ia ace<br />
moment 8 En cas de deces les chats, d'ordinaire<br />
si choyes car portant bonheur a leur maitre, sont<br />
immediatement chasses de Ia maison a coup de<br />
pieds ou de baton s' il le faut de fa
Pierre Le Roux<br />
du bateau, et laya tant pour la voile que pour la<br />
fa~ade de la maison. Enfin les Jawi, du littoral<br />
en tous cas, soot de boos marins et de fameux<br />
constructeurs navals: on leur doit les bateaux<br />
kole' a proue et poupes bifides (Figure 4a et b)<br />
et les pata' kera' a haute etrave (Figure 5a et b,<br />
Figure 6), tous enlumines de merveilleuses<br />
arabesques multicolores et de complexes<br />
sculptures inspirees des recits de leur riche<br />
litterature orale. Ces bateaux se retrouvent<br />
aujourd'hui jusque dans la province siamoise<br />
de Hua Hin au nord et dans l'Etat de Trengganu<br />
en Malaisie. Mais sans doute et avant tout, a<br />
propos du principe vital de la maison et du<br />
bateau, faut-il rappeler que les Malais accordent<br />
une arne a tousles arbres et d'abord aux grands<br />
ruts pourvoyeurs de bois d'reuvre, c'est-a-dire<br />
les dipterocarpacees producteurs de bois d'aigle<br />
et surtout des concretions resineuses lithiques<br />
(ou damar) utilisees dans la construction, tant<br />
navale que terrestre: les bateaux soot faits du<br />
bois dont on construit les maisons et vice-versa.<br />
Toutefois, tant 1' arne de la maison, semanga'<br />
rumoh, que celle du bateau, nommee elle mayo<br />
perahu, n'apparait que lorsque les demieres<br />
planches ont ete assemblees et les poteaux-ou<br />
le mat-dresses.<br />
Cependant les mesures curatives prises pour<br />
le bien-etre de la maison et de ses habitants ne<br />
suffisent pas tant le danger est estime grand par<br />
les villageois. Tout un ensemble de mesures<br />
preventives est done pris en amont de la<br />
construction d'une part, et periodiquement<br />
ensuite, apres la premiere installation, d'autre<br />
part. En premier lieu, il faut mentionner<br />
1' existence de nombreux interdits coutumiers<br />
(pate) comme chahuter bruyamment sur le seuil<br />
de la porte, surtout pour une femme enceinte,<br />
laisser les petits enfants se glisser sous le plancher<br />
de la maison, omettre de laisser un peu de riz<br />
dans la bassine a 1' intention de 1' esprit des morts<br />
durant la nuit du jeudi au vendredi, etc.<br />
Dans une maison, dans une riziere, et dans<br />
un bateau en peche, il est egalement interdit de<br />
nommer certains etres dont le bonze bouddhiste<br />
(to' cha) et les grands predateurs tels que le<br />
tigre (rima) et le requin blanc (yu puteh). Pour<br />
contoumer ces interdits linguistiques, les Jawi<br />
usent d'un systeme de substitution: ils parlent<br />
chewe 11 •<br />
Quand les rites appropries n' ont pas-ou malete<br />
effectues, ou encore lorsque le choix initial<br />
du terrain ou de l' orientation a ete malhabile, la<br />
demeure n' est pas consideree comme habitable.<br />
Cette croyance, qui peut etre rapportee dans le<br />
cas de l'Europe a celle de la 'maison hantee',<br />
n' est pas forcement connue immediatement. 11<br />
faut parfois attendre des annees, et en tous cas<br />
Figure 4a et b Plans du bateaujawi kole'. Dessins deGeorges Cortez (architecte DPLG), 1994.<br />
68 <strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
Coudee magique, eau /u strale et btiton enchante<br />
,.<br />
I<br />
,..<br />
I<br />
Figure Sa et b Plans du bateau pata' kera '. Dessins de Georges Cortez (architecte DPLG), 1994.<br />
Figure 6 Bateau pata' kera ' ('cui coupe') enlumine par des motifs tires de l'epopee Seramo (Ramayana<br />
version jawi). L' iime du bateau (perahu) est appelee mayo perahu. PI age de Talo' Kapo', district de Yaring,<br />
province de Pattani, 1990 (cliche P. LeRoux).<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s l & 2 69
Pierre Le Raux<br />
Figure 7 Portage a dos d' hommes d'un element de maison jawi (anciennement un grenier ariz) sur une<br />
distance de 3 kilometres. District de Sai Buri , province de Pattani, 1992 (c li che P. LeRoux) .<br />
un evenement, une malad ie, une catastrophe,<br />
parmi d' autres signes revelateurs, pour que Ia<br />
maison soit enfin deplacee -a dos d'hommes<br />
(Figure 7)- ou abandonnee.<br />
De maison hantee et de roue chat rouan<br />
Cette croyance en les maisons hantees est loin<br />
d'etre un archai'sme ou une superstition en voie<br />
de disparition: les Tha'is, tout autant que les<br />
Jawi, ruraux ou elites eduquees, accordent tant<br />
de credit aux 'fant6mes', nommes hatu en jawi<br />
et phi en thai·, que si un batiment - maison,<br />
appartement, palais, restaurant, y compris<br />
chambre d'h6tel- a abrite le drame d' une mort<br />
violente, son proprietaire s'efforce de conserver<br />
secrete I' information, au risque de perdre<br />
definiti vement sa clientele 12 •<br />
Une maison est hantee, c'est- a-dire<br />
consideree comme une 'chose morte' (bare m.ati)<br />
lorsque son ame a fui devant un fant6me.<br />
Lorsqu'un sort (kena' ) a ete jete sur une<br />
habitation, celle-ci n'est plus consideree<br />
habitable. C'est Je cas de !' ancien palais du<br />
sultan de Sai Buri (ou Telube en jawi, jadis<br />
nomme Selinong Bayu). Cet ancien sultanat<br />
malais, vassal de celui de Patani, constitue<br />
ctesormais un amp/we (district) de !'actuelle<br />
province thai'landaise de Pattani et sa capitale,<br />
ville portuaire, est restee le chef-lieu du district<br />
(Figure 8).<br />
Apres le depart precipite du dernier sultan<br />
vers I'Etat de Kelantan dans les annees trente 13 ,<br />
fuyant Ia repression entrepri se contre les<br />
habitants de Patani par !'ancien premier ministre<br />
siamois Phibun Songkhram, plut6t xenophobe,<br />
le palais n'est pas demeure a ]'abandon, bien au<br />
contraire. II a ete parfaitement entretenu , jusqu' a<br />
l'annee 1995 -date de Ia tentative de son rachat<br />
en sous-mai n par le descendant, residant a<br />
Kelantan, du raja de Sai Buri-, tant l'imposante<br />
batisse coloniale de belle facture que le jardin<br />
qui l'entoure. Mais s'il a ete entretenu et s' il a<br />
change plusieurs fois de mains, Je palais n'a<br />
pourtantjamais ete habite, a !'exception de deux<br />
ou trois tentatives, limitees a quelques heures:<br />
des Ia premiere nuit tombee, les locataires<br />
temeraires ou ignorants Ia reputation de la<br />
batisse, s ' enfuyaient, effrayes par les<br />
manifestations physiques des pretendus<br />
fant6mes de cette maison. La malediction de ce<br />
palais, telle qu'expliquee usuellement par les<br />
70<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s I & 2
Coudee magique, eau lustrale et baton enchante<br />
Figure 8 Ancien palais du sultan de Selinong Bayu (district de Sai Buri, province de Pattani). Maison<br />
han tee depuis le depart du raja suite a un sort jete sur son ordre a I ' aide du sang du chat china. 1992 (cliche<br />
P. Le Raux).<br />
habitants de Ia region, s'exprime par un grand<br />
vacarme nocturne : bruits de pas, claquements<br />
de portes, coups sur les murs, et surtout par une<br />
attaque en regie de Ia part de mysterieuses guepes<br />
m a~o nn es (bbuwe) . Ce, durant Ia nuit seulement.<br />
L'observateur peut constater, sur Ia foi des<br />
exemples passes, que ces mysterieuses guepes<br />
paraissen t n ' effectuer que des attaq ues<br />
'ethniques', ne s'en prenant guere qu'aux<br />
locataires, <strong>Siam</strong>ois ou Chinois, comme si leur<br />
seul objectif etait d'empecher Ia violation du<br />
palais, en quelque sorte reserve aux anciens<br />
sultans, par des non-malais et non-musulmans.<br />
C'est ainsi que cet e legant palais, pow-rant<br />
inhabitable, vaut tres cher et paralt etre devenu,<br />
de logement utilitaire, meme si prestigieux, un<br />
simple objet de specul ation, un investissement<br />
au meme titre gu' une o:uvre d'art et un support<br />
de Ia memoire sociale en forme de symbole.<br />
P lu sieurs bohmo reputes m'ont confi e l'ori gine<br />
de cette malediction notoirement connue de Ia<br />
population. II s'agirait bien d' un sort jete sur Ia<br />
maison par un bohmo temoh. (sorcier), sur I' ordre<br />
du dernier sultan de Selinong Bayu (Te lube ou<br />
Sai Buri). Un tel sort, scell e par le sang d'un<br />
animal particulier, le plus puissantjamais evoque<br />
par les bohmo jawi, consiste a dessiner des<br />
figures sy mboliques appelees a devenir des<br />
fantomes, sur les murs interieurs du palais, avec<br />
le sang du rari ssime et quasi mythigue kuching<br />
china, chat male et rouan (trois couleurs dans Ia<br />
robe), fralchement egorge a cet effet 14<br />
Legencle clu chat china<br />
Le chat rouan est benefique. Sa valeur tient ace<br />
que le male est tres rare. De chat a trois coul eurs<br />
on ne trouve generale mentjamais de male. S i on<br />
a Ia bonne fortu ne cl'en decouvrir un, il fau t<br />
l'elever aussit6t. C'est une medecine puissante.<br />
Son sang est une meclecine. Situ veux de !'argent<br />
tu prends le sang du chat china et tu vas clans Ia<br />
maison clu patron. La, tu dessines avec le sang<br />
des figures sur les murs. Ce sont des fant6mes.<br />
Tu fais en sorte que les dessins soient taus petits,<br />
presque in visibles.<br />
Si tu clessines des serpents apparaissent des<br />
serpents, si tu clessines des fan tomes apparaissent<br />
des fant6mes, si tu clessines des e lepha nts<br />
apparaissent des elephants. A lors le patron ne<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s I & 2<br />
7 1
Pierre Le Roux<br />
peut plus vivre dans cette maison. C'est<br />
impossible. 11 ne peut plus dormir. 11 a beau aller<br />
querir des bohmo pour retirer le sort, rien a<br />
faire. n cherche a vendre sa maison et tu 1' achetes<br />
a bas prix ou bien il te propose beaucoup d'argent<br />
pour retirer le sort. Dans ce cas, tu viens et tu<br />
prends du jus de citron que tu presses a la main<br />
et que tu verses dans une tasse. Tu y ajoutes des<br />
feuilles de beluru15 puis tu lessives les murs de<br />
la maison. Tu n'oublies pas les pilotis. Tu<br />
asperges bien toutes les parties atteintes de<br />
maniere ace que ce soit beau [exorcise]. Alors<br />
tu peux dire a l'homme qu'il peut s'en retourner<br />
dormir. 11 n'y a plus de problemes.<br />
Conteur: To' bohmo Pa'do Mih Ameng (Pattani,<br />
1992).<br />
11 semble qu' en Europe egalement le male<br />
de ce type particulier de chat soit repute tres<br />
rare, sinon impossible a trouver, alors qu'une<br />
femelle au pelage rouan est un fait relativement<br />
courant. Un tel chat, s'il s'en trouve, n'a pas de<br />
prix, et sa possession est censee rendre chanceux<br />
I' improbable beneficiaire. A defaut de chat<br />
china, engendrant un sort repute invincible, les<br />
bohmo peuvent egalement utiliser le rarissimemais<br />
trouvable-chat male langi ite, possedant,<br />
comme l'indique son nom, Ia particularite d'un<br />
palais entierement de couleur noire. L' ideal<br />
serait evidemment pour eux de disposer d'un<br />
chat china langi ite. 11 faut ajouter, peut-etre<br />
pour expliquer Ia puissance du sort dont les<br />
Jawi creditent le sang du chat rouan et Ia<br />
reputation de sorcellerie pretee a cet animal,<br />
que les Malais en general pensent que le chat<br />
est possede-ou facilement possede-par Hibleh<br />
(le diable), et est pour cette raison repute badi,<br />
c'est-a-dire malforme, marque, plus exactement<br />
maudit, et susceptible de porter ou de<br />
transmettre Ia malediction. D' a pres les<br />
croyances locales, Ia seule fa~on de se<br />
debarrasser de ce type presque invincible de<br />
fant6me est le lessivage magique des parois<br />
contaminees par badigeonnage avec une<br />
solution a base de jus de citron et d'une<br />
decoction de feuilles d'ananas et de feuilles de<br />
beluru. Burkhill (1935: 926) indique:<br />
It is but a step in thought from <strong>the</strong> removal <strong>of</strong><br />
lice to <strong>the</strong> removal <strong>of</strong> evil influences. 'Take it<br />
and <strong>the</strong> juice <strong>of</strong> a lime and rumput lidah rimau16<br />
and wash <strong>the</strong> body to drive out evil spirits', is a<br />
prescription from upper Perak; but <strong>the</strong> talisman<br />
<strong>of</strong> th(f prescription is really in <strong>the</strong> grass, as <strong>the</strong><br />
o<strong>the</strong>r two substances are commonly used<br />
toge<strong>the</strong>r in washing.<br />
Gimlette (in Journ. Roy. As. Soc. Straits Branch<br />
82, 1920: 118) mentions its use in washing to<br />
keep 'alive', i.e. active, a charm. <strong>The</strong> employment<br />
<strong>of</strong> root or leaves in a wash for removing Tertian<br />
fever (Med. Book Mal. Med. in Gard. Bull. S.S.<br />
6, 1930:404) is pure magican attempt to wash<br />
<strong>of</strong>f <strong>the</strong> fever.<br />
Cette plante beluru sert dans la fabrication<br />
d'un poison de peche et elle est utilisee dans la<br />
pharmacopee traditionnelle. Elle est egalement<br />
employee par les forgerons pour la confection<br />
de 1' acide dans lequella lame forgee est mise a<br />
tremper pour faire emerger les motifs de 1' acier<br />
damasse dans la technique specifique du<br />
damas 11 • Mais cette plante est d'abord reputee<br />
comme shampoing et surtout comme charme<br />
magique.<br />
D'echelle d'acces, de fa~ade et d'orientation<br />
En ce qui concerne la construction des<br />
maisons, 1' orientation est primordial e. en<br />
fonction de parametres specifiques estimes a<br />
l'aune du bohmo specialiste de la selection<br />
des sites favorables. Aucun Jawi sense<br />
n'oserait batir sans prendre cet avis necessaire<br />
et obligatoire au prealable-a moins de<br />
negliger le risque d'un demenagement<br />
ulterieur ou celui d' une catastrophe familiale.<br />
Pour construire une maison, il faut, avant<br />
toute chose, choisir le jour approprie dans<br />
ceux de la semaine 18• Aucun n'est semblable.<br />
11 y a des jours fastes ou 'jolis' (hari mole),<br />
des jours 'nefastes' (hari chapeng}, des jours<br />
'douloureux' oil Ia maladie frappe ( hari sake')<br />
et des jours 'dangereux' (hari geroh). Bien<br />
evidemment, le choix d'unjourfaste, apanage<br />
des specialistes bohmo chari hari ou to'<br />
nnujong ou to' nnengo (devins}, est le seul<br />
retenu. Le deuxieme imperatif, nous l'avons<br />
vu plus haut, est que le terrain sur lequel la<br />
maison sera batie ne soit pas hante par un<br />
mauvais esprit. Les Jawi, comme les Malais<br />
de Selangor (Skeat 1900: 141), pensent qu'un<br />
72<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
Coudee magique, eau Lustrale et baton enchante<br />
A~<br />
,.(~<br />
Figure 9 Exposition des jeunes maries sous le dais lors d'un mariage paysan a Betong (frontiere entre<br />
Malaisie et Tha.ilande, province de Yala) . 1990. Au premier plan, a droite, on aper9oit semanga' 'l'iime' des<br />
epoux, c'est-a-dire le gateau de ri z gluant a trois couleurs (blanc, jaune, rouge) qui Ia symboli se. (c li che P.<br />
LeRoux).<br />
sol de couleur jaunatre, parfume, au terreau<br />
acide est signe de prosperite. Le terrain doit<br />
etre si tue en hauteur de preference et sa partie<br />
sud plus haute que sa partie nord, gage de<br />
quietude pour ses futurs locataires.<br />
Le dernier imperatif est que I' orientation du<br />
bfitiment lui-meme soit bonne. Chez les Tha·is<br />
les fac;:ades s'ouvrent generalement a !'est et, a<br />
I' oppose de ce que I' on trouve chez les Malais et<br />
les Jawi, les batiments residentiels sont<br />
generalement situes au sud. C' est le cas de Ia<br />
demeure des bonzes au sein du monastere ou de<br />
celle de Ia famille royale dans ses divers palais.<br />
Dans Ia symbolique du bouddhisme <strong>The</strong>ravada<br />
Je levant est en effet assimile a Ia naissance, Je<br />
Sud a Ia vie, !'Ouest a la mort et le Nord au<br />
sommeil, c'est-a-dire a Ia prefiguration factice<br />
de Ia mort. Pour tousles musulmans d' Asie du<br />
Sud-Est, La Mecque se trouve a !'ouest, c'est-adire<br />
au couchant qui, chez les Malais et les Jawi,<br />
est egalement associe a Ia mmt 19 : Ia position du<br />
defunt dans Ia tombe est tete au nord, pieds au<br />
sud, regard tourne vers I' ouest, vers La Mecque<br />
et cette orientation du corps est interdite aux<br />
vivants a l'interieur des maisons. Dans les<br />
villages habites par les Jawi, on ne trouve pas<br />
une porte ouverte au sud. Cette orientation est<br />
qualifiee de malefique et se confond avec une<br />
raison pratique: l'evitement de Ia chaleur par<br />
exposition directe aux rayons solaires. Les<br />
batiments s'ouvrent plut6t a !'est. Cette regie<br />
s' impose avant meme de faire appel a un devin.<br />
La position cardinale de Ia maison ainsi que<br />
!'orientation de l'echelle d'acces, tango, au<br />
nombre de barreaux toujours impair, est en effet<br />
donnee par un bohmo apres seance divinatoire.<br />
Cependant, si Ia plupart des maisons sont<br />
ouvertes a !'est et Ia plupart des greniers au<br />
nord, les portes de certaines maisons sont<br />
exposees au nord et celles de certains greniers a<br />
!' ouest. Dans ce cas, l'echelle d'acces est, elle,<br />
orientee convenablement. L' echelle d' acces<br />
designe en effet Ia maison et Ia maisonnee dans<br />
le langage courant et parler d' orientation de Ia<br />
maison revient a parler de celle de l'echelle, et<br />
non de Ia fac;:ade. Lorsqu'une otientation est a<br />
priori mauvaise du fait d'une implantation<br />
imposee par le contexte, par exemple le long de<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s I & 2<br />
73
Pierre LeRoux<br />
la route, il existe en outre un moyen de contourner<br />
le probleme. 11 s' agit de la notion de 'barriere<br />
protectrice'. Une maison mal orientee est<br />
generalement, si 1' on observe attentivement, en<br />
vis-a-vis d'une autre maison dressee de l'autre<br />
cote de la route et qui lui tient lieu de barriere<br />
protectrice. Parfois, un grenier a riz ouvre sa<br />
porte d'acces au sud, faute impardonnable a<br />
premiere vue. En fait, cette porte est reliee par<br />
une passerelle a celle d'un grenier jumeau lui<br />
faisant face. Le grenier n'est pas ouvert au sud<br />
puisque son acces est ainsi barre. Ce systeme se<br />
retrouve dans 1' ensemble de la structure sociale.<br />
Ainsi, personne ne doit interferer entre une<br />
personne qui prie et La Mecque, en direction de<br />
1' ouest. Mais les besoins du menage imposant<br />
quelquefois au conjoint d'outrepasser l'interdit,<br />
celui-ci depose alors un coussin (bata) sur le<br />
plancher, devant la personne qui prie, liberant<br />
l'acces (Figure 9). 11 faut ace propos souligner<br />
I' importance des coussins et de leur symbolique<br />
dans la culture malaise, par exemple lors des<br />
mariages traditionnels : le nombre des coussins<br />
so us le dais d' exposition des jeunes maries<br />
exprime notamment la richesse et la position<br />
sociale des deux families (Skeat 1900).<br />
Coudee magique, eau Iustrale et baton<br />
enchante<br />
Lorsqu'une famille veut construire une maison<br />
sur un terrain, elle fait tout d'abord appel a un<br />
guerisseur (Skeat 1900: 545 et Shaw 1975),<br />
souvent un bohmo hatu ('chamane'). Celui-ci<br />
se presente au jour et a l'heure (generalement<br />
sept heures du matin) decides par lui selon ses<br />
calculs horoscopiques, ses carres magiques et<br />
ses tables consacrees. Les Jawi, a l'instar de<br />
Malais d'autres regions (Gibbs 1987: 81)<br />
creusaient autrefois et creusent encore parfois,<br />
a 1' instigation du bohmo, quatre trous dans le<br />
sol et y plac;ent dans l'un du tamarin (en fait<br />
Garcinia atroviridis Griff. et non Tamarindus<br />
indica Linn.), dans le second du curcuma ou<br />
'safran des Indes' (Curcuma domestica Valeton),<br />
dans le troisieme du charbon, et dans le demier<br />
du sel. Puis ils y mettent le feu afin de reduire<br />
ces substances en cendres. Le bohmo demande<br />
alors a la future maltresse de maison, demeuree<br />
a l'ecart jusqu'alors, de designer l'un de ces<br />
quatre trous. Si elle choisit le trou qui contenait<br />
du tamarin ou du curcuma c'est un bon presage,<br />
mais si elle opte pour l'un de ceux qui contenait<br />
du sel ou du charbon c'est un mauvais presage<br />
et le site d'implantation est imperativement<br />
abandonne (Skeat 1900: 41) decrit d'autres<br />
variantes.<br />
Le plus souvent le bohmo se contente de<br />
creuser un trou, pr<strong>of</strong>ond d'une coudee, seta<br />
(environ 40 em), a l'endroit oil doit etre place<br />
ulterieurement le pilier-mere (ibu tiye) ou pilier<br />
sacre (tiye seri), c'est-a-dire le poteau principal.<br />
Il depose au fond de ce trou un bol de terre cuite<br />
(gelo' ae') empli d' eau jusqu' ala gorge-le meme<br />
bol de terre cuite que celui place au sommet de<br />
la meule-mere protegeant 1' arne du riz dans le<br />
grenier-et il recouvre le recipient d'une feuille<br />
de bananier, avant de refermer le trou. Cette eau<br />
lustrale (ae' tawa) est consacree par le souffle<br />
(siyu) du bohmo exprimant sa medecine interne<br />
c'est-a-dire sa magie, ou par l'un de ses<br />
nombreux talismans (dent de crocodile blanc,<br />
marceau de meteorite, os de dugong, etc.), ou<br />
bien encore par de la farine de riz nouveau<br />
( cette eau ainsi consacree se nomme alors tepong<br />
tawa). Le lendemain matin, !'orifice est mis a<br />
jour afin de verifier le niveau de l'eau dans le<br />
bol. S'il ne manque qu'un peu d'eau, le site est<br />
favorable, s'il en manque pres d'un tiers, le site<br />
est defavorable et est abandonne. Skeat (1900:<br />
144) mentionne aussi cette technique.<br />
Enfin, et dans tous les cas, le bohmo demande<br />
au prealable a Ia mrutresse de maison de mesurer<br />
une brasse, depo (entre 150 et 180 em) sur un<br />
baton, c'est-a-dire la distance entre ses deux<br />
mains, ala hauteur des majeurs, les bras etendus.<br />
Puis il recite une invocation et souffle sur le<br />
baton, et enfin il le plante dans le sol. Le<br />
lendemain a 1' au be il invite la maitresse de<br />
maison a ramasser le baton et a le mesurer de<br />
nouveau: 'arne' gi' depo 'prends et mesure une<br />
brasse'. Si la mesure est semblable ala premiere,<br />
l'augure est favorable et la construction peut<br />
commencer. Si la seconde mesure est plus longue<br />
que la premiere, c'est excellent. En revanche, si<br />
la deuxieme mesure est plus courte que la<br />
precedente, il faut abandonner 1' endroit<br />
considere comme mauvais. Ce baton enchante a<br />
Ia fois par 1' origine feminine de sa mesure et<br />
par le pouvoir propre des bohmo fait partie<br />
integrante de leur panoplie <strong>the</strong>rapeutique et<br />
magique. En effet, la plupart des guerisseurs<br />
74<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
Coudee magique, eau lustrale et baton enchante<br />
possedent une canoe magique, tuka. Ces cannes<br />
qui sont un peu le sceptre des bohmo, taillees<br />
dans des bois etranges: bois flottes du rivage,<br />
coraux (aka baha) ou encore, plus rarement,<br />
plantes epiphytes, sont de meme origine que les<br />
fruits fabuleux du mythique Manguier sacre pao'<br />
jingi qui se dresse au Nombril de l'Ocean, le<br />
centre du monde (LeRoux 1993a, 1997a).<br />
Ces fruits merveilleux sont a I' origine des<br />
figurines du <strong>the</strong>atre d' ombre et done, pour partie,<br />
des danses magiques de guerison (Cuisinier<br />
1936; Sheppard 1983). Par ailleurs, Ia grande<br />
epopee Seramo, piece maitresse de la litterature<br />
orale et version jawi du Ramayana, fait reference<br />
dans le tableau intitule Hanume ike (la baleine)<br />
a Ia naissance du plus fidele compagnon du roi<br />
Seramo : le superieur de la pagode des Sept<br />
bonzes est inquiet. Maharajah Mano (le Ravana<br />
du Ramayana), ennemi mortel de Seramo et roi<br />
de Langkawi, eprouve un amour interdit pour<br />
sa fille la belle Siti Dewi, bien-aimee de Seramo.<br />
Le bonze decide d'aider ce demier a vaincre le<br />
pere incestueux lors d'une ordalie qui decidera<br />
du sort de la jeune fille. Le superieur, magicien<br />
repute, se saisit done d'un baton et le<br />
metamorphose en Laksamano 20 , jeune homme<br />
intelligent qui va si bien conseiller Seramo que<br />
celui-ci remportera les sept epreuves . . . et la<br />
belle.<br />
Lors de la construction a proprement parler,<br />
les Jawi utilisaient jadis, c'est-a-dire avant<br />
l'usage des mesures metriques ou anglaises<br />
desormais privilegiees en Tha'ilande dans le<br />
secteur du batiment, des unites de mesure<br />
anthropometriques propitiatoires. Encore<br />
aujourd'hui avec des unites de mesures<br />
importees, le fait le plus marquant dans les<br />
societe jawi et malaise concernant l'habitat et<br />
sa construction est }'importance accordee aux<br />
presages. Traditionnellement une maison etait<br />
batie a partir d'un systeme comportant des degres<br />
'benefiques' et 'malefiques'. Toute piece de bois<br />
mesuree devait finir sur une mesure 'benefique'.<br />
Les Jawi employaient jadis a cet effet un seul<br />
empan a forte valeur esoterique, qui jouait le<br />
rOle de module 21 • Cette unite, nommee nguko<br />
(du malais mengukur, 'mesurer'), etait realisee<br />
a partir d'une brasse mesuree, mains ouvertes,<br />
sur la maitresse de maison, a l'aide d'une corde<br />
divisee ensuite en huit. Sa huitieme partie (d'une<br />
valeur approximative de vingt centimetres, soit<br />
un empan,jeka), etait le nguko. Elle etait utilisee<br />
a I' aide d'une table symbolique de huit figures:<br />
lemu 'taureau', singo' 22 dragon', asa' 'fumee',<br />
gajoh 'elephant', gago' 'corbeau', nago 'naga'<br />
kede'2 3 'ane', anging 'vent'. Dans cette serie, les<br />
deux premiers elements sont benefiques, suivis<br />
d'un element malefique, puis de deux<br />
. benefiques, etc. Par exemple, pour la hauteur<br />
du pilier principal, Ia mesure ideale devait finir<br />
sur le symbole gajoh 'elephant' 24 • William Skeat<br />
(1900: 146) parlant des Malais de Selangor,<br />
mentionne que l'unite correspondant au nguko<br />
etait obtenue a partir d'une corde d'une longueur<br />
d'une brasse; de cette corde repliee en trois<br />
partie, un tiers etait coupe et conserve puis plie<br />
a son tour en huit. Le huitieme etait alors coupe<br />
et utilise a mesurer uniquement la longueur du<br />
seuil de Ia porte ( ou bien encore Ia distance du<br />
seuil a l'arriere de Ia maison) sur une echelle<br />
legerement differente, dans cet ordre: naga<br />
(dragon), sapi (vache), singa (lion), anjing<br />
(chien), lembu (taureau), kaldei (ane), gajah<br />
(elephant), gagak (corbeau); liste qui debute<br />
par un element benefique, suivi d'un element<br />
malefique. Clement-Charpentier (1998: 6)<br />
precise que chez les Lao, Ia coudee du futur<br />
proprietaire etait le module retenu dans Ia<br />
construction d' une maison par les charpentiers<br />
et les villageois. Et c'est logique puisque celuici<br />
passait plusieurs mois seul a preparer les<br />
differentes pieces de bois avant d' etre finalement<br />
aide par les autres villageois pour les ultimes<br />
travaux d'assemblages et Ia construction<br />
proprement dite. Cela reduisait aussi le risque<br />
de variation des mesures, fonction de Ia coudee<br />
de chacun des ouvriers presents. Le meme auteur<br />
mentionne I' existence de manuscrits lao de<br />
divination ou 'livre des destinees' indiquant les<br />
proportions fastes des pieces de Ia charpente,<br />
par exemple, d'apres une table de symboles<br />
differente de celles deja citees mais comportant<br />
cependant, parmi d' autres, les figures du breuf,<br />
de I' elephant, et du lion.<br />
Certains charpentiers jawi delaisserent le<br />
nguko et etalonnerent eux-aussi, suivant<br />
I' exemple lao et siamois, Ia construction de Ia<br />
maison sur Ia mesure d'une coudee (seto) tout<br />
en conservant l'usage de leur propre table<br />
symbolique: en effet, un seto equivaut a peu<br />
pres a deuxjeka de vingt centimetres, soit deux<br />
nguko. II s'agissait d'une coudee ouverte,<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2<br />
75
Pierre Le Roux<br />
realisee de la pointe du coude jusqu, a 1, extremite<br />
du majeur. Cette coudee, devenue module<br />
architectural et consideree comme magique, etait<br />
prise sur le bras droit de la future maitresse de<br />
maison, et non sur celui de l'homme 25 • Cela<br />
tient certainement au rapport reconnu entre la<br />
maison et celle qui en sera la maitresse, en<br />
particulier, et a la preeminence supposee et en<br />
tous cas a }'influence reelle de la femme dans la<br />
societe malaise au systeme de parente<br />
indifferencie; influence qui perdure malgre la<br />
montee de celle de 1' islam, patrilineaire, en<br />
general. 11 faut mentionner a ce propos chez les<br />
Malais et les Jawi un type caracterise<br />
d' anthropomorphie symbolique concernant non<br />
pas tant les maisons d'habitation que les edifices<br />
sacres, c'est-a-dire les anciennes maisons de<br />
priere, ou sura de bois, et les mosquees (seje') 26 •<br />
L'endroit oil le bohmo plante le baton de la<br />
taille d'une brasse mesuree sur l'epouse du<br />
maitre de maison est celui oil sera erige le piliermere<br />
(tiye seri ou ibu tiye) de la maison 27 • Au<br />
sommet de 1' ibu tiye, la oil il rejoint la charpente,<br />
soot places trois tissus superposes: blanc (puteh),<br />
representant la purete, jaune (kuning) ou rouge<br />
(meroh), symbolisant la vie et la royaute, rouge<br />
ou noir (ite) exprimant le mystere, la mort et le<br />
vizif2 8 • Dans tousles rituels des Jawi, notamment<br />
lors d'une circoncision, maso' jawi, lors de la<br />
ceremonie de 1, appel de 1, arne, pange<br />
semanga ' 29 , ou de celle de la benediction de la<br />
mer, pujo pata (Cortez 1996) on trouve ces<br />
co loris associes sous la forme usuelle du gateau<br />
de riz gluant a trois couleurs, nomme 'l'ame'<br />
(semanga '), dans la serie blanc, jaune et rouge.<br />
Une noix de coco est attacbee par une corde<br />
au sommet de ce poteau-mere 30 • Lorsque le<br />
moment est venu pour les charpentiers de dresser<br />
les poteaux, la maitresse de maison doit se tenir<br />
pres de ce pilier-mere et le saisir de la main afin<br />
de sacraliser, d'apposer sa marque et de porter<br />
chance a la construction dont elle sera desormais<br />
la maitresse.<br />
Quand la maison est terminee, au crepuscule,<br />
a l'oree de la premiere nuit, les Jawi font de<br />
nouveau appel au bohmo. Celui-ci invoque ainsi<br />
les divinites de son pan<strong>the</strong>on particulier: 'no'<br />
do' male ning we rumoh baru 'nous voulons<br />
habiter cette nuit la maison neuve'.<br />
Apres les <strong>of</strong>frandes et le repas ceremoniel<br />
dduri (kenduri en malais) d'usage, le bohmo-<br />
qui possecte aussi bien souvent le statut de prieur<br />
ou to' leba-sui vi par quelques representants de<br />
l'autorite religieuse, to' ime (imam) to' kote'<br />
(khotep) ou to' hila (bilal), en ce qui conceme<br />
les benedictions islamiques, psalmodie quelques<br />
invocations a Allah, en 'arabe' cette fois, et lit<br />
des versets du Coran afin de benir la maison.<br />
Les hommes participants a cette ceremonie,<br />
possesseur de la maison et ses parents et arnis,<br />
s' installent en cercle au tour du bohmo et recitent<br />
apres lui les invocations. Au cours de ce rite, oil<br />
les chiques de betel soot ornnipresentes, une<br />
bougie doit restee allumee (pase diye) et doit<br />
etre deposee au pied du pilier principal. Betel et<br />
arec d'une part, bougie de l'autre-celle-ci<br />
symbolisant le vent, anging, ou esprit des<br />
ancetres-sont les portes a etablir entre les mondes<br />
naturel et surnaturel, necessaires au bon<br />
deroulement de la performance, tant du point de<br />
vue des assistants, et en particulier du beneficiaire<br />
direct de la ceremonie, que de celui des <strong>of</strong>ficiants<br />
qui prennent chaque fois le risque de ne pouvoir<br />
revenir de leur 'voyage' chamanique ou sortir<br />
indemmes d'une seance de possession 31 •<br />
II faut qu'une porte soit ouverte ou fermee<br />
ou de l'entretien rituel des maisons<br />
Les fa~ades des maisons, c'est-a-dire les fermes<br />
de charpente donnant sur l'exterieur, doivent<br />
etre symboliquement fermees, soit par une<br />
couverture de planches ou de lattes de bambous,<br />
soit en faisant coulisser dans les fermes de la<br />
charpente une serie de planches attacbees bouta-bout<br />
a l'aide d'un lien de rotin, ou une serie de<br />
perches mises bout-a-bout, le 'bois-au-dessus'<br />
(Le Roux 1998a). La premiere ferme constitue<br />
en effet une 'ouverture' par laquelle les fantomes<br />
et esprits malins susceptibles de rendre malades<br />
les habitants de lamaison, peuvent s'engouffrer.<br />
11 faut les empecher de penetrer par cette voie.<br />
En faisant coulisser le bambou ( ou la planche)<br />
longitudinalement depuis la ferme de fa~ade<br />
jusqu, a la ferme de 1, arriere de la maison et en le<br />
faisant deborder legerement, les Jawi protegent<br />
leur maison: le fantome qui se hasarderait a<br />
1' interieur en s' engouffrant dans Ia ferme de<br />
fa~ade serait directement ejecte a l'arriere sans<br />
mal pour les habitants. Cette croyance, dans<br />
cette forme, date au moins de quatre-vingt ans,<br />
epoque a laquelle la majorite des maisons etait<br />
76<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
Coudee mag ique, eau lust rate et baton enchante<br />
Figure 10 Plan de masse. Hameau d' un vill age de Sai Buri , Pattani .<br />
En I sur le dessin : maison de style be/ana (maison en Figure 5). '<br />
En 2 sur le dessin : maison de style Lima.<br />
E n 3 sur le dessin : forge de stylebuje IIi /e.<br />
Dessin d'Eri c Bogdan (archi tecte DPLG), 199 1.<br />
de style buj e ttite ('Ia veuve aux aguets'), (Figure<br />
10), c'est-a-dire a double-pente prononcee et a<br />
far; ades ouvertes. Les deux types architecturaux<br />
les plus repandus aujourd' hui sont le style be/ano<br />
('hollandais' ou 'a chien assis', (Figures 11 et<br />
12) et le style lima a cinq a.retes de toiture (q ui<br />
ti ent son nom d' un sac de vanneri e ou de sparterie<br />
de forme pyramidale utilise jadi s dans les<br />
cui sines villageoises comme sac a epices ou<br />
condiments, range pres du foyer, (Figures 13-<br />
15) qui ont en commun d'<strong>of</strong>fir des far;ades<br />
parfaitement fermees, sauf exception (voir<br />
Bogdan 1995 et Le Roux 1996a). Les Jaw i ont<br />
done, une fois encore, adapte leurs manieres a<br />
leurs discours, et Ia piece de bois, retrecie a une<br />
seule planche ou bien a une seul e perche de<br />
bambou, est desormais si mplement gli ssee entre<br />
les deux fermes centrales de Ia charpente. Mais<br />
Ia protection magique que cette installation assure<br />
demeure efficace et eq ui vaut a Ia precedente<br />
(Figure 16).<br />
De meme que les Tha·ls bouddhistes, les<br />
villageois jawi recommandent enfm , afin d 'eviter<br />
etre malade et done d'etre 'percute' (tineh ) par<br />
un fant6me, de ne pas dormir sous les entraits<br />
(c'est-a-dire Ia piece de bois pl acee<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong>rhe <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s I & 2<br />
77
Pierre Le Roux<br />
COUP£ LONGITUOINALE<br />
Figure 11 Maison de style belano. Sai Buri , Pata ni . Dessin d'Eric Bogdan (architecte DPLG), 199 1.<br />
Figure 12 Fa'
Coudee magique, eau lustra/e et baton enchante<br />
E-pf:JZ<br />
Figure 13 Maison de style lima melangee belano (cui sine sur le cote, de style lima) . Pattani . Dessin d'Eri c<br />
Bogdan (architecte DPLG), 1992.<br />
0 2 m<br />
L__ __ _ _ 1--.J<br />
Figure 14 Maison de style lima en deux corps de batiment en vis-a-vis. Coupe transversale. Pattani . Dessin<br />
d' Eri c Bogdan (architecte DPLG), 1992.<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s I & 2 79
Pierre Le Raux<br />
Figure 15 Toiture d'une maison de style lima. Patani. La position des jarres d'eau placees au pied des<br />
echelles d'acces principale (au nord-est, en fa9ade) et secondaire (au sud-ouest eta l' arriere, cote cuisine)<br />
correspond a celle recommandee pour les puits: puits au nord-est de l'echelle d' acces = puits d' or (tres<br />
benefique); puits au sud-ouest de l'echelle d' acces arriere = puits medecine (moindrement benefique).<br />
Des sin d' Eric Bogdan (architecte DPLG), 1992.<br />
horizontalement en base de la ferme) de la<br />
charpente. Les Jawi et les autres Malais accordent<br />
enfin a certains animaux et objets Ia faculte de<br />
proteger leur maison des incendies, des vols ou<br />
des agressions. Conformement a leur cosmogonie<br />
dualiste, ils possedent generalement a cet effet<br />
une paire de k:riss, l' un etant assinule au principe<br />
masculin, a Ia figure du pere ou du mali et enfm<br />
au statut d'aine, conserve dans le grenier; !'autre<br />
symbolisant le ptincipe fen'linin, Ia figure de Ia<br />
mere, de I' epouse et de la Cadette, serre dans Je<br />
grenier adjacent a Ia maison d'habitation, pour<br />
proteger leurs biens meubles.<br />
Les objets de valeur (assiettes de porcelaines,<br />
jarres, kriss, etc.) etaient ainsi confies a Ia<br />
protection du culte de la meule-mere et surtout<br />
de I' arne du riz consideree comme Ia jeune fille<br />
cadette de Ia maison 32 , sacrifiee par ses parents<br />
a l'origine dumonde et du ri z d'apres le my<strong>the</strong>.<br />
Personne n'aurait ose commettre un vol au sein<br />
de ce 'palais de l'ame du riz' sous peine de<br />
subir Je courroux de l'ame et, par consequent, la<br />
destruction de sa propre recolte. Les tourterelles<br />
stri ees de 1' espece Geopelia striata L. sont<br />
elevees avec ferveur par la plupart des villageois<br />
jawi dans une quete quasi mystique de leurs<br />
pouvoirs supposes (un chant, un plumage et des<br />
pattes merveilleux). Elles atteignent des valeurs<br />
incommensurables et sont exportees dans<br />
!'ensemble de I' Asie du Sud-Est et du Monde<br />
Insulindien:<br />
On recherche les tourterelles qui possedent 33<br />
ou 44 ou 22 stries33 sur leurs pattes. Celie qui<br />
possecle 22 stries, i I fa ut I' accrocher a Ia porte<br />
de Ia maisonnee, du cote de l' echelle cl'acces.<br />
Celie qui a 33 stries, il faut I ' accrocher au milieu<br />
de Ia maison, dans Ia piece centrale. Celie qui<br />
comporte 44 stries, il faut l'accrocher a l'arriere<br />
de Ia maison, dans Ia chambre.<br />
Conteur: To' bohmo Pa' do M ih Ameng (Pattani<br />
1992).<br />
80<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s I & 2
Coudee magique, eau lustrale et baton enchante<br />
Une tourterelle qui possede 44 stries sur les<br />
pattes, on doit l'accrocher au milieu de Ia<br />
maison, pres de Ia chambre [derriere], si elle<br />
possede 33 stries, il faut l'accrocher pres de<br />
I' echelle d' acces, a I' entree principale [ devant],<br />
si I' oiseau possede 17 plumes caudales, le<br />
nombre de stries ne compte plus, il faut<br />
accrocher I' oiseau au milieu de Ia maison juste<br />
sur le pilier-mere. Cela est sacre. En effet, si Ia<br />
queue comporte 17 plumes, si le feu se declare,<br />
il ne pourra devorer Ia maison. L'incendie ne<br />
pourra attaquer I' en droit oil se trouve cet oiseau.<br />
Si I' oiseau compte 15 plumes caudales, I' oiseau<br />
aura un tres beau chant, plus melodieux que<br />
celui de tous les autres. S'il y a 17 plumes<br />
caudales, l'oiseau ne possede pas Ia pouvoir<br />
du chant mais le pouvoir des plumes. Nous<br />
croyons que Dieu est a I' origine de cela. Si tu<br />
ne me crois pas, tu entreprends l'elevage des<br />
tourterelles, tu attends qu'un oisillon emerge<br />
de sa coquille. Sa queue ne sera pas encore<br />
sortie. Et tu comptes les plumes caudales. S'il<br />
yen a 15, tu marques ton oiseau et tu le places<br />
dans Ia cage d'elevage avec d'autres oiseaux et<br />
tu ecoutes. Lequel possedera le meilleur chant?<br />
Si ce n'est pas celui aux 15 plumes caudales, tu<br />
reviens me voir et tu m'arraches les dents<br />
'choh-choh-choh', une a une. Les autres ne te<br />
diront rien ace sujet. Ils comptent les stries sur<br />
les pattes comme s'il s'agissait de poulets<br />
Ah ! Ce n'est pas pareil, il ne s'agit pas de<br />
stries. Les stries, les gens disent qu'il en faut<br />
33 ou 44 mais personne n'a encore vu un tel<br />
oiseau, pas un seul, des cendres seulement.<br />
Conteur: To' bohmo Che' No' (village de Hute<br />
Kole, 1992).<br />
Et, de fait, la plupart des villageois<br />
accrochent leurs cages a tourterelle de cette<br />
maniere : au moins une cage sur le seuil, une<br />
autre dans la piece centrale, et une troisieme,<br />
sinon plus, au fond de la maison, pres de la<br />
porte arriere donnant sur la cuisine.<br />
Conclusion<br />
Quoi qu'il en soit des changements intervenus<br />
dans leur culture materielle, assez visibles, de<br />
nos jours encore, tant pour les maisons<br />
traditionnelles des zones rurales que pour les<br />
batiments de beton et de verre plus modemes de<br />
Ia ville, les Jawi continuent d'accorder plus<br />
d' importance a la puissance potentielle de Ia<br />
maison et de ses genies, ainsi qu' aux augures,<br />
qu'a Ia technique de construction physique a<br />
proprement parler.<br />
En d'autres terrnes, il n'y a pas rupture, dans<br />
leur esprit et dans leurs pratiques entre les<br />
habitats en materiaux traditionnels de bambou<br />
et de bois et ceux en materiaux nouveaux de<br />
beton, de parpaings, de ferrailles et de verre, et,<br />
partant, reproductibilite des rites et de leur<br />
efficacite symbolique.<br />
Et ce n' est pas un hasard si I' on peut<br />
apercevoir bien sou vent, comme j 'ai pu le<br />
constater a maintes reprises, sur les chantiers<br />
en contruction des villes, nombreux en<br />
Thai1ande du Sud, des croix rituelles jawi de<br />
protection magique, kaye, en palmes de<br />
cocotier, a l'ombre demurs de briques et de<br />
parpaings inacheves, et des noix de coco<br />
attachees au sommet de poteaux en beton<br />
arme, ou encore une planche de bois, kayu<br />
atah ning, glissee longitudinalement entre les<br />
fermes de Ia charpente d'un garage commande<br />
par un notable siamois ou chinois de Ia ville<br />
au charpentier jawi, afin de proteger le<br />
batiment des esprits malins.<br />
C' est exactement le meme phenomene qui<br />
est en cause dans Ia reproduction des rites<br />
sociaux concernant lajeune accouchee, ddiye,<br />
qui allume et entretient au village un feu<br />
pendant 40 jours et qui, a l'Mpital de Ia ville,<br />
allume symboliquement le neon de la chambre<br />
pendant une heure, pour une meme efficacite<br />
symbolique attribuee. De la meme facton, lors<br />
de Ia circoncision traditionnelle, la ceremonie<br />
de deliement (lepah) des circoncis est<br />
effectuee par un parent masculin de<br />
l'impetrant, le plus souvent un oncle, qui tire<br />
trois coups de feu en 1' air au moment de la<br />
coupe du prepuce, mais ces coups de feu ne<br />
sont desormais tires symboliquement qu' au<br />
retour de l'Mpitallorsque l'enfant age d'une<br />
douzaine d' annees de nos jours, d' une<br />
vingtaine autrefois se fait circoncire a Ia<br />
moderne et sous anes<strong>the</strong>sie par un chirurgien<br />
de Ia ville. Comme on le voit, ace titre I' etude<br />
des rites de construction n'est nullement<br />
devenu un folklore mais demeure au contraire<br />
un <strong>the</strong>me de recherche d'actualite au sein<br />
d'espaces sociaux dynamiques.<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2<br />
81
Pierre LeRoux<br />
Notes<br />
I Les donnees presentees dans cet article ont ete<br />
collectees en 1995-1996lors d'un sejour de recherche<br />
finance par la Fondation Fyssen que je tiens a<br />
remercier.<br />
2 Sur l'histoire de Patani, voir les travaux d'lbrahim<br />
Syukri (1985), Teeuw et Wyatt (1970) et Bougas<br />
(1990). Le nom 'Patani' etant d' origine malaise s' ecrit<br />
normalement avec un seul 't'. Mais, en thai, du fait<br />
de la tonalisation, il est note avec deux 't' et cette<br />
graphie est reproduite dans Ia transcription romanisee<br />
administrative, Pattani. J'ai cependant choisi de<br />
conserver, en fran~ais, Ia graphie initiale avec un<br />
seul 't' pour une raison pratique (ainsi que padi, mot<br />
egalement malais d'origine, par rapport a l'ecriture<br />
usuelle en langues europeennes paddy, repris de Ia<br />
transcription anglaise) et surtout en reference a<br />
l'histoire et l'origine malaises de la region, pour<br />
designer d'une part le sultanat historique et d'autre<br />
part !'ensemble forme par les trois provinces<br />
thai1andaises actuelles de Patani, Yala et Narathiwat,<br />
en reservant done Ia forme Pattani pour designer<br />
specifiquement et au sens strict Ia petite province<br />
thai1andaise du m@me nom.<br />
3 La phonologie de Ia langue parlee par les Jawi a<br />
ete etablie lors des Workshops on <strong>the</strong> Phonology <strong>of</strong><br />
Patani Malay organises les 6 janvier et 10 juillet<br />
1995 par l'Universite Prince de Songkla a partir des<br />
travaux du linguiste australien C. Court et la<br />
lexicographe A. Wilding, auteurs des dictionnaires<br />
existant, des linguistes de cette universite, et de mes<br />
propres travaux (LeRoux 1995). Les termes des Jawi<br />
sont notes dans le systeme de transcription rumi-tani<br />
presente lors de ces workshops. Le malais de Patani<br />
est tres proche de celui de Kelantan et on trouvera<br />
une excellente description des differences que ce<br />
demier entretient avec le malais standard dans<br />
l'ouvrage de Sweeney (1972: 295). La langue jawi,<br />
consequence d'une monosyllabisation et d'une<br />
tonalisation en cours, possede en particulier un nombre<br />
eleve de phonemes vocaliques, comme les autres<br />
dialectes malais de Thai1ande, a Ia frontiere malaise<br />
et surtout elle presente des consonnes longues<br />
phonematiques a l'initiale, notees doublees : baka<br />
'griller', bbaka 'tabac', jale 'route', jjale 'marcher'<br />
(Waemaji Paramal1992).<br />
4 Sur cette situation syncretique voir Le Roux<br />
(1993b, 1994b), Baffle (1993) et Skeat (1898, 1953).<br />
Annandale (1903: 93) rappelle justement que Ia<br />
mythologie malaise est emplie de personnages et<br />
d'anecdotes derives des cultes hindous et qui<br />
demeurent familiers aux habitants grace aux spectacles<br />
de <strong>the</strong>atre d'ombre (roye kule) encore tres courants.<br />
Cette remarque est valide en 1997.<br />
5 Le Roux ( 1994a, 1994b: 86). Toutefois, on assiste<br />
depuis peu a !'emergence d'une classe moyenne<br />
citadine d'une tendance religieuse plus<br />
fondamentaliste que Ia masse rurale, et dont les<br />
membres, suivant le modele de Kelantan, et recusant<br />
I' assimilation ou m@me I' integration, refusent d'@tre<br />
differencies des habitants de Malaisie et se presentent<br />
comme ore Nnayu (Malais) et non comme ore Jawi.<br />
Sur I' apparition de cette classe moyenne a Patani,<br />
voir Horstmann (1997a et b).<br />
6 Car les Malais, et les Jawi, considerent que<br />
!'elephant marche reellement d'une fa~on<br />
extr@mement delicate. De m@me, de nombreuses<br />
societes africaines affrrment que les elephants peuvent<br />
courir en posant le pied sur une brindille seche sans<br />
Ia briser (observations personnelles, Guinee, 1975,<br />
Tanzanie, 1981).<br />
7 Unite de monnaie thallandaise representant<br />
environ vingt centimes fran~ais selon Ia fluctuation<br />
des cours. Localement, un million de bahts represente<br />
a peu pres !'equivalent du pouvoir d'achat d'un<br />
million de francs en France. Au sujet de cette<br />
tourterelle importante dans Ia societe jawi, voir Le<br />
Roux (1991).<br />
8 Les esprits malins et les fantomes sont assimiles<br />
aux sept etages des mondes inferieurs (Terre et oceans)<br />
dans le systeme cosmogonique. II est done nature!<br />
qu'ils arrivent par le bas des maisons. Ce qui<br />
correspond egalement aux antiques attaques<br />
d' autrefois perpetrees a I' arme blanche : les attaquants<br />
se glissaient entre les pilotis, sous le plancher, et<br />
pointaient leurs armes pour transpercer les dormeurs<br />
imprudents. On retrouve ce type d'attaque par le<br />
plancher chez les Austronesiens JOrai du Vietnam<br />
(Dournes 1978).<br />
9 D' apres la croyance populaire, il se condamnerait<br />
a aller en enfer et a y couper puis debarder des troncs<br />
d'arbres aussi gros que des troncs de cocotiers adultes<br />
autant de fois que le chat avait de poils. Les Jawi<br />
recommandent aussi de mouiller periodiquement un<br />
chat afin d'eviter la secheresse.<br />
10 La m@me expression designait aussi dans la<br />
region, en particulier a Trang, Satun et Patani, au<br />
XIX< siecle jusqu'aux annees 50, une societe<br />
particuliere : les Samsam. Ceux de Trang (Thai1ande)<br />
se presentaient comme Austronesiens originaires de<br />
l'ile de Langkawi (Annandale 1903) et ceux de Kedah<br />
82<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
Coudee magique, eau lustrale et baton enchante<br />
et Perlis (Malaisie) indiquaient une origine mon de<br />
Nakhon Sri Thammarat et Songkhla (Archaimbault<br />
1957). A. Patani, Annandale (1903) en temoigne, ils<br />
vivaient dans des bateaux et non dans des maisons,<br />
jusqu' au debut du siecle. Decrits par Crawfurd ( 1828)<br />
et Annandale comme proches materiellement des<br />
nomades marins des Mergui, ils se presentaient<br />
comme appartenant au meme stock de population<br />
que ces derniers. Les Samsam ont emprunte a cinq<br />
cultures, mons, austronesiens animistes, souvent<br />
decrits comme les habitants du legendaire royaume<br />
de Langkasuka, au contact des Chinois et fuyant les<br />
Malais et la conquete siamoise. D'apres tant Crawfurd,<br />
Archaimbault qu' Annandale, les Samsam sont<br />
d'abord caracterises par leur langue, sabir de mots<br />
siamois, predominants, et de mots malais meles de<br />
chinois arranges selon la syntaxe malaise, et par<br />
l'usage d'un arc-fronde a projectiles de terre, au<br />
manche en forme d'oiseau sculpte (notamment une<br />
tourterelle Geopelia striata). Les Samsams semblent<br />
avoir aujourd'hui disparu. II est tres probable qu'ils<br />
se sont en realite fondus dans la masse siamoise et<br />
malaise : cet arc est toujours fabrique et en usage<br />
chez les Jawi et surtout le fameux sabir des Samsam<br />
existe encore dans quelques villages 'jawi' de Pattani,<br />
Yala et Narathiwat. La forme jawi bohmo (bomoh en<br />
malais standard) se retrouve en samsam hmo<br />
(Archaimbault 1957). D'apres les informateurs malais<br />
et chinois de cet auteur, le terme 'Samsam'<br />
proviendrait d'une corruption du chinois hokkien<br />
tcham-tcham (ts 'an en mandarin) qui signifie 'meier'.<br />
En thai, sam signifie egalement 'etre melange'. Enfin,<br />
les tissus charmants des plus grands bohmo de Patani,<br />
philtres d' amour reputes, sont rediges en mul (graphie<br />
mon-khmere des anciennes inscriptions siamoises).<br />
11 Systeme dans lequel par exemple l' expression<br />
chewe angin designe le cerf ruso. Voir les travaux de<br />
Annandale et Robinson ( 1903 ), Cortez ( 1996), Skeat<br />
(1900, 1953), Wilkinson (1932).<br />
12 Le projet de construction d'un musee<br />
ethnographique de plein-air a Patani dans le cadre<br />
d'une cooperation entre l'universite Prince de<br />
Songkla, le CNRS et le ministere fran~ais des Mfaires<br />
etrangeres a notamment donne lieu a !'inauguration<br />
d'un premier batiment par SAR la princesse Galyani<br />
Vadhanaal'autornne 1995 (BogdanetMerleau-Ponty<br />
1995). Cette maison siamoise, de bois eta etage, qui<br />
a ete <strong>of</strong>ferte par son proprietaire, riche negociant<br />
chinois de Patani a l'universite, etait reputee hantee<br />
par un fantome, dans l'une des pieces de l'etage<br />
superieur. L'architecte fran~ais maitre d'ouvrage a<br />
ainsi dfi faire appel, au debut des travaux, aux bons<br />
<strong>of</strong>fices d'un guerisseur traditionnel pour exorciser ce<br />
fantome.<br />
13 L'annee exacte de cette fuite est difficile a<br />
determiner : l'evenement aurait eu lieu d'apres les<br />
souvenirs du principal temoin, aux alentours de<br />
l'annee 2473 de !'ere bouddhique, c'est-a-dire 1930,<br />
mais cette date est quelque peu sujette a caution. En<br />
revanche, le fait de l'exode est certain : le cornac<br />
royal en charge de ce periple etait feu Sarna' Biru luimeme,<br />
maitre de ddika (art martial et culte des<br />
ancetres) et ancien kamnan (sherif de canton) a Sai<br />
Buri, decede en 1991, que j' ai tres bien connu. Charge<br />
de conduire le sultan et ses trois gardes jusqu' a Kota<br />
Baru en Malaisie, a travers les forets il revint seul a<br />
Sai Buri et prit soin, dans son village, du dernier<br />
elephant royal jusqu'a la disparition de celui-ci,<br />
plusieurs annees apres.<br />
14 Wilkinson (1959: 117) parle de kuching bendara<br />
'chat de trois couleurs, blanc, jaune, noir' qui sont<br />
celles du sultan (raja), du prince heritier (raja muda)<br />
et du Grand Vizir ou bendahara<br />
IS Entada spp. Le terme beluru designe a la fois la<br />
variete Entada phaseoloides Merr (notamment Entada<br />
scandens Benth. ou Entada schefferi Ridl.), la variete<br />
Entada spiralis Ridl. ou la variete Entada purscetha<br />
DC. La tige de cette legumineuse (mimosacee)<br />
grimpante contient de l' eau potable. Les elephants,<br />
comme les hommes, en consomment les feuilles.<br />
C'est avec la meme decoction que les Jawi baignent<br />
la lame de leur kriss afin d'eviter son 'echauffement'<br />
c'est-a-dire un acces de rage dangereuse et done<br />
toute blessure qui pourrait en resulter (Le Roux<br />
1993a).<br />
16 Ou 'herbe-langue-de-tigre' (indeterrninee). II<br />
s'agit dune plante du type Pezistrophe acuminata<br />
Nees (Acanthacees) ou Rumput lidah jin ('herbelangue-de-diable')<br />
utili see com me medecine,<br />
notamment, dans le cas de cette derniere, contre la<br />
petite verole (Gimlette 1915).<br />
17 Acier d'alliage qui presente un beau moire<br />
metallique dit aussi acier woots ou indien, fabrique<br />
au moyen de tiges d' acier de durete differente, tordues<br />
ensemble tres inegalement, soudees, forgees en les<br />
repliant sur elles-memes, et polies. Chez les Jawi,<br />
sept metaux differents sont employes pour ce type<br />
d'alliage.<br />
18 Pour le systeme metrologique, voir Le Roux<br />
(1998d). La semaine des Jawi pre-islamiques ou<br />
refractaires a l' islam comportait sans doute dix jours<br />
et non sept comme a present. La trace de ces dix<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2<br />
83
Pierre Le Roux<br />
jours initiaux se trouve dans les my<strong>the</strong>s, et dans les<br />
calculs horoscopiques qui font intervenir trois jours<br />
supplementaires en sus des sept de la semaine. Une<br />
serie denaire, si associee a une serie duodenaire<br />
engendre une base soixante. Or, on trouve chez les<br />
Jawi trace d'une serie duodenaire (vieux cycle annuel<br />
d' origine chinoise ), d'une serie denaire, et d'un cycle<br />
de plus de 30 elements accreditant !'hypo<strong>the</strong>se d'un<br />
ancien semainier d'une decade.<br />
19 Pour plus d'information sur le systeme<br />
d'orientationjawi, voir LeRoux (1998d).<br />
20 Beau-frere de Rama dans le Ramayana (Sweeney<br />
1972, Winstedt 1929, Zieseniss 1963).<br />
21 'Mesure arbitraire que I' on prend, en architecture,<br />
pour etablir les rapports des diverses parties d'une<br />
ordonnance entre elles' (Chabat 1876: 87, cite par<br />
Clement-Charpentier 1997: 4).<br />
22 En effet, chez les Jawi, singo designe<br />
exclusivement le dragon alors que le lion mythique<br />
est nomme lui halo, terme qui designe egalement le<br />
tigre-garou. En malais ce dernier est nomme halak et<br />
le lion mythique singha. Pour faire reference<br />
explicitement a ce dernier dans le contexte culture!<br />
proprement siamois les Jawi disent singhto.<br />
23 Animal que les Jawi ne connaissent pas mais<br />
repute fabuleux et malin, c'est-a-dire malefique.<br />
24 Pour plus de details sur le systeme des unites de<br />
mesure notamment dans !'habitat et les mesures<br />
symboliques, voir 'Mesures et demesure' (LeRoux<br />
1998d). Sur la construction et !'architecture ellemSme,<br />
voir LeRoux, 'Ce-bois-au-dessus (1998a) et<br />
surtout Bogdan (1995), Ormeier (1993), Kate<br />
Ratanajarana (1994), [collectif] (1986). Pour un<br />
elargissement a la societe malaise voisine, voir les<br />
travaux de Abdul Halim Nasir et Wan Hashim Wan<br />
Teh (1987); Gibbs (1987); Hilton (1956, 1992);<br />
Legendre (1993); Noone (1948); Sheppard (1969) et<br />
Lim Jee Yuan (1987).<br />
25 D'apres Ciement-Charpentier et Clement (1990:<br />
92), c' est la mSme chose chez les Lao de la plaine de<br />
Vientiane mais la coudee est celle de l'homme.<br />
26 Ace sujet, voir Bougas (1992), Dumar~tay ( 1992)<br />
et Guillot (1985),les travaux publies par le Musee de<br />
Kota Baru (Kelantan, Malaysia) et l'Encyclopedie<br />
culturelle de la Thailande du Sud (1986).<br />
27 Poteau principal de la maison representant<br />
symboliquement 1' axe du monde.<br />
28 11 existe chez les J awi et les Malais une nette<br />
hierarchie decroissante des couleurs : du blanc puteh)<br />
et du jaune (kuning) au noir (ite) en passant par le<br />
rouge (meroh), le vert (hija) et le bleu (biru).<br />
29 Voir Le Roux (1994b: 606) pour le detail de cette<br />
ceremonie rare.<br />
30 En effet, comme dans le culte rizicole, la noix de<br />
coco est tres certainement une reminiscence d' anciens<br />
rituels avec sacrifices humains ou, en tous cas, les<br />
tStes jouaient un rOle primordial, comme naguere<br />
encore chez d'autres Austronesiens, par exemple les<br />
Dayaks de l'ile de Borneo. L'eau de la noix de coco<br />
symbolise le sang et est pour cela consideree maseng<br />
'salee' chez les Jawi.<br />
31 Cependant, le rituel requis lors de la construction<br />
d'une maison nouvelle ou du deplacement d'une<br />
ancienne engendre generalement une implication des<br />
<strong>of</strong>ficiants physiquement plus Iegere et rapide que<br />
lors des grandes ceremonies deja mentionnees ou<br />
encore lors de la danse rituelle et magique belie (le<br />
belian malais).<br />
32 C' est pourquoi, entre autres presents sur le plateau<br />
a <strong>of</strong>frandes <strong>of</strong>fert a l'fune du riz, les Jawi placent<br />
toujours du damar afin que l'fune puisse s'eclairer,<br />
un morceau de miroir pour qu'elle puisse s'admirer,<br />
un peigne pour qu'elle se coiffe, du talc et de l'huile<br />
de coco pour qu'elle s'oigne la peau.<br />
33 Dans le desordre : il n'y a pas de hierarchie dans<br />
1' enonciation<br />
References<br />
Abdul Halim Nasir & Wan Hasim Wan Teh 1987.<br />
Rumah Melayu Tradisi, Kuala Lumpur, Penerbit<br />
Fajar Bakti, [en malais].<br />
Annandale, N. 1909. <strong>The</strong> <strong>The</strong>ory <strong>of</strong> Souls among <strong>the</strong><br />
Malays <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Malay Peninsula, <strong>Journal</strong> and<br />
Proceedings <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Asiatic <strong>Society</strong> <strong>of</strong> Bengal (n.<br />
s.), V: 59-66.<br />
Annandale, N. & H. C. Robinson 1903-7. Fasciculi<br />
Malayenses. Anthropological and Zoological<br />
results <strong>of</strong> an expedition to Perak and <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>ese<br />
States, 1901-1902, undertaken under <strong>the</strong> auspices<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> University <strong>of</strong> Edinburgh and <strong>the</strong> University<br />
<strong>of</strong> Liverpool, Anthropology, <strong>Part</strong> 1-11, Zoology,<br />
<strong>Part</strong> I-IV, Supplement Map and Itinerary,<br />
Londres: Longmans, Green, & Londres: Williams<br />
and Norgate.<br />
Archaimbault, C.l957. A Preliminary investigation<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sam Sam <strong>of</strong> Kedah and Perlis, <strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Malayan Branch <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Royal Asiatic <strong>Society</strong><br />
XXX(l): 75-92.<br />
Baffie, J. 1993. Des musulmans dans la cite<br />
bouddhique. L'exemple de la Thai1ande, Revue<br />
du Monde Musulman et de la Mediterranee, Etat,<br />
84<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
Coudee magique, eau lustrale et baton enchante<br />
nation et nationalisme dans le monde musulman,<br />
68-69 (2-3): 189-200.<br />
Bogdan, E. 1995. Aspects de ['architecture a Patani,<br />
Paris, Ecole d' Architecture de Paris-Villemin,<br />
Memoire de Travail de Fin d'Etudes en<br />
Architecture.<br />
Bogdan, E. & C. Merleau-Ponty 1995. Le Centre<br />
culture[ de Patani, Patani, Prince <strong>of</strong> Songkla<br />
University, Ambassade de France en Thallande<br />
et Projet Grand Sud, bilingue fran~ais-thai:.<br />
Bougas, W. 1990. Patani in <strong>the</strong> beginning <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
XVIIe Century, Archipel39: 113-38.<br />
Bougas, W. 1992. Surau Aur: Patani's Oldest Mosque,<br />
Archipel43: 89-112.<br />
Bruneau, M. 1987. La minorite musulmane malaise<br />
du Sud de Ia Thai1ande. Analyse geopolitique,<br />
pp.675-687 in B. Krechlin, F.Sigaut, J. M. C.<br />
Thomas, G. T<strong>of</strong>fin (eds): De la Voute Celeste au<br />
Terroir, du Jardin au Foyer, Mosai"que<br />
Sociographique. Hommage a Lucien Bernot,<br />
Paris: Ed. de l'EHESS.<br />
Burkhill, I. H. 1935. A Dictionary <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Economic<br />
Products <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Malay Peninsula, Londres: Crown<br />
Agent for <strong>the</strong> Colonies on behalf <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Government <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Straits Settlements and<br />
Federated Malay States, 2 vols.<br />
Chabat, P. 1816.Dictionnaire des termes employes<br />
dans la construction, Paris: Morel.<br />
Clement-Charpentier, S. 1998. Les mesures chez les<br />
Lao, a paraitre in P. Le Roux, F. Robinne, B.<br />
Sellato, J. Ivan<strong>of</strong>f (eds): De poids et de mesures<br />
en Asie du Sud-Est. Systemes metrologiques et<br />
societes, Paris: EFEO.<br />
Clement-Charpentier, S. and P. Clement 1990.<br />
L'Habitation lao dans les regions de Vientiane et<br />
de Louang Prabang. Reunir les bois, reunir les<br />
mains, Paris: Peeters.<br />
[COLLECTIF] 2529 [1986]. Saranukhrom<br />
wattanatham phak tai, Sathaban Taksin Kadi<br />
Suksa [Encyclopedie de Thai1ande du Sud], Koyo,<br />
Songkhla [Centre des etudes thai"es du sud],<br />
Mahawithayalai Sri Nakharin Wirot [Universite<br />
Prince Wirot], avec !'aide de Mulanithi Toyota<br />
[Fondation Toyota].<br />
Cortez, G. 1996. Enquetes sur le pecheurs Jawi de<br />
Patani et Narathiwat (Thai1ande du Sud). Rapport<br />
final, Patani, Prince <strong>of</strong> Songkla University-Centre<br />
National de Ia Recherche Scientifique.<br />
Cortez, G. 1998. Megophias megophias-a Ia<br />
poursuite du Grand Serpent de mer. Rapports<br />
entre my<strong>the</strong>s et zoologie des monstres marins<br />
d' Asie du Sud-Est, Anthropologie Maritime,<br />
Cahier 6, Table Ronde Creations fanstastiques et<br />
mythiques, (sous presse).<br />
Court, C. A. F. et Paitoon Masminchainara 1984.<br />
Thai-Pattani Malay Dictionary, Patani, Prince <strong>of</strong><br />
Songkla University, Faculty <strong>of</strong> Humanities and<br />
Social Sciences, [en thai"].<br />
Court, C. A. F. 1995. <strong>The</strong> Phonology <strong>of</strong> Patani Malay.<br />
<strong>The</strong> double consonants in Patani Malay.<br />
Conversion system from Standard Malay to Patani<br />
Malay, Work-Shop on <strong>the</strong> Phonology <strong>of</strong> Patani<br />
Malay, Patani, Prince <strong>of</strong> Songkla University, 6<br />
janvier, Second Work-Shop on <strong>the</strong> Phonology <strong>of</strong><br />
Patani Malay, Patani, Prince <strong>of</strong> Songkla<br />
University, 10 juillet.<br />
Crawfurd, J. 1987. <strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> an Embassy to <strong>the</strong><br />
Courts <strong>of</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> and Cochin China, Singapour,<br />
Oxford University Press ore ed. 1828).<br />
Cuisinier, J. 1936. Danses magiques de Kelantan,<br />
Paris, Institut d'Ethnologie, Universite de Paris,<br />
(Travaux et Memoires de l'Institut d'Ethnologie,<br />
XXII).<br />
Cuisinier, J. 195l.Sumangat. L'iime et son culte en<br />
lndochine et en lndonesie, Paris: NRF-Gallirnard.<br />
Doumes, J. 1978. Foret,femme,folie. Une traversee<br />
de l'imaginaire jorai, Paris: Aubier-Montaigne.<br />
Dumar~ay, J. 1992. La Mosquee de Kampung Laut<br />
(Kelantan). Etude architecturale , Archipel 44:<br />
115-22.<br />
Forbes, A. D. W. (Ed.) 1989. <strong>The</strong> Muslims <strong>of</strong><br />
Thailand, vol. 2, Politics <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Malay-Speaking<br />
South, Gay a: Centre for South East Asian Studies.<br />
Gibbs, P. 1987. Building a Malay House. Kaedah<br />
Pembinaan Rumah Melayu, Singapour: Oxford<br />
University Press, (Images <strong>of</strong> Asia), avec Yahya<br />
Abdul Rahman et Zamani Kassim.<br />
Gimlette J., 1915. Malay Poisons and Charm Cures<br />
(reed. 1985), Singapour: Oxford University Press.<br />
Guillot, C., 1985. La symbolique de Ia mosquee<br />
javanaise. A propos de Ia 'Petite Mosquee' de<br />
Jatinom, Archipel 30, 'L'Islam en Indonesie',<br />
tome II: 3-19.<br />
Hilton, R., 1956. <strong>The</strong> basic Malay house, <strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Malaysian Branch <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Royal Asiatic <strong>Society</strong><br />
XXIX (3): 134-55.<br />
Hilton, R., 1992. Defining <strong>the</strong> Malay House <strong>Journal</strong><br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Malaysian Branch <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Royal Asiatic<br />
<strong>Society</strong> LXV (1): 39-70.<br />
Horstmann, A., 1997a. Hybrid processes <strong>of</strong><br />
Globalization and Modernization: <strong>the</strong> making <strong>of</strong><br />
consumers in Sou<strong>the</strong>rn Thailand in Richard<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2<br />
85
Pierre Le Roux<br />
Fardon (Ed.): Proceedings <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> EIDOS<br />
Conference (13-16 March, Leiden, <strong>The</strong><br />
Ne<strong>the</strong>rlands) on 'Globalization, Development and<br />
<strong>the</strong> making <strong>of</strong> consumers: what are collective<br />
identities for?, Leiden (sous presse).<br />
Horstmann, A., 1997b. Lifestyling as Empowerment:<br />
Strategies <strong>of</strong> Social Actors in Time and Space<br />
Tai Culture. International Review on Tai Cultural<br />
Studies, 2 (2) (sous presse).<br />
Ibrahim Syukri [pseudonyme de Tungku Patera Al<br />
Mahom Abdul Mutalib], 1985. History <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Malay Kingdom <strong>of</strong> Patani, A<strong>the</strong>ns: Ohio<br />
University, Center for International Studies<br />
(Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asia Series, 68), trad. C. Bailey & J.<br />
N. Miksic, (reed. 1990).<br />
Kate Ratanajarana, 1994. <strong>The</strong> Domestic Architecture<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Thai-Muslims in <strong>the</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>rn Border<br />
Provinces <strong>of</strong> Thailand, Patani: Institute <strong>of</strong> Art<br />
and Culture, Prince <strong>of</strong> Songkla University.<br />
Kobkua Suwannathat-Pian, 1988. Thai-Malay<br />
relations. Traditional Intra-Regional Relations<br />
from <strong>the</strong> Seventeenth to <strong>the</strong> Early Twentieth<br />
Centuries, Singapour: Oxford University<br />
Press.<br />
Legendre, L., 1993. La Maison malaise au Kelantan<br />
(memoire de Maitrise d'Ethnologie), Paris:<br />
Universite Paris X-Nanterre.<br />
Le Roux, P., 1991. Au pays des oiseaux-rois: les<br />
tourterelles de Patani, Acta Geographica, 88 (IV):<br />
2-16.<br />
Le Roux, P., 1993a. La Dame de l'Eau Salee des<br />
Jawi 'mangeurs de budu' (Thai:Iande du Sud<br />
Est): 321-356 in P. LeRoux et J. Ivan<strong>of</strong>f (Eds):<br />
Le Sel de Ia vie en Asie du Sud-Est, Pattani:<br />
Prince <strong>of</strong> Songkla University.<br />
LeRoux, P., 1993b. Les Tetes nouvelles. Intrusion<br />
d'une forme rigoriste de !'islam chez les Jawi,<br />
Malais de Thai1ande, Revue du Monde Musulman<br />
et de Ia Mediterranee, 68-69 (2-3): 201-12.<br />
LeRoux, P., 1994a. Le paradoxe identitaire des Jawi<br />
de Thallande ou l'ethnonyme d'une transition,<br />
Cahiers des Sciences Humaines, 'Incertitudes<br />
identitaires' 30 (3): 435-53.<br />
LeRoux, P., 1994b. L'E/ephant Blanc aux Defenses<br />
Noires. My<strong>the</strong>s et identite chez les Jawi, Malais<br />
de Patani (Thai"lande du Sud), Paris: Ecole des<br />
Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales (<strong>the</strong>se de<br />
doctorat), 2 vol.<br />
Le Roux, P., 1995a. Compte rendu du 'First Workshop<br />
(6th January) and Second Work-shop (lOth<br />
July) on <strong>the</strong> Phonology <strong>of</strong> Patani Malay', ateliers<br />
animes par C. Court, Patani, Prince <strong>of</strong> Songkla<br />
University, (Grand Sud. Serle Document, 1).<br />
LeRoux, P., 1997a. Gens de savoirs, gens de pouvoir:<br />
les bohmo chez les Jawi (Patani, Thai1ande du<br />
Sud), Annales de Ia F ondation Fyssen, n' 12: 53-<br />
72.<br />
LeRoux, P., 1997b. Decouverte (ou retrouvaille) a<br />
Patani (Thai1ande du Sud) d'un globe terrestre et<br />
de deux parchemins royaux, Bulletin de /'Ecole<br />
franr;aise d'Extreme-Orient 84: 323-33.<br />
LeRoux, P., 1998a. Ce bois-au-dessus. Porte-berceau,<br />
exorciste et marqueur identitaire. Un exemple de<br />
technologie symbolique chez les Jawi a propos<br />
d'architecture traditionnelle (Patani: Thai1ande<br />
du Sud), Aseanie (Bangkok), vol. 3 (a paraitre).<br />
LeRoux, P., 1998b. Litteratures, oralite et survivances<br />
culturelles chez les Jawi (Malais de Patani,<br />
Thallande du Sud), Peninsule. Etudes<br />
interdisciplinaires sur l'Asie du Sud-Est<br />
peninsulaire 36: 7-29.<br />
LeRoux, P., 1998c. Bede kaba' ou les derniers canons<br />
de Patani, Bulletin de /'Ecole franr;aise<br />
d'Extreme-Orient 85 (sous presse).<br />
LeRoux, P., 1998d. Mesures et demesure chez les<br />
Jawi, a paraitre in P. Le Roux, F. Robinne, B.<br />
Sellato, J. Ivan<strong>of</strong>f (Eds): De poids et de mesures<br />
en Asie du Sud-Est. Systemes metrologiques et<br />
societes, Paris: EFEO.<br />
Le Roux, P. et Azip Samuyama, 1997. A propos de la<br />
sauvegarde de la litterature orale en Thai1ande du<br />
Sud: le conte jawi du roi-serpent, Rusamilae<br />
(Revue de l'Universire Prince de Songkla, Pattani<br />
Campus), 18 (1-2): 70-76 [en thai].<br />
LeRoux, P. et Cortez, G., 1995. Proues bifides, 'culs<br />
coupes' et kriss merveilleux chez les J awi (Patani,<br />
Thai1ande), Anthropologie Maritime, n' 5: 35-<br />
46.<br />
Nantawan Haemindra, 1976. <strong>The</strong> Problem <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Thai<br />
Muslims in <strong>the</strong> Four Sou<strong>the</strong>rn Provinces <strong>of</strong><br />
Thailand (<strong>Part</strong> 1), <strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> South-East Asian<br />
Studies VII (2): 197-225.<br />
Noone, R., 1948. Notes on <strong>the</strong> Kampong, Compounds<br />
and houses <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Patani Malay Village <strong>of</strong> Banggul<br />
Ara, in <strong>the</strong> mukim <strong>of</strong> Batu Kurau, Nor<strong>the</strong>rn Perak,<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Malaysian Branch <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Royal<br />
Asiatic <strong>Society</strong> XXI (1): 124-47.<br />
Ormeier, M. (Ed.), 1993. Bauernhauser<br />
thailandischer Moslems (Domestic Architecture<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Thai Moslems), Passau/Pattani:<br />
Freilichtmuseum Massing, Universitiit Passau,<br />
Prince <strong>of</strong> Songkla University.<br />
86<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
Coudee magique, eau lustrale et baton enchante<br />
Shaw, W., 1975. Aspects <strong>of</strong> Malaysian Magic, Kuala<br />
Lumpur: Muzium Negara.<br />
Sheppard, Tan Sri Haji Mubin, 1969. Traditional<br />
Malay House forms in Trengganu and Kelantan,<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Malaysian Branch <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Royal<br />
Asiatic <strong>Society</strong> XLII (2): 1-10.<br />
Sheppard, Tan Sri Haji Mubin, 1983. Taman Saujana.<br />
Dance, Drama, Music and Magic in Malaya Long<br />
and Not-so-Long Ago, Petaling Jaya, Selangor:<br />
International Book Service.<br />
Skeat, W. W., 1898. Some records <strong>of</strong> Malay Magic<br />
by an eye-witness, <strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Straits Branch<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Royal Asiatic <strong>Society</strong> 31 (July): 1-41.<br />
Skeat, W. W., 1900. Malay Magic, being an<br />
Introduction to <strong>the</strong> Folklore and Popular Religion<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Malay Peninsula, Londres: Macmillan.<br />
Skeat, W. W., 1953. Reminiscences <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Expedition<br />
by <strong>the</strong> late W. W. Skeat, leader <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Expedition.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Cambridge University Expedition to <strong>the</strong><br />
North-Eastern Malay States, and to Upper Perak,<br />
1899-1900, <strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Malaysian Branch <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Royal Asiatic <strong>Society</strong> XXVI (4), 164: 9-147.<br />
Surin Pitsuwan, 1985.1slam and Malay Nationalism:<br />
a case study <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Malay-Muslims <strong>of</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>rn<br />
Thailand, Bangkok: Thai Khadai Research<br />
Institute, Thammasat University.<br />
Sweeney, P. A. 1972. <strong>The</strong> Ramayana and <strong>the</strong> Malay<br />
Shadow-Play, Kuala Lumpur: Penerbit Universiti<br />
Kebangsaan Malaysia (<strong>The</strong> National University<br />
<strong>of</strong> Malaysia Press).<br />
Teeuw, A. et Wyatt, D., 1970. Hikayat Patani. <strong>The</strong><br />
Story <strong>of</strong> Patani, La Hague: Martinus Nijh<strong>of</strong>f,<br />
Koninklijk Instituut, Voor Taal-, Land- en<br />
<strong>Vol</strong>kenkunde (Biblio<strong>the</strong>ca Indonesica), 2 vol.<br />
Waemaji Paramal, 1990. Long Consonants in Pattani<br />
Malay: <strong>The</strong> result <strong>of</strong> word and phrase shortening,<br />
Bangkok: Mahidol University.<br />
Wilding, A., 1979. Pattani Malay Dictionary for<br />
Fellow-Workers in South Thailand, Yala:<br />
Overseas Missionary Fellowship.<br />
Wilkinson, R. J., 1906. Malay Beliefs, London/Leiden:<br />
Luzac/Brill.<br />
Wilkinson, R. J., 1932. Some Malay Studies, <strong>Journal</strong><br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Malaysian Branch <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Royal Asiatic<br />
<strong>Society</strong> X (1): 67-137.<br />
Wilkinson, R. J., 1959. A Malay-English Dictionary<br />
(Romanised), Londres, Macmillan 2 vol.<br />
Winstedt, R., 1916. <strong>The</strong> Malay Magician: being<br />
shaman, saiva and sufi, Londres: Routledge and<br />
Kegan Paul, (reed. 1961).<br />
Winstedt, R., 1929. A Patani Version <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Ramayana, Feestbundel uitgegeveu door het<br />
Koninklijk Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten<br />
en Wetenschappen bij Gelegenheid van zijn 150<br />
jarig bestaan 1778-1928, Batavia, II: 423-34.<br />
Yuan, Lim Jee 1987. <strong>The</strong> Malay House. Rediscovering<br />
Malaysia's Indigenous Shelter System, Pinang:<br />
Institut Masyarakat.<br />
Zieseniss, A., 1963. <strong>The</strong> Rama Saga in Malaysia. Its<br />
Origin and Formation, Singapour: Malaysian<br />
Sociological Research Institute, trad. de P. Burch,<br />
ed. de S. Gordon.<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2<br />
87
LA FORMATION DES RESEAUX D'ECHANGES RELIANT<br />
L' ASIE DU SUD ET L' ASIE DU SUD-EST A TRAVERS LE<br />
, , '<br />
MATERIEL ARCHEOLOGIQUE (VIe SIECLE A V. J.-C.-VIe<br />
SIECLE AP. J.-C.-LE CAS DE LA THAiLANDE ET LA<br />
PENINSULE MALAISE<br />
Berenice Bellina*<br />
Resume<br />
La formation des reseaux d' echanges reliant 1' Asie du Sud et du Sud-Est est<br />
un probleme majeur depuis les debuts de la recherche sur l'histoire de 1' Asie<br />
du Sud-Est. Un recensement et une etude des temoignages arcbeologiqueslesquels<br />
comprennent des objets sud-asiatiques decouverts en Asie du Sud<br />
Est et des objets sud-est asiatiques visiblement inspires par des modeles sudasiatiques-permettent<br />
d'eclairer certains aspects du processus de formation<br />
des reseaux d'echanges, notamment leur chronologie et leur nature. Ainsi, il<br />
nous est apparu que deux phases pouvaient etre degagees et qu'a chacune<br />
d'elles correspondaient un materiel caracteristique et que, d'autre part, celuici<br />
n'etait pas le fruit de relations directes mais le resultat de l'enchevetrement<br />
de reseaux intra- et inter-regionaux. 1<br />
Introduction<br />
La question de l'indianisation de 1' Asie du Sud<br />
Est a motive de nombreuses recherches depuis<br />
deja plus d'un siecle, car elle est liee a la<br />
formation des Etats sud-est asiatiques. Ces<br />
investigations furent d'abord fondees sur l'etude<br />
des textes chinois, indiens et occidentaux dont<br />
les diverses interpretations donnerent naissance<br />
a de nombreuses hypo<strong>the</strong>ses sur le processus de<br />
transfert culture!. Toutes s'accordaient sur le<br />
role central qu' avaient joue les activites<br />
commerciales mais negligeaient toute initiative<br />
sud-est asiatique et perpetuaient une vue 'indocentriste'<br />
(Kulke 1990: 13). Dans les annees<br />
soixante, le developpement des etudes<br />
arcbeologiques a demontre le dynamisme des<br />
reseaux d' echanges locaux en Asie du Sud et en<br />
Asie du Sud-Est, des le milieu du premier<br />
millenaire avant notre ere. Dans certaines<br />
regions, cette vitalite a ete le ciment d'une<br />
construction etatique. II semble meme que I' on<br />
doive concevoir une etatisation parallele sur les<br />
deux rives de la baie du Bengale. Ce pbenomene<br />
resulte des echanges a 1' interieur des deux<br />
ensembles regionaux et, a partir d'une certaine<br />
epoque, entre eux (Kulke 1990: 28-9).<br />
Notre etude s' est attacbee a eclairer quelques<br />
aspects de la formation de ces reseaux<br />
d'echanges. A cette fin, nous avons exploite<br />
une partie du materiel arcbeologique qui les<br />
marque. Notre corpus comprend des objets<br />
indiens decouverts en Asie du Sud-Est-a notre<br />
connaissance, on n'a pas encore prouve<br />
formellement la presence de materiel sud-est<br />
asiatique dans le sous-continent lndien-et des<br />
objets sud-est asiatiques visiblement inspires<br />
par des prototypes sud-asiatiques. Dans le<br />
premier cas, nous avons chercbe les homologues<br />
sud-asiatiques, dans le deuxieme cas, leurs<br />
possibles modeles dans le sous-continent Indien<br />
• Doctorante, Sorbonne Nouvelle (Paris III): 8<br />
impasse Philippe Le Gene, 91190, St. Aubin, France.<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s I & 2<br />
89
Berenice Bellina<br />
et essaye de degager leur chronologie, leur<br />
repartition et parfois leurs variantes locales.<br />
Par ce procede, nous avons d'abord cherche<br />
a determiner les regions mises en relation et<br />
done, eventuellement, les routes maritimes ou<br />
terrestres, puis Ia nature de ces contacts.<br />
Autrement dit, nous avons essaye de determiner<br />
si les objets etudies etaient le fruit de contacts<br />
directs ou le resultat d'un enchev8trement de<br />
reseaux regionaux. A partir de cet inventaire,<br />
dont nous ne livrons ici qu'un echantillonnage<br />
restreint a Ia Thai1ande et a Ia peninsule Malaise,<br />
nous avons montre qu'il est possible de degager<br />
deux phases dans Ia formation des reseaux<br />
d' echanges qui reliaient I' Asie du Sud et I' Asie<br />
du Sud-Est.<br />
La premiere phase<br />
A Ia premiere phase correspondent les sites<br />
thai's de Ban Don Ta Phet et de Chansen (phase<br />
II).<br />
Ban Don Ta Phet<br />
Les objets exhumes du cimetiere non indianise<br />
de Ban Don Ta Phet (Province de Kanchanaburi)<br />
constituent les<br />
premiers temoignages<br />
significatifs d'echanges. Selon Glover, le<br />
cimetiere a connu une periode d'utilisation tres<br />
courte au cours de laquelle des inhumations<br />
secondaires auraient ete realisees dans une m8me<br />
fosse (Glover 1986: 152). Les datations<br />
radiocarbones obtenues, grace aux analyses<br />
realisees sur les inclusions de riz dans la poterie<br />
qui y a ete mise au jour, indiquent une fourchette<br />
chronologique comprise entre 390 et 360 avant<br />
notre ere. Deux types de vaisselle en bronze a<br />
forte teneur en etain etaient concentres dans les<br />
sepultures les plus riches. La vaisselle a cone<br />
central et la vaisselle decoree de scenes incisees.<br />
La vaisselle a cone central (Knobbed Ware)<br />
(Figure 1) presente un type de forme connu<br />
dans le sous-continent Indien en cerarnique, en<br />
pierre et en metal. On la trouve communement<br />
en Nor<strong>the</strong>rn Black Polished Ware (NBPW) de<br />
la phase tardive, correspondant aux derniers<br />
siecles avant notre ere. On Ia rencontre au<br />
Bangladesh, a Mahasthan, ou elle appartient<br />
aux niveaux les plus anciens (Figure 2), soit aux<br />
III-II• siecles avant notre ere. Ce type de recipient<br />
a aussi ete fabrique en metal. A Taxila, on en<br />
connait en bronze, en argent et en cuivre.<br />
D'autres bois de ce type, en bronze, ont ete mis<br />
au jour au Tamil Nadu, comme dans les<br />
sepultures megalithiques de Souttoukeny, que<br />
J. M. Casal datait des environs du II• siecle<br />
avant notre ere (Casal 1956), ainsi que dans<br />
celles de Nilgiri Hills. Nous constatons ainsi<br />
que la vaisselle a cone central, toutes matieres<br />
confondues, est repartie entre le Pakistan, la<br />
vallee du Gange, le Bengale, l'Orissa, et l'Inde<br />
du Sud-Est.<br />
En dehors du sous-continent Indien, bien<br />
qu'elle presente parfois des variations de forme<br />
et de decoration, la vaisselle de ce type est<br />
connue en Occident et en Asie du Sud-Est,<br />
notamment au Vietnam. En Occident, elle est<br />
representee par des bois en cerarnique ou en<br />
metal pourvus d'un omphalos qui ont ete<br />
populaires dans le monde mediterraneen aux<br />
III-II• siecles avant notre ere (Marshall 1951:<br />
612). Au Vietnam, on en a decouvert en metal<br />
soit fortuitement, soit dans des sepultures en<br />
briques de type Han, a Dong Son au Thanh-hoa<br />
(Janse 1962) ; celles-ci pourraient 8tre datees<br />
des premiers siecles autour de notre ere (Janse<br />
1947: Introduction). Nous ne savons pas,<br />
cependant, si les bols vietnamiens soot des<br />
productions locales ou s'ils ont ete importes.<br />
Probablement fabriques localement 2 , les bois<br />
a cone central de Ban Don Ta Phet seraient<br />
done issus du transfert d'une forme. Cette forme<br />
derive sans doute d'un modele occidental, dont<br />
!'apparition peut 8tre datee des environs dum·<br />
siecle avant notre ere et qui se serait repandu<br />
assez rapidement en Asie du Sud des le III-II•<br />
siecle avant notre ere et en Asie du Sud-Est peu<br />
de temps apres. 11 est peu vraisemblable que ce<br />
type de cerarnique soit arrive en lode par voie<br />
maritime a une aussi haute epoque. Cela semble<br />
pouvoir 8tre confirme par la quasi-absence de<br />
cette vaisselle sur la cote Ouest de l'Inde. 11 est<br />
plus probable que ce modele soit passe<br />
d'Occident en Asie Centrale par la voie terrestre,<br />
comme d'autres types. Ace sujet, J.-C Gardin<br />
rapporte, a la suite de son etude de la cerarnique<br />
d' A1 Khanum (Afghanistan) que les modeles de<br />
ceramiques hellenistiques (ceramique<br />
megarienne, etc.) ne mettent que quelques<br />
annees a passer en Asie Centrale; il est m8me<br />
possible de suivre et de dater leur passage via le<br />
Moyen-Orient (Gardin 1985). Cette constatation<br />
90<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
La formation des reseaux d 'echanges reliantl'Asie du Sud et l'Asie clu Sud-Est<br />
~~=<br />
/ , - -~<br />
(<br />
- - 6cm<br />
---<br />
0 5 c ..<br />
Figure 2 Ceramique a cone central en Nor<strong>the</strong>rn<br />
Black Polished Ware de Mahasthangarh ,<br />
Bangladesh. Tire de Elaigne 1996: p1.2 1.<br />
Figure 1 Bois en bronze a forte teneur en etain a<br />
cone central (knobbed-ware) de Ban Don Ta Phet.<br />
Cliche I. C. Glover.<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> !he <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, Pan s J & 2<br />
91
Berenice Bellina<br />
semble pouvoir etre appliquee aussi aux<br />
transferts entre I' Asie du Sud et I' Asie du Sud<br />
Est. La vaisselle a cone central apparait des les<br />
III-II• siecles avant J.-C en Asie du Sud et sans<br />
doute tres peu de temps apres en Thai1ande et<br />
peut -etre au Vietnam. Reste a sa voir par quelle( s)<br />
region(s) du sous-continent a ete transmis ce<br />
modele et, par consequent, par quelle(s) route(s).<br />
Nous pensons que le modele est passe de I' Asie<br />
Centrale (Afghanistan et Pakistan) a Ia Vallee<br />
du Gange. De Ia, il a du se repandre le long de Ia<br />
cote Est en Inde, au Bengale, en Orissa et au<br />
Tamil Nadu. Nous ne savons pas quelles routes<br />
a emprunte cette vaisselle pour arriver en Asie<br />
du Sud-Est, mais les plus vraisemblables, sont<br />
Ies routes maritimes. Toutefois, il est legitime<br />
de se demander si des routes terrestres n' ont pas<br />
ete aussi utilisees.<br />
Les fragments de bois en bronze decores par<br />
incision de Ban Don Ta Phet (Figure 3), ainsi<br />
que ceux decouverts a Khao Jamook (Province<br />
de Ratchaburi) sur un site perturbe par<br />
I' extraction de I' etain, presentent des scenes dont<br />
le style et le type de decor sont similaires. Sur<br />
ces pieces, nous decelons des influences<br />
stylistiques, sans qu'il soit possible pour I' instant<br />
de retrouver le type de vaisselle indienne qui<br />
aurait pu servir de modele. Glover (1990: 29) a<br />
propose deux comparaisons pour cette vaisselle:<br />
Ia premiere avec le vase de Gundla (Himachal<br />
Pradesh), non precisement date mais attribuable<br />
aux premiers siecles autour de notre ere, Ia<br />
seconde avec une plaque en terre cuite provenant<br />
de Bhita (Uttar Pradesh) dont le style evoque<br />
les premieres heures de I' art indien, les arts de<br />
Bharhut et de Sanci. C. Rapin, pour sa part,<br />
propose un autre rapprochement avec Ia plaque<br />
circulaire mise au jour dans le tresor d' A'i<br />
Khanoum en Afghanistan (Figure 4). Cette<br />
plaque fait partie de Ia collection d' objets indiens<br />
qu'aurait deposee Eucratides I et doit etre<br />
anterieure a 145 avant notre ere, date a laquelle<br />
Ies Grecs ont abandonne Ia cite (Rapin 1992:<br />
185-232 et Rapin 1996: 67).<br />
La description du materiel en bronze de Ban<br />
Don Ta Phet et sa comparaison avec des<br />
specimens indiens nous conduisent a proposer<br />
une hypo<strong>the</strong>se. Si ces bois sont issus d'une<br />
production locale, cela implique le passage en<br />
Thai1ande d'une technique et d'un style decoratif<br />
indiens, bien avant Ia datation proposee pour le<br />
site, carIes specimens thals temoignent d'une<br />
bonne maitrise de cet artisanat. Or, comme nous<br />
avons pu le constater, il existe un decalage<br />
chronologique entre le materiel indien et le<br />
materiel de Ban Don Ta Phet. En effet, par Ies<br />
rapprochements avec des pieces indiennes ou<br />
avec des decors architecturaux indiens (Bharhut,<br />
Sanci) nous avons pu constater que tous Ies<br />
points de comparaison, meme s' ils ne sont pas<br />
tous precisement datables, sont tous plus recents<br />
que les pieces tha'ies. Ainsi, de maniere<br />
paradoxale, nous trouverions en Thai1ande les<br />
plus anciens temoignages de I' art figuratif<br />
indien, puisqu'ils dateraient au moins du IV•<br />
siecle avant notre ere, c' est-a-dire d'une epoque<br />
anterieure a celle qui voit eclore ce qui est<br />
considere comme le premier art indien veritable,<br />
!'art Maurya. Un tel pbenomene nous parait<br />
difficile a expliquer. Nous pourrions<br />
evidemment pretendre qu'il existe des lacunes<br />
dans l'histoire de !'art indien ou que des<br />
recipients comparables ne sont pas encore<br />
connus en Inde, soit parcequ'ils n'ont pas ete<br />
publies, soit parce qu'ils n'ont pas ete mis au<br />
jour (peut-etre parce que le metal est un materiau<br />
recuperable). Nous pensons, pour notre part,<br />
que I' explication de ce paradoxe ne reside pas<br />
dans une remise en question de l'histoire de<br />
I' art indien, mais plutot dans une revision de Ia<br />
datation que les analyses au C14 ont attribuee<br />
au site. En realite, si I' on neglige les datations<br />
au C14et si I' on tientcompte uniquement, d'une<br />
part des datations obtenues par Ia cerarnique a<br />
cone central, d'autre part des comparaisons<br />
stylistiques effectuees entre Ia vaisselle decoree<br />
de Ban Don Ta Phet et I' art indien, on obtient<br />
un creneau chronologique qui correspondrait de<br />
fa~on plus pertinente a Ia fin du III• siecle et<br />
plus probablement aux n•-1•• siecles avant notre<br />
ere.<br />
Le passage de certains elements techniques<br />
et stylistiques indiens, ou adoptes en Inde, s'est<br />
fait assez rapidement. Ces transferts doivent<br />
done attester de relations relativement trequentes<br />
entre I' Asie du Sud et I' Asie du Sud-Est. Quelle<br />
partie de I' Asie du Sud etait concemee par ces<br />
relations? La vaisselle a cone central et Ia<br />
vaisselle decoree sembleraient davantage<br />
indiquer des influences du nord-ouest du souscontinent<br />
Indien et de Ia vallee du Gange. Cette<br />
assertion est egalement appuyee par le corpus<br />
92<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
La formation des reseaux d'echanges reliant l'Asie du Sud et l'Asie du Sud-Est<br />
3a<br />
0 em a 5 53
Berenice Bellina<br />
Figure 4 Plaque indienne decouverte a A'i Khanoum, Afghanistan. Tire de Rapin 1992: 87.<br />
94 <strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
La formation des reseaux d'echanges reliant l'Asie du Sud et l'Asie du Sud-Est<br />
de pedes importees decouvertes sur le site,<br />
comme les pedes prismatiques, le pendentif en<br />
forme de lion et les pedes gravees. C' est aussi<br />
la conclusion a laquelle est parvenu Glover<br />
(1990: 23). Le materiel de Ban Don Ta Phet<br />
atteste de contacts assez frequents des Ia fin du<br />
III• ou plutot au cours du n• siecle avant notre<br />
ere, entre le nord du sous-continent Indien et<br />
des societes sud-est asiatiques non indianisees<br />
mais qui, deja, ont acquis des objets indiens,<br />
des techniques et des solutions artistiques<br />
indiennes ou adoptees en Inde.<br />
Chansen<br />
Chansen, situe dans le sud de la province de<br />
Nakhon Sawan comprend une phase II<br />
indianisee datee de 0 a 250 de notre ere qui<br />
succede a une premiere phase, strictement<br />
indigene qui n' a revele aucun indice de<br />
contacts avec le sous-continent Indien. C'est<br />
a cette phase II qu' appartient le fameux peigne<br />
en ivoire decore de motifs graves sur ses deux<br />
faces (Figure 5) 3 • Sur l'une d'elles figure une<br />
oie au plumage abondant, motif traditionnel<br />
et plein de signification dans la pensee<br />
Figure 5. Peigne en ivoire de Chansen, Thallande.<br />
Tire de Bronson and Dales 1973: 30. (Reproduit avec<br />
la permission des Presses Universitaires de Hawaii)<br />
religieuse indienne, sur 1' autre deux chevaux<br />
trapus. Selon B. Bronson, des rapprochements<br />
sont possibles avec le styled' Amaravati pour<br />
ce qui concerne les chevaux, mais aussi avec<br />
le style Gupta pour l'oie. Le motif de cheval<br />
est surmonte d'une serie d'emblemes. <strong>Part</strong>ant<br />
de la gauche, on distingue un element floral,<br />
peut-etre un lotus sty lise, puis un vase dont le<br />
goulot laisse sortir des fleurs; il pourrait s' agir<br />
d'un pot de plenitude. A droite de ce vase,<br />
existe un motif que nous avons peine a definir;<br />
s'agit-il d'une conque, d'un etendard ou<br />
d'autre chose encore? 11 semble se rattacher a<br />
un signe de bonne fortune bien connu, un<br />
srivatsa. Son style peut etre qualifie<br />
d'archa'ique et on le trouve comme tel a Sanci,<br />
Sarnath et Bharhut (Srivatsava1979: 49). En<br />
revanche, cette representation a une<br />
particularite que nous n'avons pas rencontree<br />
ailleurs: elle repose sur un lotus. L'embleme<br />
suivant est un parasol (chattra) flanque a sa<br />
droite par un objet qui pourrait etre une<br />
conque, a moins qu'il ne s'agisse plutot d'un<br />
vase. Viennent ensuite un chasse-mouches et,<br />
de nouveau, un motif sans doute floral ou peut<br />
etre solaire. Bronson ( 1976: 27) considere ces<br />
emblemes comme bouddhiques. En fait, cette<br />
serie correspond a une collection de huit objets<br />
benefiques nommes astamangala qui peut<br />
contenir des objets tres divers et non pas<br />
seulement ceux precedemment enumeres. Les<br />
astamangala ne sont pas exclusivement<br />
bouddhiques. On les rencontre tres tot dans le<br />
ja'inisme et dans le brahmanisme (Srivatsava<br />
1979: 37-8). 11 en resulte que !'objet ne peut<br />
etre considere comme specifiquement<br />
bouddhique. De plus, bien que son style<br />
evoque l'Inde, nous n'avonsjamais rencontre<br />
de peigne de ce type dans le sous-continent<br />
Indien. Nous pouvons seulement nous en tenir<br />
a une serie de comparaisons avec Ies ivoires<br />
de Begram, avec le peigne de Dal'verzin Tepe<br />
(Ouzbekistan) (Bernard 1980: pl. LV) (Figure<br />
6), et avec celui conserve au Musee de Kabou1<br />
et sur 1equel est grave une sorte de canard<br />
(hamsa), (Tissot 1985: 110 et fig. 260) (Figure<br />
7). Done, meme s'il est impossible d'affirmer<br />
qu'il soit une importation indienne, ce peigne<br />
revele neanmoins des contacts plus ou moins<br />
suivis entre le sous-continent Indien et Ia<br />
Thallande a une epoque assez haute, au debut<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2<br />
95
Berenice Bellina<br />
Figure 6 Peigne en ivoire de Dal ' verzin-Tepe, Ouzkekistan. Tire de Bernard 1980: pi.LY.<br />
Figure 7 Peigne en ivoire au Musee de Kaboul, Afghanistan. Photo DAFA-Guimet.<br />
96<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s l & 2
La formation des reseaux d'eclwnges reliant I 'Asie du Sud et I 'Asie du Sud-Est<br />
de !'ere chretienne et au plus tard vers le<br />
milieu du Illc siecle de notre ere.<br />
Les temoignages apportes par les fouilles de<br />
Chansen nous mettent done en presence d' une<br />
des plus anciennes dates indiquant !'existence<br />
d'une influence indienne en Asie du Sud-Est.<br />
Mais, contrairement a Bronson qui pensait que<br />
le peigne etait bouddhique et marquait<br />
!'apparition du bouddhisme en Asie du Sud<br />
Est, nous avons montre que cette assertion etait<br />
douteuse. Neanmoins, cet auteur constate que<br />
I' influence indienne est deja fortement implantee<br />
des le milieu du rer siecle de notre ere (Bronson<br />
and Dales 1973 42); cela confirme done !'idee<br />
que des contacts entre Ia Thai'Iande et le souscontinent<br />
Indien se sont etabli s avant l' ere<br />
chretienne. Sur le site de Chansen et, a !'oppose,<br />
de Ban Don Ta Phet, les premieres traces de<br />
contacts ne sont pas visibles avant les premiers<br />
siecles de notre ere.<br />
Au total, Ia premiere phase dans le processus<br />
de formation des echanges entre I' Asie du Sud<br />
et Ia Tha'ilande semble debuter vers le lli-Il 0<br />
siecle et plus certainement vers le nc-rcr siecle<br />
avant notre ere et s'achever vers le 11-Illc siecle<br />
de notre ere. De Ia presence en Tha'ilande<br />
d'objets indiens ou indianises, que !'on peut<br />
qualifier d'articles de prestige, nous pouvons<br />
conc1ure que, des cette epoque, les echanges<br />
entre Ie sons-continent lndien et Ia Thallande<br />
furent sans doute relativement frequents. Les<br />
temoignages archeologiques qui relevent de Ia<br />
deuxieme phase sont plus abondants et<br />
diversifies que ceux de Ia precedente.<br />
Khuan Lukpad (Khlong Thom, dans Ia<br />
province de Krabi) est un site tres pille. II a<br />
cependant livre une quantite importante de perles<br />
decorees en verre et un pendentif en forme de<br />
lion qui semblent pouvoir etre compares aux<br />
productions du nord et du nord-est du souscontinent<br />
Indien (Veraprasert 1992 et Bronson<br />
1990). Selon Glover (1990: 6), les sceaux a<br />
motifs classiques, principalement en cornaline,<br />
sur lesquels est representee Ia deesse Tukhe/<br />
Fortune et deux coqs combattants (Figure Sa et<br />
b), ainsi que les sceaux a motifs animaliers,<br />
sont d' un type romain date de Ia fin du !
Berenice Bellina<br />
n'exclut pas l'idee d'une production indienne<br />
imitant des types occidentaux, lesquels auraient<br />
pu se prolonger en lode bien apres leur declin<br />
dans le monde romain. Enfin, un sceau de<br />
cornaline qui porte une inscription brahmi a ete<br />
date paleographiquement des 1•'-III• siecles de<br />
notre ere. Dans le sous-continent Indien, les<br />
sceaux de ce type ont ete trouves en lode du<br />
Nord-Ouest ainsi qu'en lode Centrale (Nagpur)<br />
et datent des periodes kouchanes et gupta (Ray<br />
1991: 359). Deux autres sceaux presentent une<br />
inscription pallava et datent du VI-IX• siecle<br />
(Bronson 1990: 217).<br />
La comparaison des sceaux de Khuan<br />
Lukpad avec des sceaux indiens nous conduit a<br />
faire deux remarques. La premiere concerne la<br />
datation. Ces sceaux semblent indiquer des<br />
relations entre le sous-continent Indien et la<br />
peninsule Malaise, qui se seraient etendues des<br />
les premiers siecles de notre ere, depuis le III•<br />
siecle jusqu'au IX• siecle. Par leur style ou par<br />
une etude paleographique, certains sceaux, en<br />
particulier ceux a motifs classiques et celui a<br />
ecriture brahmi de Khuan Lukpad, peuvent etre<br />
dates d'une periode allant du 1er au III• siecle<br />
apres notre ere. Mais rien n'indique que ces<br />
datations qu' on leur attribue correspondent a<br />
leur date d'arrivee ou a leur date de fabrication.<br />
Nous pensons, pour notre part, que seule la<br />
datation du III• siecle peut-etre retenue. Trois<br />
raisons viennent appuyer notre hypo<strong>the</strong>se. La<br />
premiere est que ces objets soot sou vent detaches<br />
d'un contexte stratigraphique, soit parce qu'ils<br />
ont ete trouves fortuitement, soit encore<br />
parcequ'ils soot issus de fouilles anciennes, soit<br />
enfin parce qu'ils se trouvaient dans des couches<br />
perturbees par les pillages. La deuxieme raison<br />
est que, meme si ces sceaux soot des<br />
importations indiennes et qu'ils ont ete fabriques<br />
en lode selon des modeles occidentaux, nous ne<br />
pouvons exclure que ces modeles aient ete<br />
utilises en lode bien apres le moment de leur<br />
declin dans le monde occidental. La troisieme<br />
raison est que si ces sceaux soot veritablement<br />
occidentaux, la date de leur arrivee en Asie du<br />
Sud-Est a peut-etre eu lieu bien apres leur<br />
fabrication. Pour ces raisons, nous pensons qu' il<br />
serait plus prudent de ne retenir que le III• siecle.<br />
La deuxieme remarque a trait aux regions<br />
concernees. Tandis que les plus anciens<br />
specimens sembleraient trouver des paralleles<br />
dans le nord-ouest et dans le centre du souscontinent<br />
lndien (sceaux a motifs classiques,<br />
animaliers, sceau a inscription brahmi), les autres<br />
sceaux plus recents (a inscription pallava) soot<br />
lies a l'Inde du Sud.<br />
Kuala Selinsing, sur la cote du Perak en<br />
Malaisie, est surtout connu pour la grande<br />
quantite de pedes et pour le sceau pallava, date<br />
grace ala paleographie du V-VI• siecle, qu'il a<br />
livres4• La decouverte de pedes ebaucbees non<br />
polies et de blocs carres d'agate et d'onyx a<br />
conduit I.H.N. Evans a supposer que les<br />
materiaux de certaines pedes qui n'etaient pas<br />
accessibles localement, notamment la cornaline,<br />
l'agate et le lapis-lazuli, avaient ete importes du<br />
sous-continent Indien soit en bloc soit en<br />
produits semi-finis (Evans 1932: 82-5).<br />
Meme s' il existe de serieuses lacunes dans<br />
l'etude de ce type de materiel, il semble que<br />
celui de Kuala Selinsing n'indique pas de<br />
contacts avec le sous-continent Indien avant le<br />
v• siecle de notre ere au plus tot. D'une fa~on<br />
generale, nous estimons qu'une etude plus<br />
appr<strong>of</strong>ondie des pedes et des sceaux sud et sudest<br />
asiatiques serait interessante. En effet, bien<br />
souvent, nous devons nous contenter d'une<br />
comparaison avec un objet indien isole, ce qui<br />
ne nous donne pas une vision reelle ni de la<br />
production et de la repartition dans le souscontinent<br />
lndien, ni d'eventuels liens entre les<br />
ateliers sud et sud-est asiatiques.<br />
La Thai1ande<br />
En Thailande continentale, a Chansen, c' est au<br />
cours de cette deuxieme phase qu' appara!t un<br />
type de ceramique importee ou dont on puisse<br />
considerer que les formes derivent d'un modele<br />
indien.<br />
Le premier, represente par un specimen<br />
unique, est une encolure comportant un long<br />
goulot surmonte d'un biberon perfore (Figure<br />
9); il releve de la phase III-IV, c'est-a-dire d'une<br />
peri ode qui s' etend du n• au VI• siecle de notre<br />
ere. Cette forme appartient a un type de<br />
ceramique parfois nommee kundika (Figure 10)<br />
et semble appara!tre dans le sous-continent<br />
Indien lors des derniers siecles avant notre ere<br />
(Coomaraswamy et Kershaw1928-29: 131-3).<br />
Elle est assez largement repandue dans la<br />
production indienne des Red Polished WareS,<br />
qui correspond a une occupation du debut de la<br />
98<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
La formation des reseaux d'echanges reliant /'A sie du Sud et /'Asie du Sud-Est<br />
:11<br />
..<br />
o ~ I<br />
.• ~ , ~<br />
Figure 9 Col de kundika de Chansen. T ire de<br />
Bronson 1976: fi g. VIIn-1 0.<br />
Figure 10 Kundika de Kausambi, Inde. Tire de G.<br />
R. Sharma 1969: 178.<br />
Figure 11 Ceramique estampee de Chansen, Tha'ilande. Tire de Bronson and Dales 1973 pl.Ill. (Reproduit<br />
avec Ia permission des Presses Un iversitaires de Hawaii)<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> Sociery, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s l & 2 99
Berenice Bellina<br />
periode historique (ler siecle avant notre ere<br />
jusqu'au v• siecle de notre ere) (Pinto Orton<br />
1992: 46). D'apres la description que Bronson<br />
(1976: 535) a faite du specimen thai, il semble<br />
que celui-ci puisse se rattacher a la production<br />
indienne des Red Polished Ware. On rencontre<br />
aussi ce type d'encolure en Asie du Sud-Est sur<br />
des sites de la periode historique; en Birmanie a<br />
Beikthano (Aung Thaw 1968: fig.66) eta Winka<br />
au Nord de Thaton (Aung Myint 1977: 53), en<br />
Thailande a Chaiya (Province de Surat Thani)<br />
eta Ban Ku Muang (lnburi) (Di Crocco 1990:<br />
85-7). Malheureusement, faute d'analyse<br />
appr<strong>of</strong>ondie des specimens birmans et tha'is, il<br />
est impossible de se prononcer definitivement<br />
pour des importations indiennes, peut-etre du<br />
type des Red Polished Ware ou pour des<br />
repliques locales des specimens indiens. Le<br />
nombre peu eleve de ces pieces trouvees a<br />
Beikthano, a Winka et a Chansen pourrait peutetre<br />
indiquer qu'il n'y avait pas, a cette epoque,<br />
de fabrication locale mais qu'elles furent<br />
importees<br />
La ceramique a decoration estampee (Figure<br />
11) datee du VI-XI• siecle entre aussi dans le<br />
cadre des ceramiques inspirees par un modele<br />
indien. Cette ceramique est decoree d'une serie<br />
de medaillons rectangulaires qui encadrent un<br />
motif animal, floral, ou une scene, et qui soot<br />
separes les uns des autres par une bande verticale<br />
de points. On rencontre un type comparable en<br />
Birmanie aBeikthano (Aung Thaw 1968: fig.71)<br />
(Figure 12) eta Halin (Aung Myint 1970 fig.<br />
4), date des premiers siecles de notre ere. Nous<br />
pensons que ce type de decoration trouve ses<br />
origines en lode, probablement dans la<br />
ceramique estampee ou moulee d'epoque<br />
kouchane et goupta, comme celle decouverte a<br />
Sonkh-Mathura (Uttar Pradesh) avec laquelle la<br />
ceramique sud-est asiatique presente de fortes<br />
similitudes (Hiirtel1989: 188; 1993: 331, 348).<br />
Une autre peut etre faite avec un tesson trouve a<br />
Hastinapur en Uttar Pradesh (Lal 1954-55:<br />
pl.XXXI). Ce tesson correspond ala periode IV<br />
qui debute vers le rr• siecle avant notre ere et<br />
s' etend jusqu' a la fin du III• siecle de notre ere.<br />
Cette ceramique est rouge et les decors<br />
animaliers ou floraux s'inscrivent dans des<br />
cadres separes par des bandes de points. Comme<br />
dans le cas de la ceramique estampee de<br />
Beikthano et de Halin, il est fort probable que<br />
ce type de vaisselle soit une production sud-est<br />
asiatique, neanmoins issue du transfert d'une<br />
technique et d'un style indien.<br />
Les deux types de ceramique que nous<br />
venons de presenter se rencontrent done en<br />
Birmanie et en Tha'ilande, constatation qui<br />
renvoie a la question de 1' ampleur des reseaux<br />
d'echanges regionaux et plus specifiquement a<br />
ceux qui existaient entre la Birmanie et la<br />
Thailande. Cette observation nous conduit aussi<br />
a nous demander quel fut le role de la Birmanie<br />
dans les echanges entre 1' Asie du Sud et 1' Asie<br />
du Sud-Est.<br />
L'etude de l'echantillonnage du materiel<br />
decouvert en Thailande et en peninsule Malaise,<br />
nous amene a tirer une serie de conclusions<br />
concernant la chronologie des echanges. II<br />
semble que nous trouvions en Tha'ilande<br />
continentale, a Ban Don Ta Phet, les plus<br />
anciennes traces d' echanges frequents entre le<br />
sous-continent Indien et I' Asie du Sud-Est. Ces<br />
traces soot datees du rr• et peut-etre meme du I•r<br />
siecle avant notre ere. En revanche, en peninsule<br />
Malaise, celles-ci ne semblent pas anterieures<br />
au III• siecle de notre ere, au plus tot. Pourtant,<br />
meme si le materiel archeologique,<br />
principalement les sceaux, n'indique pas de<br />
contacts anterieurs au III• siecle de notre ere<br />
alors que nous obtenons le rr• siecle avant notre<br />
ere a Ban Don Ta Phet, nous pouvons etre<br />
conduit a penser que cette conclusion est sans<br />
doute momentanee pour au moins trois raisons.<br />
La premiere est que ce decalage chronologique<br />
n'est peut-etre du qu'a un etat temporaire de<br />
l'archeologie locale; en effet, Ies travaux<br />
arcbeologiques en peninsule Malaise n'ont pas<br />
la meme anciennete qu'en Thai1ande<br />
continentale qui est fouillee depuis pres d'un<br />
siecle. La deuxieme raison est peut-etre due en<br />
partie au choix des sites qui ont fait l'objet de<br />
fouilles. La recherche archeologique s'est<br />
longtemps concentree sur les sites supposes de<br />
ces cites-etats oil Ies vestiges etaient encore<br />
apparents. Or, les sites d'echanges, ou portsentrepots,<br />
se trouvaient toujours a quelques<br />
distances des cites-etats (Jacq-Hergoualc'h et al<br />
1995: 65-6; 1996). Cela pourrait expliquer la<br />
pauvrete du materiel archeologique lie aux<br />
echanges qu'on y a decouvert dans le perimetre<br />
de ces demiers. Par ailleurs, dans le cas de cette<br />
region, Jacq-Hergoualc'h explique aussi qu'il<br />
100<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
La formation des reseaux d'echanges reliant l'Asie du Sud et l'Asie du Sud-Est<br />
..<br />
72<br />
73<br />
I<br />
I<br />
l<br />
74<br />
75<br />
75a.<br />
J ..<br />
78 l<br />
'<br />
I I<br />
79<br />
2 0 2<br />
INCHES<br />
Figure 12 Ceramique estampee de Beikthano, Birmanie. Tire de Aung Thaw 1968 fig. 71.<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2 101
Berenice Bellina<br />
faut tenir compte des evolutions<br />
geomorphologiques qu' a pu conna.ltre cette cote.<br />
Cette mise en garde est certainement aussi<br />
valable pour d'autres regions de la peninsule<br />
Malaise. La troisieme raison est que nos<br />
connaissances sont peut-etre faussees par<br />
d' anciennes publications sur les materiels<br />
indiens. Ce decalage chronologique nous para.lt<br />
d'autant plus aberrant que l'on suppose que<br />
!'existence meme de ces sites cotiers etait liee<br />
aux echanges. Alors que les debuts de la<br />
prosperite commerciale de ports-entrepots<br />
comme ceux du Sud Kedah et du Langkasuka<br />
sont dates respectivement du v• et du VI• siecle<br />
de notre ere (Jacq-Hergoualc'h 1992: 66; 1995),<br />
les Annales des Liang nous apprennent que la<br />
cite-etat du Langkasuka aurait ete fondee des le<br />
11• siecle de notre ere (Jacq-Hergouac'h et al<br />
1995:47-8). II existe un hiatus que nous ne<br />
comprenons pas. En realite, il est probable que<br />
les echanges ont debute a une date plus haute<br />
que celle que nous obtenons grace au materiel<br />
arcbeologique, mais qu'ils ont ete moins<br />
frequents et done peut-etre mains reperables<br />
par l'arcbeologie. Cependant, nous ne doutons<br />
pas que les recherches en cours nous permettrons<br />
d' a voir une comprehension mains hypotbetique<br />
des premiers echanges avec la peninsule Malaise.<br />
Au vu du materiel thai" et malais, les echanges<br />
intra- et inter-regionaux s'intensifient aux liT<br />
IV• siecles de notre ere. Au cours de cette<br />
seconde phase, nous observons cette<br />
intensification grace, d'une part, a !'apparition<br />
de petits objets traditionnellement lies au<br />
commerce, comme les sceaux et les monnaies,<br />
d'autre part, a l'accroissement du nombre<br />
d'objets pertinents pour notre etude, a savoir<br />
des pieces et des sceaux, mais aussi des<br />
ceramiques peut-etre importees ou montrant des<br />
formes qui derivent d'un type indien. La<br />
presence de cachets en Thallande continentale<br />
et peninsulaire nous conduit a supposer que,<br />
durant cette seconde phase, certains reseaux se<br />
sont transformes en de veritables reseaux<br />
commerciaux.<br />
Conclusion<br />
Au total, !'etude des reseaux d'echanges reliant<br />
le sons-continent Indien, la Thallande et la<br />
peninsule Malaise permet de constater<br />
1' existence de deux phases distinctes dans leur<br />
formation, chronologie qui se retrouve a 1' echelle<br />
de toute 1' Asie du Sud-Est. II est meme possible<br />
de degager des materiels caracteristiques pour<br />
chacune des phases.<br />
Le materiel de la premiere comprend de la<br />
vaisselle metallique a cone central, de la<br />
cerarnique roulettee et imprimee et des pedes.<br />
Sont concernes par cette phase, les sites de<br />
Thai"lande centrale tels Ban Don Ta Phet et<br />
Chansen (phase II), les sites du Vietnam tels<br />
Tra Kieu (Phase 1) et Thanh Hoa, d'Indonesie<br />
tels Gilimanuk a Bali et le complexe de Buni a<br />
Java.<br />
Le materiel caracteristique de la seconde<br />
phase est constitue de ceramique comme la<br />
cerarnique estampee et celle a encolure a biberon<br />
(kundika), de pedes en quantite, de monnaies et<br />
de quelques cachets. Relevent de cette phase,<br />
les sites Pyu de Birmanie, le site de Chansen<br />
(phases IIT-IV-V) en Thai1ande centrale, les<br />
sites de la peninsule Malaise tels Khuan Lukpad<br />
et Kuala Selinsing et le site d'Oc eo au Vietnam.<br />
S'agissant de la nature des echanges, i1 nous<br />
est apparu qu'existait un point commun aux<br />
deux phases que nous avons mises en evidence.<br />
La vitalite des circuits d'echanges regionaux<br />
revelee par les travaux arcbeologiques des trois<br />
dernieres decennies d'une part, la diversite des<br />
origines regionales des objets supposes indiens<br />
decouverts en Asie du Sud-Est d'autre part,<br />
nous incitent a emettre !'hypo<strong>the</strong>se que les<br />
echanges inter-regionaux furent le fruit de<br />
multiples interconnexions. Dans cette hypo<strong>the</strong>se,<br />
lors des derniers siecles avant notre ere, les<br />
reseaux d'echanges regionaux et les reseaux<br />
d' echanges inter-regionaux se seraient<br />
entremeles. A !'exception peut-etre de<br />
l'Indonesie qui semblerait avoir eu des liens<br />
plus privilegies avec le sud de l'Inde et le Sri<br />
Lanka, nous n'avons releve aucun lien direct et<br />
exclusif qui aurait relie precisement une region<br />
du sons-continent Indien a une autre region de<br />
1' Asie du Sud-Est.<br />
English Abstract<br />
<strong>The</strong> formation <strong>of</strong> trading networks linking South<br />
and Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asia has long been a field for<br />
research. <strong>The</strong> archaeological evidence, including<br />
102<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
La formation des reseaux d'echanges reliant l'Asie du Sud et l'Asie du Sud-Est<br />
both South Asian items found in Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asia<br />
and those obviously inspired by South Asian<br />
models, helps to highlight aspects <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> formation<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> early trading networks. <strong>The</strong> research<br />
summarised here deals mostly with <strong>the</strong><br />
chronology and <strong>the</strong> nature <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se connections.<br />
It is shown, firstly that <strong>the</strong>re are two phases in <strong>the</strong><br />
process <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> formation <strong>of</strong> trading networks,<br />
each <strong>of</strong> which is characterised by specific material;<br />
secondly that <strong>the</strong>se items are not <strong>the</strong> results <strong>of</strong><br />
direct connections but ra<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> interlocking <strong>of</strong><br />
intra- and inter-regional networks.<br />
Notes<br />
I Cet article s'inspire d'un DEA realise en 1997 a<br />
Ia Sorbonne Nouvelle (Paris III)<br />
2 D'autres bois en bronze ont ete decouverts au<br />
Sud Vietnam. Lors d'un de ses cours a l'EPHE, P.Y.<br />
Manguin a presente en 1996 un bol qui provenait du<br />
site de Bong Tai.<br />
3 Voir les arguments de Glover 1996: 142.<br />
4 L'auteur precise que le peigne est difficilement<br />
datable du cote indien car les motifs provoquent des<br />
reactions variees chez les historiens de I' art, certains<br />
suggerant l'art d' Amaravati (style, precise-t-il, qui<br />
deja en soi est difficilement date), d'autres evoquant<br />
des periodes aussi tardives que celles de I' art Gupta<br />
tardif (Bronson 1976: 679)<br />
5 Pour une bibliographie sur les pedes, consulter<br />
les articles suivants: Basa 1990; Basa, Glover &<br />
Henderson 1990; Francis 1988; Francis 1988-89,<br />
1991, 199la; Glover & Henderson 1995; Gorelick et<br />
al. 1996; Lamb 1965; Miksic et al. 1996.<br />
6 Evans 1932: 79-134 et Nik Hasan Shuharni 1990:<br />
141-51.<br />
7 Elaigne-Pardon ( 1996) emploie egalement le<br />
terme de cerarniques a vernis rouge. Cet auteur indique<br />
que la RPW est un type de ceramique encore mal<br />
connu. Orton (1991: 48) la definit en ces termes,<br />
'<strong>The</strong> vessels are made from a fine levigated paste,<br />
usually fired to a light red or reddish yellow color<br />
which sometimes appear as black or brown'. Pour<br />
Elaigne-Pardon, les specimens noirs correspondent a<br />
des accidents de cuisson. Cet auteur decrit les RPW<br />
comme des ceramiques qui 'presentent une pate tres<br />
fine, a surface polie et revetement argileux rouge<br />
clair non grese [ . . . ] Ia cuisson s' effectue en<br />
atmosphere oxydante [ ... ]. La temperature de<br />
cuisson, relativement basse, aux alentours de 500/<br />
6oo•c contredit I' eventualite d' un gresage<br />
intentionnel et empeche de comparer ces productions<br />
avec des productions mediterraneennes a vernis rouge<br />
gresees'. (Elaigne-Pardon 1996:29-30 & 34).<br />
References<br />
Aung Myint 1970. <strong>The</strong> excavation at Halin. <strong>Journal</strong><br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Burma Research <strong>Society</strong> LIII (II): 55-64.<br />
Aung Myint 1977. <strong>The</strong> capital <strong>of</strong> Suvannabhumi<br />
unear<strong>the</strong>d? Shiroku 10: 41-53.<br />
Aung Thaw 1968. Report on <strong>the</strong> Excavations at<br />
Beikhtano,. Rangoon: Revolutionary Government<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Union <strong>of</strong> Burma, Ministry <strong>of</strong> Union Culture.<br />
Aung Thwin, M. 1987. Burma before Pagan: <strong>the</strong><br />
status <strong>of</strong> archaeology today. Asian Perspectives.25<br />
(2) (for 1982-83): 1-22.<br />
Basa, K. K. 1992. Early historic glass beads in<br />
Thailand and Peninsular Malaysia. In Sou<strong>the</strong>ast<br />
Asian Archaeology 1990 (1. C. Glover ed.), <strong>The</strong><br />
University <strong>of</strong> Hull: Centre for Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asian<br />
Studies. pp. 85-102.<br />
Basa, K. K., Glover, I. C. & Henderson, J. 1990. <strong>The</strong><br />
relationship between Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asian and Indian<br />
glass. Bulletin <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Indo-Pacific Prehistory<br />
Association 10, (Indo-Pacific Prehistory 1990<br />
vol.I, P. Bellwood (ed.). Canberra and<br />
Yogyakarta, pp. 366-85.<br />
Bernard, P. 1980. Une nouvelle contribution<br />
sovietique a l'histoire des Kushans: la fouille de<br />
Dal'verzin-Tepe (Uzbekistan). Bulletin de /'Ecole<br />
fram;aise d'Extreme-Orient LXVIII: 313-48.<br />
Bronson, B & Dales, G. F. 1973. Excavations at<br />
Chansen, Thailand, 1968 and 1969: a preliminary<br />
report. Asian Perspectives XV (1): 15-46.<br />
Bronson, B. 1976. Excavations at Chansen and <strong>the</strong><br />
cultural chronology <strong>of</strong> Protohistoric Central<br />
Thailand, Ph.D., University <strong>of</strong> Pennsylvania,<br />
University Micr<strong>of</strong>ilms.<br />
Bronson, B. 1990. Glass and beads at Khuan Lukpad,<br />
Sou<strong>the</strong>rn Thailand. In Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asian<br />
Archaeology 1986 (eds I. and E. Glover). Oxford:<br />
BAR International Series 561, pp. 213-30.<br />
Casal, J. M. & G. 1956. Site urbain et sitesfuneraires<br />
des environs de Pondichery, Virampatnam,<br />
Mouttrapaleon, Souttoukeny. Paris: PUF.<br />
Coomaraswamy, A. K. & Kershaw, F. S.l928-29. A<br />
Chinese buddhist water vessel and its Indian<br />
prototype. Artibus Asiae 3: 122-41.<br />
Di Crocco, V. M. 1990. Banbhore, an important river<br />
port on <strong>the</strong> ceramic and glass routes. A transit<br />
area for art styles from <strong>the</strong> West to Thailand and<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s I & 2<br />
103
Berenice Bellina<br />
Burma circa lstc. BC-13th c. AD. <strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong> 78 (2): 78-89.<br />
Elaigne-Pardon, S. 1996. Etude des ceramiques fines<br />
de Mahasthangarh (Bengale) aux epoques maurya<br />
et shunga dans des perspectives techniques et<br />
culturelles. D.E.A. de l'Universite de Lyon II,<br />
(non publie).<br />
Evans, I. H. N. 1932. Excavations at Tanjong Rawa,<br />
Kuala Selinsing, Perak, <strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Federated<br />
Malay States Museum XV (3): 79-134.<br />
Francis, P. Jr. 1988. <strong>The</strong> beads <strong>of</strong> India. Arts <strong>of</strong> Asia<br />
(March-April1988): 102-11.<br />
Francis, P. Jr. 1988-89. Glass beads in Asia, <strong>Part</strong>.!,<br />
Introduction, Asian Perspectives XXVIII (l): 1-<br />
21.<br />
Francis, P. Jr. 1991. Beadmaking at Arikamedu and<br />
beyond. World Archaeology 23 ( 1): 28-43.<br />
Francis, P. Jr. 1991a. Glass beads in Malaysia. <strong>Journal</strong><br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Malaysian Branch <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Royal Asiatic<br />
<strong>Society</strong> LXIV (l): 97-118.<br />
Gardin, J.-C. 1985. Les relations entre Ia Mediterranee<br />
et Ia Bactriane dans I' Antiquite, d'apres des<br />
donnees ceramologiques inedites. In De /'Indus<br />
aux Balkans; recueil a La memoire de J. Deshayes.<br />
Paris, Editions Recherches sur les civilisations,<br />
pp.447-60.<br />
Glover, I C. 1990. Ban Don Ta Phet: <strong>the</strong> 1984-85<br />
excavation. In Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asian Archaeology 1986<br />
(I. and E. Glover eds). Oxford: BAR International<br />
Series 561, pp. 138-83.<br />
Glover, I C. 1990. Early trade between India and<br />
Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asia: a link in <strong>the</strong> Development <strong>of</strong> a<br />
World Trading System. Occasional papers n°!6,<br />
(2nd revised ed.). <strong>The</strong> University <strong>of</strong> Hull: Centre<br />
for Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asian Studies.<br />
Glover, I. C. & Henderson, J. 1995. Early glass in<br />
South and South East Asia and China. In<br />
Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asia and China-Art, Interaction and<br />
Commerce. Colloquies on Art and Archaeology<br />
in Asia n°17 (R. Scott and J. Guy eds). London:<br />
Percival David Foundation <strong>of</strong> Chinese Art, pp.<br />
141-70.<br />
Glover, I. C. 1996. Recent archaeological evidence<br />
for early maritime contacts between India and<br />
Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asia. In Tradition and Archaeology,<br />
Early Maritime Contacts in <strong>the</strong> Indian Ocean (H.<br />
P. Ray & J.-F. Salles eds). New Delhi: Manohar,<br />
pp.129-158.<br />
Gorelick, L, Gwinnett, J. & Glover, I. C. 1996. An<br />
examination <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> methods used to make <strong>the</strong><br />
semiprecious stone beads from Ban Don Ta Phet,<br />
Thailand. Bead Study Trust Newsletter 28: 8-11.<br />
Hiirttel, H. 1989. Pottery <strong>of</strong> Mathura. In Mathura<br />
<strong>The</strong> Cultural Heritage. (D. Meth Srinivasan ed.),<br />
New Delhi: Manohar and <strong>the</strong> American Institute<br />
<strong>of</strong>lndian Studies, pp. 181-92.<br />
Hiirttel, H. 1993. Excavations at Sonkh. 2500 years<br />
<strong>of</strong> a town in M athura District. Monographien zur<br />
indischen Archao1ogie, Kunst und Philologie,<br />
Band 9. Berlin: Dietrich Reimer Verlag.<br />
Jacq-Hergoualc'h, M. 1992. La civilisation de portsentrepots<br />
du Sud Kedah (Malaisie) V-XIve siecle.<br />
Paris: L'Harmattan.<br />
Jacq-Hergoualc'h, M. 1992a. Un exemple de<br />
civilisation de ports-entrepots des Mers du Sud<br />
le Sud Kedah (Malaysia) V-XIve siecles. Arts<br />
Asiatiques XL VII: 40-8.<br />
Jacq-Hergoualc'h, M., Pakpadee Yukongdi, Pomthip<br />
Puntukowit & Thiva Supanjanya 1995. Une citeetat<br />
de Ia peninsule Malaise: le Langkasuka. Arts<br />
Asiatiques L: 47-68.<br />
Jacq-Hergoualc'h, M., Srisuchat, T., Supajanya, T.<br />
& Krisanapol, W. 1996. La region de Nakhon Si<br />
Thammarat (Thai1ande peninsulaire) du ve au<br />
XIVe siecle. <strong>Journal</strong> Asiatique 284: 361-435.<br />
Janse, 0. R. T. 1947. Archaeological Research in<br />
Indochina. <strong>The</strong> district <strong>of</strong> Chiu-Chen during <strong>the</strong><br />
Han Dynasty. General considerations and plates.<br />
Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press,<br />
vol.I.<br />
Janse, 0 .R. T. 1962. Quelques reflexions a propos<br />
d'un bol de type megareen, trouve au Vietnam.<br />
Artibus Asiae XXV (4): 280-92.<br />
Kulke, H. 1990. Indian colonies, indianization or<br />
cultural convergence? Reflections on <strong>the</strong> changing<br />
image <strong>of</strong> India's role in Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asia. In<br />
Onderzoek in Zuidoost-Azie: Agenda's voor de<br />
jaren negentig, (H. Schulte Nordholt ed.), Leiden:<br />
Rijksuniversiteis te Leiden pp. 8-32.<br />
Lal, B.B 1954-5~. Excavation at Hastinapura and<br />
o<strong>the</strong>r explorations in <strong>the</strong> Upper Ganga and Sutlej<br />
Basins 1950-52 new light on <strong>the</strong> dark age between<br />
<strong>the</strong> end <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Harappa Culture and <strong>the</strong> early<br />
historical period. Ancient India 10-11: 5-152.<br />
Lamb, A. 1965. Some observations on stone and<br />
glass beads in early Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asia. <strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Malay Branch <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Royal Asiatic <strong>Society</strong> 38<br />
(2): 84-124.<br />
Marshall, J. 1951. Taxila, an illustrated account <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> archaeological excavations. Cambridge:<br />
Cambridge University Press.<br />
Miksic, J. N., Teck, Y. C & Vijiyakumar 1996. X-ray<br />
104<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
La formation des reseaux d'echanges reliant l'Asie du Sud et l'Asie du Sud-Est<br />
Fluorescence Analysis <strong>of</strong> glass beads from Fort<br />
Canning, Singapore, Bulletin de l' Ecole franr;aise<br />
d'Extreme-Orient 83: 187-97.<br />
Nik Hassan Shuhaimi 1990. Recent research at Kuala<br />
Selinsing, Perak, Bulletin <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Indo-Pacific<br />
Prehistory Association 11 (Indo-Pacific<br />
Prehistory 1990 vo1.2, P. Bellwood ed.). Canberra<br />
and Yogyakarta, pp.l41-52.<br />
Pinto Orton, N. 1992. Red Polished Ware in Gujarat:<br />
a catalogue <strong>of</strong> twelve sites. In Rome and India,<br />
<strong>the</strong> ancient sea trade, (V. Begley & R .D. De<br />
Puma eds), Delhi: Oxford University Press, pp.<br />
46--81.<br />
Rapin, C. 1992. Fouilles d'AY Khanum VIII. La<br />
tresorerie du Palais hellenistique d' AI Khanum.<br />
L'apogee et Ia chute du royaume grec de<br />
Bactriane, Memoires de Ia Detegation<br />
Archiologique Franr;aise en Afghanistan, t.<br />
XXXIII. Paris: De Boccard.<br />
Rapin, C. 1996. Indian art from Afghanistan, <strong>the</strong><br />
legend <strong>of</strong> Sakuntala and <strong>the</strong> Indian treasure <strong>of</strong><br />
Eucratides at Ai' Khanum. New Delhi: Manohar,<br />
Centre des Sciences humaines.<br />
Ray, H. P. 1991. In search <strong>of</strong> Suvarnabhumi: early<br />
sailing networks in <strong>the</strong> Bay <strong>of</strong> Bengal. Bulletin <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Indo-Pacific Prehistory Association 10 (Indo<br />
Pacific Prehistory 1990 vol. 2, P. Bellwood ed.).<br />
Canberra and Yogyakarta, pp. 355-65.<br />
Sharma, G .R . 1969. Excavations at Kausambi 1949-<br />
50. Memoir <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Archaeological Survey <strong>of</strong> India,<br />
n°74, Delhi.<br />
Srivatsava, A. L. 1979. <strong>The</strong> srivatsa symbol in Indian<br />
art. East and West (n. s.) 29 (1-4): 37-53.<br />
Tissot, F. 1985. Gandhilra. La vie publique et privee<br />
dans l'Inde ancienne. Paris: A. Maisonneuve.<br />
Veraprasert, M. 1992. Khlong Thorn: an ancient beadmanufacturing<br />
location and an ancient entrepot.<br />
In Early Metallurgy, Trade and Urban Centres<br />
in Thailand and Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asia, (1. Glover,<br />
Pornchai Suchitta & J. Villiers eds). Bangkok:<br />
White Lotus, pp. 149-61.<br />
KEYWORDS-RESEAUX D'ECHANGES,<br />
L'ASIE DU SUD, L'ASIE DU SUD-EST,<br />
THAILANDE, ARCHEOLOGIE, PROTO<br />
HISTOIRE, MALAISIE<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2<br />
105
SIAMESE MANDARINS ON THE GRAND TOUR, 1688-1690<br />
Michael Smithies*<br />
Abstract<br />
No less than four groups <strong>of</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>ese 'mandarins' (<strong>the</strong> term given by Westerners<br />
to khunnang, nobles or court <strong>of</strong>ficials) were sent to France by King Narai<br />
between 1680 and 1688. <strong>The</strong>ir function, and <strong>the</strong>ir fate, were varied. In this<br />
article, <strong>the</strong> first three missions are summarized, and <strong>the</strong> fourth, to France and<br />
Italy, which has been largely overlooked, is described in detail.<br />
<strong>The</strong> first group <strong>of</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>ese mandarins to go to<br />
<strong>the</strong> West between 1680 and 1688 comprised <strong>the</strong><br />
ill-fated embassy led by <strong>the</strong> aged Ok-ya Phipat<br />
Kosa, who had led three embassies to China,<br />
supported by Ok-luang Sri Wisan and Ok-khun<br />
Nakhon Wichai. It left <strong>Siam</strong> on 24th December<br />
1680 and was sent to Louis XIV and Pope<br />
Innocent XI bearing letters, sumptuous presents<br />
and protestations <strong>of</strong> friendship. <strong>The</strong> impetus for<br />
this came from Louis Laneau, Bishop <strong>of</strong><br />
Metellopolis, in charge <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> French outpost in<br />
<strong>Siam</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Societe des Missions Etrangeres,<br />
who had developed cordial relations with <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>Siam</strong>ese king since his establishment in<br />
Ayutthaya in 1664; Laneau supplied one <strong>of</strong> his<br />
Missionaries, Claude Gaymer, as interpreter to<br />
<strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>ese embassy. As <strong>the</strong> Memoires <strong>of</strong><br />
Fran~ois Martin (1932: II 180, 185), <strong>the</strong> fa<strong>the</strong>rin-law<br />
<strong>of</strong> Andre Deslandes-Boureau, make clear,<br />
this embassy, contrary to established belief, had<br />
nothing to do with <strong>the</strong> trading treaty and good<br />
relations established by Deslandes, representing<br />
<strong>the</strong> French East Indies Company, since <strong>the</strong><br />
despatch <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> embassy had been agreed in<br />
January 1680 before <strong>the</strong> arrival <strong>of</strong> Deslandes in<br />
<strong>Siam</strong> in September. It also had nothing to do<br />
with <strong>the</strong> rise to power <strong>of</strong> Constantine Phaulkon,<br />
who did not effectively become chief minister<br />
unti11683.<br />
This embassy left <strong>Siam</strong> on <strong>the</strong> Vautour on<br />
24th December 1680, spent eight months in<br />
Bantam waiting for a ship to go to France, and<br />
finally boarded <strong>the</strong> Solei/ d'Orient, sent from<br />
Surat. <strong>The</strong> ship called at Mauritius in November<br />
1681 and was never heard <strong>of</strong> again. <strong>The</strong>re were<br />
no survivors from this apparent shipwreck which<br />
most likely occurred at <strong>the</strong> end <strong>of</strong> 1681.<br />
<strong>The</strong> second mission to Europe was not an<br />
embassy proper, but was sent to ascertain for<br />
sure what had happened to <strong>the</strong> first mission.<br />
Louis Laneau broke <strong>the</strong> unfortunate news <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
probable loss to King Narai in September 1683,<br />
and <strong>the</strong> king decided on sending Ok-khun<br />
Phichai Walit and Ok-khun Phichit Maitri to<br />
France to determine its fate. <strong>The</strong>se two courtiers<br />
were considered uncouth and inflexible by <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
interpreter, <strong>the</strong> Missionary Benigne Vachet,<br />
initially aided by Antoine Pascot. <strong>The</strong>y left <strong>Siam</strong><br />
on 25th January 1684 on an English vessel which<br />
landed <strong>the</strong>m at Margate from where <strong>the</strong>y went<br />
to London. Vachet was presented to Charles II<br />
at Windsor by <strong>the</strong> French Ambassador in<br />
London, Paul de Barrillon. <strong>The</strong> diarist John<br />
Evelyn recorded on 26th September 1684 that<br />
an embassy from <strong>the</strong> King <strong>of</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> met <strong>the</strong><br />
King. On <strong>the</strong> royal yacht, <strong>the</strong> Charlotte, <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>Siam</strong>ese envoys left England with <strong>the</strong>ir presents<br />
and crossed <strong>the</strong> Channel to Calais. <strong>The</strong>y crossed<br />
Picardy and were well-received everywhere en<br />
route for Paris. Vachet had a terrible time trying<br />
to persuade <strong>the</strong>m to see <strong>the</strong> sights and listen to<br />
operas; <strong>the</strong>y had to be 'prodded like buffaloes<br />
to undertake any civility' (cited by Cryusse 1991:<br />
267) and undoubtedly suffered cultural shock.<br />
<strong>The</strong>y were informally received by Louis XIV<br />
(an occasion arranged through <strong>the</strong> intermediary<br />
• PO Box 1 Bua Yai 30120, Korat, Thailand<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s I & 2<br />
107
Michael Smithies<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> former transvestite courtier <strong>the</strong> Abbe de<br />
Choisy) in <strong>the</strong> newly constructed palace at<br />
Versailles on 27th November, and managed to<br />
irritate His Majesty by refusing to rise from <strong>the</strong><br />
floor in his presence. <strong>The</strong>y never<strong>the</strong>less were<br />
given a conducted tour <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> palace and gardens<br />
while <strong>the</strong> king was at mass, and were thoroughly<br />
bored by both. <strong>The</strong>y also visited Saint-Cloud,<br />
<strong>the</strong> residence <strong>of</strong> Louis XIV' s bro<strong>the</strong>r, <strong>the</strong> Palais<br />
Royal, Notre Dame, a session <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Parliament<br />
presided over by <strong>the</strong> king, and Chantilly in <strong>the</strong><br />
snow (Vander Cruysse 1991:278-9).<br />
<strong>The</strong>ir somewhat pointless mission had one<br />
very important consequence. Vachet sowed <strong>the</strong><br />
idea in <strong>the</strong> ear <strong>of</strong> Louis XIV's confessor, Fr de<br />
La Chaize, and to <strong>the</strong> king himself, that King<br />
Narai might convert to Catholicism if a<br />
sufficiently grand embassy were to be sent to<br />
him. Probably supported by <strong>the</strong> pious secret<br />
wife <strong>of</strong> Louis XIV, Mme de Maintenon, <strong>the</strong><br />
preposterous idea gained <strong>the</strong> king's favour, and<br />
he decided on sending <strong>the</strong> Chevalier de<br />
Chaumont, seconded by <strong>the</strong> Abbe de Choisy as<br />
co-ambassador, on an embassy to Phra Narai.<br />
This left Brest on 3rd March 1685, with <strong>the</strong> two<br />
recalcitrant <strong>Siam</strong>ese envoys, Vachet and o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
Missionaries, and six Jesuits destined to go to<br />
China. Once in <strong>Siam</strong>, one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Jesuits, Guy<br />
Tachard, managed to strike up a close bond<br />
with <strong>the</strong> now powerful Phaulkon, and,<br />
abandoning China, returned with <strong>the</strong> embassy<br />
to France with secret instructions from Phaulkon<br />
to negotiate <strong>the</strong> sending <strong>of</strong> French troops to<br />
<strong>Siam</strong> in return for <strong>the</strong> handing over <strong>of</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>ese<br />
fortresses. <strong>The</strong> Secretary <strong>of</strong> State for <strong>the</strong> Navy,<br />
<strong>the</strong> Marquis de Seignelay, decided <strong>the</strong>se would<br />
be Bangkok and Mergui, to be occupied by<br />
force if necessary.<br />
<strong>The</strong> third <strong>Siam</strong>ese mission to France, <strong>the</strong><br />
first embassy proper to arrive, was headed by<br />
Ok -phra Wisut Sunthorn (Kosa Pan), rachathut,<br />
with Ok-luang Kanlaya Ratchamaitri as second<br />
ambassador or uppathut, and Ok-khun Siwasan<br />
Wacha as third ambassador, or trithut. This left<br />
<strong>Siam</strong> in December 1685 with <strong>the</strong> returning<br />
French embassy, arriving in Brest on 18th June<br />
1686. <strong>The</strong> embassy was feted throughout its<br />
stay, and was <strong>the</strong> talk <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> town. It travelled<br />
by land from Brest to Nantes and up <strong>the</strong> Loire<br />
valley to Orleans, went around <strong>the</strong> outskirts <strong>of</strong><br />
Paris waiting for <strong>the</strong> royal presents to arrive by<br />
boat up <strong>the</strong> Seine, made a magnificent entry to<br />
Paris, was received at Versailles several times,<br />
and travelled, at Louis XIV' s expense, in <strong>the</strong><br />
north and in parts <strong>of</strong> Flanders recently conquered<br />
by <strong>the</strong> king. <strong>The</strong> details concerning this embassy<br />
are comprehensive, <strong>the</strong> court circular <strong>the</strong><br />
Mercure Galant even publishing a special<br />
volume on <strong>the</strong> doings and sayings <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
ambassadors (summarized in Smithies 1989: 59-<br />
70). But <strong>the</strong>y were not privy to most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
negotiations going on behind <strong>the</strong>ir backs<br />
between Tachard, La Chaize and Seignelay, and<br />
when <strong>the</strong> Marquis de Seignelay proposed to<br />
<strong>the</strong>m that Bangkok be handed over to <strong>the</strong> French,<br />
Kosa Pan was visibly taken back. <strong>The</strong>y also had<br />
to fulfil very extensive shopping lists from Phra<br />
Narai, who ordered, inter alia, incredible<br />
quantities <strong>of</strong> mirrors and crystal for <strong>the</strong><br />
embellification <strong>of</strong> his palace in Lopburi, and a<br />
great number <strong>of</strong> hats <strong>of</strong> different sizes, shapes<br />
and materials.<br />
This <strong>Siam</strong>ese embassy returned with what<br />
amounted to a French expeditionary force to<br />
<strong>Siam</strong> (<strong>the</strong>re was a total <strong>of</strong> 1,361 troops, <strong>of</strong>ficers,<br />
ambassadors, priests etc. on board six ships that<br />
left Brest on 1st March 1687), toge<strong>the</strong>r with a<br />
second French mission led by Simon de La<br />
Loubere and supported by a director <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
French East Indies Company, Claude Ceberet.<br />
<strong>The</strong>y were not accredited with <strong>the</strong> title <strong>of</strong><br />
ambassadors, but were 'envoys extraordinary';<br />
it was hoped in Versailles that such a designation<br />
would limit <strong>the</strong> flow <strong>of</strong> presents required for<br />
full embassies. Tachard, too, returned, with<br />
instructions to negotiate with Phaulkon, which<br />
rendered <strong>the</strong> position <strong>of</strong> La Lou here and Ceberet<br />
equivocal to say <strong>the</strong> least. Revelling in his power<br />
and abject before Phaulkon, Tachard, who even<br />
stooped to carrying Phaulkon' s orders to his<br />
cook, gave in to every proposal from Phaulkon,<br />
who was undoubtedly placed in a difficult<br />
position. He had to persuade <strong>the</strong> king his master<br />
to allow <strong>the</strong> French troops to occupy Bangkok,<br />
'<strong>the</strong> key <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> kingdom', and its chief port on<br />
<strong>the</strong> Bay <strong>of</strong> Bengal, Mergui. He was not aware,<br />
unless Tachard was in a position to inform him,<br />
that <strong>the</strong> French troops had orders to seize <strong>the</strong>se<br />
places if <strong>the</strong>y were not handed over voluntarily.<br />
During this French mission, King Narai<br />
determined on sending a fur<strong>the</strong>r mission to<br />
France, which would also call on Pope<br />
108<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
<strong>Siam</strong>ese Manda rins on <strong>the</strong> Grand Tour, 1688-1690<br />
Fa<strong>the</strong>r Guy Tachard, S. J.<br />
Ok-muen Phiphit Racha<br />
Ok-khun Wiset Phuban<br />
Ok-khun Chamnan Chaichong<br />
Figure 1<br />
Sketched by Carlo Maratta ( 1625- 17 13) in Rome in December 1688/January 1689 (Vati can Library BA V.<br />
Vat. Lat. 14166. Reproduced with permiss ion fro m Somosorn 25 pee Thai-Vatican, Bangkok 1994<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s I & 2 109
Michael Smithies<br />
Innocent XI. <strong>The</strong> earlier <strong>Siam</strong>ese embassy <strong>of</strong><br />
1680 should have gone to Rome with letters<br />
and presents, but, as noted, never reached its<br />
destination. He decided, probably at<br />
Phaulkon' s urging, to send Fr Tachard as<br />
<strong>Siam</strong>ese envoy, though he was not given <strong>the</strong><br />
title <strong>of</strong> ei<strong>the</strong>r ambassador or envoy<br />
extraordinary because <strong>of</strong> his cloth. To give<br />
<strong>the</strong> mission a <strong>Siam</strong>ese flavour, though, three<br />
'mandarins' were 'selected to accompany <strong>the</strong><br />
letters <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> king' (1689: 301). <strong>The</strong>y were<br />
Ok-khun Wiset Phuban, Ok-khun Chamnan<br />
Chaichong, and Ok-muen Phiphit Racha,<br />
though <strong>the</strong> records are not clear which <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong>se was <strong>the</strong> most senior. We know more<br />
about Chamnan, who had been selected for an<br />
embassy to Portugal, which left for Goa at <strong>the</strong><br />
end <strong>of</strong> March 1684, reaching <strong>the</strong>re more than<br />
five months later. As <strong>the</strong> Portuguese fleet had<br />
left for Lisbon, <strong>the</strong> embassy spent nearly<br />
eleven months in Goa waiting for a ship to<br />
take it to <strong>the</strong> Portuguese capital. <strong>The</strong> embassy<br />
embarked at Goa on 27th January 1686, but<br />
<strong>the</strong> Portuguese vessel was shipwrecked on<br />
27th April <strong>of</strong>f Cape Agulhas; Chamnan and<br />
his surviving companions had to undertake a<br />
long and difficult journey overland before<br />
reaching <strong>the</strong> Dutch outpost at <strong>the</strong> Cape. From<br />
<strong>the</strong>re he went to Batavia, spending six months<br />
<strong>the</strong>re again waiting for a ship, and returned to<br />
<strong>Siam</strong> in September 1687, without ever having<br />
reached his destination (<strong>the</strong> details <strong>of</strong><br />
Chamnan's odyssey fill Book VII <strong>of</strong>Tachard's<br />
Second Voyage). However, during his travels<br />
Chamnan managed to pick up some<br />
Portuguese, which Tachard thought an<br />
advantage, which was why he was selected to<br />
participate in <strong>the</strong> 1688 mission.<br />
This new mission left <strong>Siam</strong> on <strong>the</strong> Gaillard<br />
on 3rd January 1688 with <strong>the</strong> returning envoy<br />
extraordinary, La Loubere (O!beret had gone<br />
overland to Mergui and <strong>the</strong>n separately by ship<br />
from Pondicbery). <strong>The</strong> journey was fraught, as<br />
<strong>the</strong> emnity between La Loubere and Tachard<br />
was now open, and Tachard sank into paranoia,<br />
even accusing La Loubere <strong>of</strong> cutting a hole in<br />
<strong>the</strong> partition separating <strong>the</strong>ir cabins so that he<br />
could read Tachard's documents. <strong>The</strong>ir ship<br />
reached Brest on 25th July 1688 and, after<br />
sending a flurry <strong>of</strong> letters in all directions,<br />
Tachard went ahead to give his report to <strong>the</strong><br />
court at Versailles, leaving his mandarins to<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir own devices. <strong>The</strong>y re-embarked at Brest,<br />
according to Tachard, on<br />
... a small frigate belonging to His Majesty,<br />
with <strong>the</strong> presents from <strong>the</strong> king <strong>the</strong>ir master and<br />
his minister [Phaulkon] for <strong>the</strong> king and all <strong>the</strong><br />
court, and went to Rouen, where <strong>the</strong>y waited for<br />
all <strong>the</strong> bales [<strong>of</strong> presents] before taking <strong>the</strong><br />
carriages sent for <strong>the</strong>m from Paris to seek<br />
audience with His Majesty. (1689:386)<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>ese mandarins finally arrived in<br />
Paris on 14th September, followed on <strong>the</strong> 17th<br />
by three catechists from Tonkin and five <strong>Siam</strong>ese<br />
schoolboys selected by Phra Narai to pursue<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir studies in <strong>the</strong> college <strong>of</strong> Louis-le-Grand.<br />
<strong>The</strong> king was at Fontainebleau and, after <strong>the</strong><br />
revelations <strong>of</strong> Forbin (1997: 164-71 ), who had<br />
also returned from <strong>Siam</strong> to France in July,<br />
concerning <strong>the</strong> limited value <strong>of</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>ese trade<br />
and <strong>the</strong> little likelihood <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> conversion <strong>of</strong><br />
King Narai, he was uncertain what steps to take<br />
in matters <strong>Siam</strong>ese; he was also undoubtedly<br />
made aware <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> conflicting accounts presented<br />
by <strong>the</strong> envoys extraordinary La Loubere and<br />
Ceberet, and <strong>the</strong> Jesuit Tachard to <strong>the</strong> Secretary<br />
<strong>of</strong> State for <strong>the</strong> Navy, <strong>the</strong> Marquis de Seignelay.<br />
He at first arranged an audience in Versailles<br />
for 15th December, but <strong>the</strong>n, according to<br />
Tachard, on <strong>the</strong> strength <strong>of</strong> a letter from <strong>the</strong><br />
Cardinal d'Estrees in Rome, he changed his<br />
mind. A more likely explanation is that <strong>the</strong> king<br />
wished to avoid fur<strong>the</strong>r <strong>Siam</strong>ese commitments<br />
for <strong>the</strong> present, and decided <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>ese and<br />
Tachard should defer <strong>the</strong>ir audience for handing<br />
over Phra Narai's letter and presents until after<br />
seeing <strong>the</strong> Pope. As Tachard fondly hoped to<br />
leave to return to <strong>Siam</strong> in March 1689 with yet<br />
ano<strong>the</strong>r French expedition, he made all haste to<br />
leave for Rome.<br />
Accompanied by his three mandarins and<br />
two <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir valets, Tachard left Paris on 5th<br />
November 1688. <strong>The</strong>ir interpreter, Moriset<br />
(sometimes Morisot, and Tachard's erstwhile<br />
assistant) went on ahead with two o<strong>the</strong>r <strong>Siam</strong>ese<br />
valets and <strong>the</strong> bales <strong>of</strong> presents. <strong>The</strong>re were also<br />
<strong>the</strong> three Tonkinese catechists who were going<br />
to Rome as representatives <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Christians in<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir country in order to seek <strong>the</strong> reinstatement<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Jesuits <strong>the</strong>re. Tachard's party went first<br />
110<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s I & 2
<strong>Siam</strong>ese Mandarins on <strong>the</strong> Grand Tour, 1688-1690<br />
to Lyons by stage-coach, and <strong>the</strong>n <strong>the</strong> whole<br />
group went down <strong>the</strong> Rhone as far as A vignon.<br />
<strong>The</strong>re <strong>the</strong>y took litters as far as Cannes, where<br />
<strong>the</strong>y arrived on 26th November 1688. <strong>The</strong> town<br />
showed <strong>the</strong>m, and Tachard, 'honours which I<br />
did not expect' (1689: 387); this was arranged<br />
by <strong>the</strong> Bishop <strong>of</strong> Grasse, who had charge <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
town, and who had undoubtedly been alerted by<br />
Tachard <strong>of</strong> his function as <strong>Siam</strong>ese envoy.<br />
However, <strong>the</strong> wea<strong>the</strong>r was too good to waste<br />
time going to Grasse to thank <strong>the</strong> prelate, so <strong>the</strong><br />
whole party boarded two feluccas which <strong>the</strong><br />
Marquis de Seignelay had arranged to be waiting<br />
for <strong>the</strong>m in <strong>the</strong> port to transport <strong>the</strong> group to<br />
Genoa.<br />
<strong>The</strong> next day <strong>the</strong> party did not manage to do<br />
more than 29 miles or 8 French leagues, passing<br />
Nice and getting as far as Villefranche. <strong>The</strong>y<br />
arrived so late that <strong>the</strong>y were almost locked out<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> town, and <strong>the</strong> health inspector made many<br />
objections to <strong>the</strong>ir landing. <strong>The</strong>y left<br />
Villefranche on <strong>the</strong> 29th November in good<br />
wea<strong>the</strong>r, which alas did not last, and were<br />
obliged to stop at Monaco, 'to show our health<br />
papers', where a strong east wind blew up and<br />
prevented <strong>the</strong>m continuing until <strong>the</strong> afternoon.<br />
That allowed for some sightseeing.<br />
Monaco is a small town very well defended<br />
because <strong>of</strong> its situation perched high on a rock,<br />
which can only be entered on <strong>the</strong> port side by a<br />
very difficult road cut into <strong>the</strong> mountain. It is<br />
only to <strong>the</strong> north that a mountain overlooks it,<br />
but it is inaccessible. As soon as I arrived I went<br />
to say mass in <strong>the</strong> parish church, after seeking<br />
<strong>the</strong> Grand Vicar's permission. I <strong>the</strong>n visited <strong>the</strong><br />
stronghold, where <strong>the</strong>re is nothing remarkable<br />
except <strong>the</strong> palace <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> prince, and which is<br />
only important because <strong>of</strong> its pleasant situation.<br />
Along <strong>the</strong> coast we saw two strongholds<br />
belonging to <strong>the</strong> Prince <strong>of</strong> Monaco, whose<br />
territory extends as far as Ventimiglia, which is<br />
<strong>the</strong> first town in Genovese territory (Tachard<br />
1689: 389).<br />
<strong>The</strong> party took some time on leaving Monaco<br />
to go to San Remo, because a sudden southwestern<br />
storm blew up. <strong>The</strong> next day before<br />
dawn <strong>the</strong>y embarked and passed Oneille (?), 'a<br />
small town in <strong>the</strong> dependency <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Duke <strong>of</strong><br />
Savoy, but most agreeable and quite well built',<br />
where <strong>the</strong>y took refreshments. <strong>The</strong>y slept in a<br />
hamlet belonging to Genoa ten leagues from<br />
San Remo, which <strong>the</strong>y left at dawn <strong>the</strong> next<br />
day, 30th November. 'I said mass at Noli when<br />
passing by', Tachard tells us, 'a town with very<br />
few people but which has a bishop'.<br />
After mass and refreshments at Noli, on <strong>the</strong><br />
outskirts <strong>of</strong> Savona, <strong>the</strong> party reboarded <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
feluccas but it was so late <strong>the</strong>y could not proceed<br />
beyond Savona. This place was 'formerly one<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> finest and most populous towns on <strong>the</strong><br />
Ligurian Riviera, but since <strong>the</strong> bombardment <strong>of</strong><br />
Genoa it has been almost entirely dismantled,<br />
on orders from <strong>the</strong> republic.' After presenting<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir health papers, <strong>the</strong>y were taken by <strong>the</strong> son<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> French consul to an inn. Tachard paid a<br />
visit, accompanied by <strong>the</strong> consul but not his<br />
mandarins, to <strong>the</strong> Jesuit college which he found<br />
in poor condition.<br />
<strong>The</strong> wea<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> following day was too bad<br />
for <strong>the</strong>m to proceed, but on 2nd December,<br />
after saying mass and goodbye to fellow Jesuits,<br />
Tachard and his retinue departed for Genoa,<br />
where <strong>the</strong>y arrived at one in <strong>the</strong> afternoon.<br />
Having letters <strong>of</strong> introduction to <strong>the</strong> French<br />
consul Aubert and <strong>the</strong> king's envoy<br />
extraordinary Dupre, Tachard could not continue<br />
as he claims he desired so to do. So, after settling<br />
<strong>the</strong> khunnang in an inn, he went to lodge at <strong>the</strong><br />
Jesuit college, directed by <strong>the</strong> bro<strong>the</strong>r <strong>of</strong> Cardinal<br />
Palavicini. <strong>The</strong> wea<strong>the</strong>r again prevented <strong>the</strong><br />
party continuing its journey <strong>the</strong> following day.<br />
He claims not to have seen Genoa in spite <strong>of</strong><br />
spending two days <strong>the</strong>re, but presumably <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>Siam</strong>ese mandarins were less constrained by<br />
socio-religious obligations and managed to see<br />
something <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> port, <strong>the</strong> ca<strong>the</strong>dral, <strong>the</strong> Palazzo<br />
San Giorgio, and <strong>the</strong> Palazzo Bianco.<br />
On <strong>the</strong> 4th <strong>of</strong> December <strong>the</strong> group left, but<br />
not more than four leagues from Genoa heavy<br />
rain and strong winds forced it to stop at <strong>the</strong><br />
hamlet <strong>of</strong> Camoglio overlooking <strong>the</strong> sea, with<br />
'a very pretty and well maintained church.' As<br />
<strong>the</strong> wea<strong>the</strong>r did not improve, Tachard wrote to<br />
Monsieur Aubert, <strong>the</strong> consul, asking for horses<br />
and twelve, with three mules, arrived <strong>the</strong> next<br />
day. However, <strong>the</strong> rain poured down, and <strong>the</strong><br />
roads were impassable. Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, <strong>the</strong> road<br />
led around a mountain cut into <strong>the</strong> rock, with a<br />
precipice on one side. Men had to be hired to<br />
transport <strong>the</strong>ir baggage to Rapallo, where <strong>the</strong>y<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2<br />
111
Michael Smithies<br />
arrived at night, drenched, and exhausted. Given<br />
<strong>the</strong>se dangers, <strong>the</strong>y were persuaded to resume<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir journey by sea, taking a felucca and a<br />
small fishing boat 'hired at an excessive price'<br />
to take <strong>the</strong>m only as far as Lerici, although <strong>the</strong>y<br />
could have got to Rome for less.<br />
Here Tachard gets his dates wrong, and says<br />
in his book that he and his party left Rapallo on<br />
2nd December (it was probably <strong>the</strong> 6th); <strong>the</strong>y<br />
were <strong>the</strong>n taken to ano<strong>the</strong>r town in <strong>the</strong> Republic<br />
<strong>of</strong> Genoa, Sestri Levante, where <strong>the</strong>y hired an<br />
additional felucca. <strong>The</strong>y ended <strong>the</strong> day after<br />
fur<strong>the</strong>r bad wea<strong>the</strong>r at Vemassale, arriving at<br />
night and guided into <strong>the</strong> port by <strong>the</strong> flares and<br />
cries <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> inhabitants. <strong>The</strong>y left as soon as<br />
<strong>the</strong>y could, at one in <strong>the</strong> morning, arriving at<br />
Livomo (Leghorn) before <strong>the</strong> city gates were<br />
opened. <strong>The</strong>re <strong>the</strong> French consul, Cottolendi,<br />
and <strong>the</strong> agent <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Grand Duke <strong>of</strong> Tuscany,<br />
came to <strong>the</strong> rescue <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> travellers, refreshing<br />
<strong>the</strong>m with 'preserves and excellent wine' and<br />
allowing <strong>the</strong>m some respite.<br />
Livomo is a well-built stronghold with a fine<br />
road and a well-sheltered port. <strong>The</strong> houses are<br />
well built, <strong>the</strong> roads broad and straight. Its<br />
agreeable location, in <strong>the</strong> middle <strong>of</strong> Italy, makes<br />
it extremely populous; it thrives on commerce,<br />
is rich, and all <strong>the</strong> nations <strong>of</strong> Europe have consuls<br />
<strong>the</strong>re. It has a large foreign population, especially<br />
<strong>of</strong> Frenchmen, who, <strong>the</strong>y say, constitute oneninth<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> inhabitants. (Tachard 1689: 388)<br />
Here <strong>the</strong> group saw <strong>the</strong> square in front <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
port, where <strong>the</strong>re was 'one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> most curious<br />
modem objects in Italy' -this was <strong>the</strong> white<br />
marble statue <strong>of</strong> Prince Ferdinand, Grand Duke<br />
<strong>of</strong> Tuscany, raised some twelve feet on a column<br />
and with four bronze fettered slaves at its base,<br />
a memorial to <strong>the</strong> unsuccessful attempt <strong>of</strong> three<br />
Turks and one Moor to seize <strong>the</strong> galley on which<br />
<strong>the</strong>y served.<br />
<strong>The</strong>y stayed in Livorno until <strong>the</strong> 16th<br />
December, and were obviously well entertained<br />
<strong>the</strong>re. Proceeding by boat to Piombino, opposite<br />
Elba, with its ruined castle, <strong>the</strong>y moved on to<br />
Porto-Hercole, a well-defended town within <strong>the</strong><br />
realms <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> King <strong>of</strong> Spain. But <strong>the</strong> whole<br />
coastline was o<strong>the</strong>rwise unpeopled between<br />
Livorno and Civitavecchia, and <strong>the</strong> air<br />
unwholesome. 'One could just see distant woods<br />
and a few villages scattered in <strong>the</strong> countryside,<br />
with towers to give warning, by firing a gun in<br />
<strong>the</strong> daytime or lighting a fire at night, <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
appearance <strong>of</strong> Corsairs on <strong>the</strong> coast.' That night<br />
<strong>the</strong>y reached Civitavecchia, <strong>the</strong> port for Rome,<br />
but so late <strong>the</strong>y again had to stay on board until<br />
<strong>the</strong> next day.<br />
Tachard hurried on to Rome by land, taking<br />
up residence at <strong>the</strong> Jesuit College <strong>the</strong>re, and<br />
leaving <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>ese to continue <strong>the</strong>ir journey<br />
by sea, and come up <strong>the</strong> Tiber on 21st<br />
December 1 • <strong>The</strong> secretary <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Propagation <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Faith, Cardinal Cibo, sent one <strong>of</strong> his coaches,<br />
a gentleman, and six lackeys to take <strong>the</strong><br />
mandarins into <strong>the</strong> city; <strong>the</strong> French Cardinal<br />
d'Estrees also sent horses to greet <strong>the</strong>m, as did<br />
<strong>the</strong> Pope's majordomo, Mgr Visconti. <strong>The</strong>y were<br />
lodged in a villa next to <strong>the</strong> Jesuit College,<br />
wined and dined, and given Swiss guards for<br />
protection.<br />
<strong>The</strong> first papal audience took place on 23rd<br />
December 1688.1nformed about it only 'towards<br />
<strong>the</strong> twenty-second hour', <strong>the</strong> mandarins and<br />
Tachard were taken in coaches to <strong>the</strong> papal<br />
palace. In a procession led by some Jesuits and<br />
Roman nobles came Tachard and Cardinal Cibo,<br />
<strong>the</strong> mandarins followed, one carrying <strong>the</strong> casket<br />
containing Narai's letter, ano<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> king's<br />
present on a silver tray, and <strong>the</strong> third '<strong>the</strong> gift <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> chief minister, Constantine Phaulkon, a<br />
Catholic'. Tachard took precedence, and <strong>the</strong><br />
khunnang were largely decorative.<br />
For <strong>the</strong>ir audiences, <strong>the</strong> three mandarins wore<br />
<strong>the</strong> Persian-inspired <strong>Siam</strong>ese court dress;<br />
. . . garments <strong>of</strong> damask reaching to <strong>the</strong>ir knees,<br />
which were covered by a longer one <strong>of</strong> scarlet<br />
and ornamented with gold lace <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> width <strong>of</strong><br />
three fingers. <strong>The</strong>y were each girded with a<br />
golden belt and at <strong>the</strong>ir sides <strong>the</strong>y wore each a<br />
dagger with a golden hilt. <strong>The</strong>ir heads were<br />
covered with a turban manufactured <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> finest<br />
white cloth, girded round <strong>the</strong> head, in <strong>the</strong> form<br />
<strong>of</strong> a crown, with a solid gold circlet three fingers<br />
wide, <strong>the</strong> whole thing being fastened with a<br />
gold cord under <strong>the</strong>ir chin'. (Royal Institute 1933:<br />
59)<br />
<strong>The</strong> two masters <strong>of</strong> ceremony led <strong>the</strong><br />
procession into <strong>the</strong> audience hall, where <strong>the</strong><br />
Pope was seated on his throne, flanked by eight<br />
112<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
<strong>Siam</strong>ese Mandarins on <strong>the</strong> Grand Tour, 1688-1690<br />
cardinals: Ottobone, Chigi, Barberini, Azzolino,<br />
Altieri, d'Estrees, Colonna, and Casanate.<br />
Narai's letter was placed on a tray and <strong>the</strong><br />
presents on a table. Tachard, after kissing <strong>the</strong><br />
Pope's feet (an act from which <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>ese,<br />
who would have found it pr<strong>of</strong>oundly degrading,<br />
were fortunately exempted), addressed <strong>the</strong> Pope<br />
in <strong>the</strong> hyperbole <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> time, to which he added<br />
untruths <strong>of</strong> his own, claiming that <strong>the</strong> great<br />
monarch <strong>of</strong> <strong>Siam</strong><br />
... has already begun to receive instruction [in<br />
<strong>the</strong> Catholic faith]. He raises altars and churches<br />
to <strong>the</strong> true God and asks for learned and zealous<br />
missionaries . . . very <strong>of</strong>ten he grants us lengthy<br />
and secret audiences, he honours us to such an<br />
extent as to move to jealousy <strong>the</strong> chief ministers<br />
<strong>of</strong> his sect, whom he formerly venerated even<br />
unto superstition. (Royal Institute 1933: 61)<br />
<strong>The</strong> Pope made a reply, and Tachard took<br />
Narai's letter written in <strong>Siam</strong>ese on a sheet <strong>of</strong><br />
gold from a golden urn embossed in green and<br />
red enamel (in all weighing some three pounds),<br />
held by a mandarin, and presented it to <strong>the</strong><br />
Pope. He <strong>the</strong>n presented a translation into<br />
Portuguese, which he translated into Italian.<br />
Tachard <strong>the</strong>n took <strong>the</strong> presents from a master <strong>of</strong><br />
ceremonies to <strong>of</strong>fer <strong>the</strong>m to <strong>the</strong> Pope: <strong>the</strong> king' s<br />
gift was an intricately made octagonal gold<br />
casket worked in filagree, weighing about fifteen<br />
pounds, and Phaulkon's gift, a silver casket and<br />
tray 'adorned with capricious arabesques and<br />
leaves', and weighing thirteen pounds.<br />
Phaulkon's letters to <strong>the</strong> Pope, including one<br />
from <strong>the</strong> minister virulently attacking <strong>the</strong><br />
Missionaries (see <strong>the</strong> appendix to Hutchinson<br />
1933: 45--65), were not <strong>of</strong> course presented at<br />
<strong>the</strong> formal audience, but later in <strong>the</strong> discussions<br />
Tachard had with Vatican <strong>of</strong>ficials during his<br />
stay.<br />
<strong>The</strong> mandarins <strong>the</strong>n made <strong>the</strong>ir three<br />
formal obeisances to <strong>the</strong> Pope, and remained<br />
kneeling until <strong>the</strong> end <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> audience, <strong>the</strong><br />
Pope spoke again, and <strong>the</strong>n withdrew, leaving<br />
<strong>the</strong> assembled cardinals to admire <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>ese<br />
gifts and speak to Tachard and <strong>the</strong> mandarins<br />
in a separate room. <strong>The</strong> visitors <strong>the</strong>n moved to<br />
<strong>the</strong> chambers <strong>of</strong> Cardinal Cibo, who granted<br />
<strong>the</strong>m audience, and afterwards returned in<br />
coaches to <strong>the</strong>ir lodgings where '<strong>the</strong>y were<br />
greeted by <strong>the</strong> joyful notes <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> trumpets <strong>of</strong><br />
His Holiness' guards'.<br />
Whilst in Rome over Christmas and New<br />
Year, <strong>the</strong>y visited <strong>the</strong> Basilica <strong>of</strong> StPeter, <strong>the</strong><br />
Sistine Chapel, and o<strong>the</strong>r renowned churches,<br />
<strong>the</strong> church <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Gesii, <strong>the</strong> city's fountains, <strong>the</strong><br />
palaces <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Pope's nephew, <strong>the</strong> Duke <strong>of</strong> Ceri,<br />
Livio Odescalchi, and <strong>the</strong> Prince and Princess<br />
Borghese, and <strong>of</strong> course <strong>the</strong> papal palace in <strong>the</strong><br />
Vatican, where <strong>the</strong>y admired <strong>the</strong> library, its<br />
arsenal, <strong>the</strong> Belvedere gardens and climbed, after<br />
a dinner (i.e. a lunch) <strong>of</strong>fered <strong>the</strong>m <strong>the</strong>re, into<br />
<strong>the</strong> dome <strong>of</strong> StPeter's. On <strong>the</strong>ir last day <strong>the</strong>y<br />
were entertained by <strong>the</strong> Jesuits, and were given<br />
'many dishes <strong>of</strong> various pastries and sweetmeats'<br />
and presented with 'small c<strong>of</strong>fers full <strong>of</strong> balm<br />
and various quintessences'. During <strong>the</strong>ir time in<br />
Rome, <strong>the</strong> Vatican court artist Carlo Maratta<br />
(1625-1713) took <strong>the</strong> opportunity <strong>of</strong> sketching<br />
<strong>the</strong> three <strong>Siam</strong>ese khunnang, and <strong>the</strong>se pictures<br />
(Figure 1), bearing <strong>the</strong>ir names in <strong>Siam</strong>ese<br />
characters, are preserved in <strong>the</strong> Vatican Library;<br />
<strong>the</strong>se are <strong>the</strong> only known illustrations we have<br />
<strong>of</strong><strong>the</strong>m. 2<br />
<strong>The</strong> khunnang were said to be overcome by<br />
all that <strong>the</strong>y saw, and announced <strong>the</strong>y were<br />
leaving Rome 'with <strong>the</strong> firm resolution <strong>of</strong><br />
begging <strong>the</strong> approval <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> King <strong>of</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> that<br />
<strong>the</strong>y might be able to receive <strong>the</strong> waters <strong>of</strong> holy<br />
baptism'.<br />
At <strong>the</strong>ir farewell audience on 5th January<br />
1689 (Tachard disagrees with <strong>the</strong> Latin text and<br />
gives <strong>the</strong> date as 4th January) <strong>the</strong>y were<br />
assembled with <strong>the</strong> Tonkinese catechists, who<br />
had an audience on 27th December, and received<br />
<strong>the</strong> Pope's blessing. <strong>The</strong> Pope gave to Tachard<br />
three letters, for <strong>the</strong> King <strong>of</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>, his minister,<br />
and <strong>the</strong> Christians <strong>of</strong> Tonkin. <strong>The</strong> Pope <strong>the</strong>n<br />
gave him a gold medal to present to King Narai,<br />
with his portrait on one side and Charity on <strong>the</strong><br />
o<strong>the</strong>r flanked by two children and a Latin tag,<br />
'NON QUAERIT QUAE SUA SUNT' ('She<br />
seeketh not her own', I Cor. XII.5); this was<br />
studded in diamonds on both sides. More likely<br />
to be appreciated by <strong>the</strong> king (had he still been<br />
alive to receive it) was <strong>the</strong> present <strong>of</strong> a telescope<br />
on its trestle with four crystal lenses. Tachard<br />
was given for Phaulkon a small box <strong>of</strong> rock<br />
crystal containing various oils, a picture <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Virgin and Child by Maratta 'decked with a<br />
precious frame', and two lapis lazuli rosaries<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2<br />
113
Michael Smithies<br />
for himself and his lady. Tachard was given a<br />
rosary for himself and <strong>the</strong> bones <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> martyr<br />
St Modestus to place in <strong>the</strong> church in Ayutthaya.<br />
<strong>The</strong> khunnang and <strong>the</strong>ir attendants were given<br />
similar trifles; <strong>the</strong> mandarins each received 'three<br />
very beautiful medallions and three silver ones',<br />
some packets <strong>of</strong> preserves and boxes <strong>of</strong><br />
fragrances, and <strong>the</strong>ir four valets were each given<br />
two silver medals. One <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> mandarins, in a fit<br />
<strong>of</strong> enthusiasm, had<br />
. . . a life-sized portrait <strong>of</strong> himself painted in <strong>the</strong><br />
attitude <strong>of</strong> holding two golden vases, out <strong>of</strong> one<br />
with <strong>the</strong> right hand he poured water on a fire,<br />
while with <strong>the</strong> left hand he watered a tender tree<br />
with <strong>the</strong> contents <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r, typifying by <strong>the</strong> fire<br />
<strong>the</strong> idolatry he desired to see extinguished and by<br />
<strong>the</strong> tree <strong>the</strong> principle <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Faith he would cultivate<br />
in his heart. (Carretta 1944: 186)<br />
It is not known if this commission was<br />
completed and, if it were, what became <strong>of</strong> it.<br />
Tachard makes no mention <strong>of</strong> it, and it may<br />
have been a figment <strong>of</strong> imagination <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Roman<br />
memorialist.<br />
<strong>The</strong> mandarins left Rome on 7th January,<br />
arriving at Civitavecchia <strong>the</strong> following day,<br />
where <strong>the</strong>y were received by <strong>the</strong> governor at <strong>the</strong><br />
head <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> garrison. <strong>The</strong> 9th, a Sunday, after<br />
saying mass, Tachard embarked with <strong>the</strong> three<br />
mandarins on two well-armed Maltese ships for<br />
Marseilles.<br />
<strong>The</strong> French court circular, <strong>the</strong> Mercure Galant<br />
(March 1689: 102-45)3, gave details <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
journey <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>ese mandarins to Rome in <strong>the</strong><br />
company <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Tonkinese catechists and Fr<br />
Tachard, <strong>the</strong> information apparently corning from<br />
Tachard's Second Voyage. Interestingly <strong>the</strong><br />
Mercure Galant (March 1698: 116) noted that<br />
when in Rome 'one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> mandarins was reputed<br />
to be <strong>the</strong> son <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> King <strong>of</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>, and <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>rs<br />
were leading nobles at <strong>the</strong> court <strong>of</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>, and that<br />
<strong>the</strong>y had come to be baptized by <strong>the</strong> Holy Fa<strong>the</strong>r'.<br />
<strong>The</strong> crowds ga<strong>the</strong>red to see <strong>the</strong>m were so great<br />
that <strong>the</strong> Swiss guards had to keep order.<br />
As soon as possible, on arriving in France,<br />
Tachard went to Versailles in February, and<br />
was received in audience by Louis XIV, who<br />
ratified on 25th February <strong>the</strong> treaty <strong>of</strong> commerce<br />
Ceberet had obtained in 1687. Tachard signed<br />
on 1st March nine<br />
articles and conditions agreed on <strong>the</strong> express<br />
order <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> most high, most powerful, most<br />
excellent and most invincible monarch Louis<br />
XIV, by <strong>the</strong> Grace <strong>of</strong> God Emperor <strong>of</strong> France<br />
and King <strong>of</strong> Navarre, with Fa<strong>the</strong>rTachard, Jesuit,<br />
envoy extraordinary <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> most high, most<br />
excellent and most invincible monarch <strong>the</strong> King<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>. (Archives Nationales Cl/25, fo. 18-<br />
19)<br />
Two weeks later came a Treaty between<br />
Monsieur d'Eragny and Fa<strong>the</strong>r Tachard<br />
concerning <strong>the</strong> company <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> King <strong>of</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>'s<br />
horseguards, in Paris, 15th March 1689, signed<br />
by Fa<strong>the</strong>r Tachard in <strong>the</strong> name <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> King <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>Siam</strong>. <strong>The</strong> Marquis d'Eragny had been appointed<br />
to <strong>the</strong> post <strong>of</strong> captain <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> palace guard in<br />
Ayutthaya as well as inspector-general <strong>of</strong> French<br />
troops in <strong>Siam</strong>.<br />
<strong>The</strong> indefatigable Tachard <strong>the</strong>n sought to<br />
bring <strong>the</strong> Societe des Missions Etrangeres to<br />
heel. Louis XIV was persuaded <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> need for<br />
concord between <strong>the</strong> French Missionaries and<br />
<strong>the</strong> French Jesuits, whose quarrels in Sou<strong>the</strong>ast<br />
Asia did little to enhance his authority or <strong>the</strong><br />
cause <strong>of</strong> Catholicism. <strong>The</strong> disputants were<br />
brought toge<strong>the</strong>r by <strong>the</strong> Archbishop <strong>of</strong> Paris,<br />
Harlay de Champvallon, and agreement reached<br />
on 13th March. <strong>The</strong> Jesuits were to recognize<br />
<strong>the</strong> authority <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> apostolic vicars in Tonkin<br />
and <strong>the</strong> apostolic vicars dispensed with <strong>the</strong> oath<br />
<strong>of</strong> allegiance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> French Jesuits.<br />
But political events in Europe <strong>the</strong>n checked<br />
Tachard's <strong>Siam</strong>ese ambitions. <strong>The</strong> War <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Grand Alliance ( 1689-1697) broke out, bringing<br />
France into conflict with <strong>the</strong> League <strong>of</strong><br />
Augsburg, including <strong>the</strong> Austrian emperor,<br />
Sweden, Spain and some German princes, joined<br />
by <strong>the</strong> Ne<strong>the</strong>rlands, Savoy, and England. French<br />
ships were needed closer to home, and, as <strong>the</strong><br />
season for sailing to Asia passed, fur<strong>the</strong>r<br />
reinforcements for <strong>Siam</strong> were deferred until<br />
1690.<br />
But what <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>ese mandarins while<br />
Tachard was busy hobnobbing with <strong>the</strong> court?<br />
We know remarkably little, for unlike <strong>the</strong><br />
ambassadors <strong>of</strong> 1686-7, <strong>the</strong>y caused little<br />
comment. <strong>The</strong> two memorialists <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> period,<br />
Dagneau and Sourches, made no mention <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong>ir presentation at court or <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
subsequent doings. <strong>The</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>ese were no<br />
114<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
<strong>Siam</strong>ese Mandarins on <strong>the</strong> Grand Tour, 1688-1690<br />
longer <strong>the</strong> talk <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> town; <strong>the</strong>ir social novelty<br />
had passed. Sourches did indicate on 24th<br />
July 1688 <strong>the</strong> arrival <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Oiseau (on which<br />
Forbin and Ceberet returned from <strong>Siam</strong>) and<br />
mentions something <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> affairs <strong>of</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>,<br />
and on 4th August 1688 mentioned <strong>the</strong> arrival<br />
<strong>of</strong> M. de La Loubere, <strong>the</strong> king's envoy to<br />
<strong>Siam</strong>, at Brest, but says nothing about <strong>the</strong><br />
reception <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> mandarins at <strong>the</strong> French court<br />
<strong>the</strong> following year. Dangeau also on 24th July<br />
1688 mentioned <strong>the</strong> return <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> expedition<br />
to <strong>Siam</strong>, but also passes over in silence <strong>the</strong><br />
reception at Versailles which appears to have<br />
taken place in February.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Mercure Galant, so full <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> activities<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir predecessors in 1686, hardly mentioned<br />
<strong>the</strong> mandarins in 1689. <strong>Siam</strong>ese affairs received<br />
a resume in <strong>the</strong> March gazette (1689: 99-102)<br />
probably because <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> audience recently<br />
granted <strong>the</strong> mandarins by Louis XIV, though<br />
<strong>the</strong> date and details are not given. Mention,<br />
however, was made <strong>of</strong> all <strong>the</strong> presents being<br />
sent by <strong>the</strong> King <strong>of</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> to <strong>the</strong> members <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
royal house. <strong>The</strong> accompanying mandarins are<br />
not named, but one Racan is again mentioned as<br />
being in <strong>the</strong> mandarins' suite. Racan had<br />
accompanied <strong>the</strong> earlier <strong>Siam</strong>ese embassy <strong>of</strong><br />
1686 and had said to his interpreter, <strong>the</strong> Abbe<br />
de Lionne, on witnessing Louis XIV at dinner:<br />
'Ifl knew French I would speak to him, for his<br />
goodness appears so great that I think it greater<br />
than would be my boldness'. (Donneau de Vize<br />
1687, <strong>Vol</strong> II: 265). <strong>The</strong> Mercure Galant (March<br />
1689: 146) continues:<br />
When <strong>the</strong>y returned [to France], <strong>the</strong>y had an<br />
audience with His Majesty, not having had it<br />
before <strong>the</strong>ir departure from Paris for Rome<br />
because <strong>the</strong> king was at Fontainebleau and<br />
Monseigneur <strong>the</strong> Dauphin in Germany. As <strong>the</strong><br />
King <strong>of</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> desires to have a company <strong>of</strong><br />
Frenchmen for his palace bodyguard, one was<br />
formed and <strong>the</strong> command given by His Majesty<br />
toM. d'Eragny.<br />
Indeed, almost as much notice abroad<br />
appears to have been made <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>ese<br />
mandarins' activities as in France. <strong>The</strong><br />
correspondent <strong>of</strong> <strong>The</strong> London Intelligence noted<br />
from Paris on 1st February 1689 (Anderson<br />
1890: 368):<br />
<strong>The</strong> Sieurs Mandarins have had a private<br />
audience <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> King at Versailles. T. [sic]<br />
Tachard, a Jesuit, <strong>the</strong>re presented his Majesty<br />
with a Letter from <strong>the</strong> King <strong>of</strong> Spain (evidently<br />
a misprint for <strong>Siam</strong>), and Complimented him in<br />
<strong>the</strong> name <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Prince. <strong>The</strong> Mandarins at <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
entrance and going out, made <strong>the</strong> usual<br />
Salutations by prostrating <strong>the</strong>mselves after <strong>the</strong><br />
mode <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir Countrey.<br />
However, <strong>the</strong> date <strong>of</strong> 1st February for <strong>the</strong><br />
report is suspect, and is more likely to be 1st<br />
March 1689 since Anderson (1890: 368) also<br />
noted that <strong>the</strong> Harlem Currant [sic] No.2 14-19<br />
for February 1689 carried <strong>the</strong> notice:<br />
Our letters from Paris <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 21st Instant, give<br />
<strong>the</strong> following Account (viz.) that <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>ites<br />
[sic] Ambassadors had <strong>the</strong>ir first Audience being<br />
conducted on <strong>the</strong> king's coaches from Paris to<br />
Versailles, to whome <strong>the</strong>y kneeled down and<br />
prostrated <strong>the</strong>mselves, Fa<strong>the</strong>r Tachart a Jesuit,<br />
Interpreted <strong>the</strong>ir Speech and Letter <strong>of</strong> Credence,<br />
and informed his Majestie <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Multitude <strong>of</strong><br />
Christians <strong>the</strong> Jesuits have made in <strong>Siam</strong>, <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
Lodging is at <strong>the</strong> Hottel [sic] <strong>of</strong> Extraordinary<br />
Ambassadors, in <strong>the</strong> Fauxbourg St. Germain.<br />
<strong>The</strong>re is much to be questioned in this<br />
account, proving perhaps no more than that<br />
newspapers in <strong>the</strong> seventeenth century were as<br />
inaccurate as some more recent ones. As far as<br />
is known, <strong>the</strong> mandarins, who were not<br />
ambassadors, bore no letter <strong>of</strong> credence, and<br />
Tachard, not knowing <strong>Siam</strong>ese, was in no<br />
position to interpret <strong>the</strong>m (for this reason Moriset<br />
accompanied <strong>the</strong>m as interpreter). <strong>The</strong> Jesuits<br />
were not known to have made many conversions<br />
in <strong>Siam</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r than Phaulkon himself, and it was<br />
<strong>the</strong> Missionaries who sought converts among<br />
<strong>the</strong> masses, if without great success (though<br />
Tachard is unlikely to have mentioned <strong>the</strong><br />
Missionaries in a favourable light). <strong>The</strong> H6tel<br />
des Ambassadeurs was specifically in <strong>the</strong> Rue<br />
de Toumon. <strong>The</strong>n <strong>the</strong>re is again <strong>the</strong> problem <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> date; <strong>the</strong> audience may well have taken<br />
place on 21st February, and <strong>the</strong> Harlem Currant<br />
dated itself a week in advance, as some<br />
periodicals do today.<br />
Dutch gazettes, however, from July started<br />
to carry disturbing news concerning events in<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2<br />
115
Michael Smithies<br />
<strong>Siam</strong>, which <strong>the</strong> French dismissed as deliberate<br />
disinformation. But it was confirmed on 5th<br />
November 1689 by <strong>the</strong> news brought by French<br />
survivors <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 'revolution' <strong>of</strong> 1688 in <strong>Siam</strong> on<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir release from incarcaration in <strong>the</strong> prisons <strong>of</strong><br />
Middelburg: Phaulkon was murdered, Narai was<br />
dead, Petracha reigned, French troops expelled.<br />
Dagneau in his memoirs speaks <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> news <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> revolution in <strong>Siam</strong> on 5th November 1689,<br />
and Sourches <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 'events ' in <strong>Siam</strong> on 6th<br />
November 1689. <strong>The</strong> Mercure Galant<br />
(November 1689: 320-2) also mentions <strong>the</strong> news<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> revolution in <strong>Siam</strong> and French prisoners<br />
from <strong>the</strong>re in Holland, and gave details <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
revolution in <strong>the</strong> December issue (1689: 28-<br />
54).<br />
<strong>The</strong> news reached Tachard when he was at<br />
Saumur; <strong>the</strong> departure <strong>of</strong> French ships for <strong>Siam</strong><br />
was again deferred. Tachard was in Port-Louis<br />
on 18th November, probably arranging for <strong>the</strong><br />
shipment <strong>of</strong> goods to <strong>Siam</strong> on French Company<br />
vessels, and <strong>the</strong>n went to Brest to break <strong>the</strong><br />
news to his three tame mandarins, presumably<br />
waiting <strong>the</strong>re for <strong>the</strong> departure <strong>of</strong> French Navy<br />
ships. <strong>The</strong>y were not excessively disturbed, and<br />
held that N arai was a harsh and feared ruler; <strong>the</strong><br />
sister <strong>of</strong> one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> mandarins was married to<br />
<strong>the</strong> nephew <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> new ruler; Petracha's son<br />
was thought by <strong>the</strong>m capable and fond <strong>of</strong><br />
ma<strong>the</strong>matics. By this stage all three had been<br />
sufficiently exposed to Catholicism and were<br />
baptised in <strong>the</strong> Jesuit church in Brest; Launay<br />
(1920: 93) inaccurately maintains that only two<br />
were baptised in Brest, as <strong>the</strong> third had died en<br />
route (he was not to die until lOth March 1690).<br />
<strong>The</strong>y were apparently retained in Brest until <strong>the</strong><br />
departure <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Duquesne-Guiton fleet on 25th<br />
February 1690 for <strong>Siam</strong>-which it never reached.<br />
Ok-muen Phiphit had <strong>the</strong> misfortune to die<br />
on board <strong>the</strong> Gaillard on 1Oth March, and was<br />
given a six gun salute to 'honour appropriately<br />
<strong>the</strong> first <strong>Siam</strong>ese mandarin to die a Christian'.<br />
(Vongsuravatana 1992: 157). He possibly died<br />
from <strong>the</strong> heat <strong>of</strong>f Cape Verde, which was<br />
excessive even for a <strong>Siam</strong>ese (confirmed by<br />
Challe), ra<strong>the</strong>r than from a marked addiction,<br />
like his colleagues, to French wine, which Challe<br />
also noted.<br />
How are <strong>the</strong>y going to make shift when <strong>the</strong>y are<br />
back in <strong>the</strong>ir country where no wine is produced,<br />
<strong>the</strong>y who swallowed it so cordially in Paris, and<br />
with whom I drank so copiously in Port-Louis?<br />
How will <strong>the</strong>y survive without our wines from<br />
Bordeaux and Graves? I do not know. But love<br />
<strong>of</strong> one's neighbour requires me to pity <strong>the</strong>m,<br />
because I should be pitied in <strong>the</strong>ir place (Challe<br />
1979: 61).<br />
<strong>The</strong> squadron anchored at <strong>the</strong> Cape Verde<br />
and <strong>the</strong> Comoros islands, and Pondicbery. <strong>The</strong>re,<br />
<strong>the</strong> director <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> French East Indies Company,<br />
Fran~ois Martin, noted in August 1690, '<strong>The</strong><br />
Rev. Fr Tachard and M. Charmos embarked on<br />
<strong>the</strong> squadron in <strong>the</strong> hope that M. Dusuqesne<br />
gave <strong>the</strong>m <strong>of</strong> reaching Mergui. Fr Tachard only<br />
took with him <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>ese who were returning<br />
from France' (Martin 1934: III, 113). <strong>The</strong><br />
squadron continued to Balassor, near <strong>the</strong> mouth<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ganges, but, because <strong>of</strong> unfavourable<br />
winds, never reached <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>ese port <strong>of</strong>Mergui;<br />
instead, it hung around <strong>the</strong> Negrides for weeks<br />
when <strong>the</strong> crews died in large numbers <strong>of</strong> tropical<br />
diseases and scurvy. When battles took place,<br />
Tachard 'prudently remained with <strong>the</strong> two<br />
mandarins at <strong>the</strong> bottom <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> hold' (Lanier<br />
1883: 183). Finally Mergui was abandoned as a<br />
destination in favour <strong>of</strong> returning to Balassor.<br />
Ok-khun Wiset and Ok-khun Chamnan were<br />
<strong>of</strong>f-loaded at Balassor at a date between 4th and<br />
30th December, when <strong>the</strong> Gaillard with <strong>the</strong> rest<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Duquesne-Guiton squadron docked to<br />
take on supplies and land <strong>the</strong>ir many sick; <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>Siam</strong>ese were given a five gun French salute as<br />
<strong>the</strong>y left to take 'a Moorish vessel', according to<br />
Lanier (1883: 183). Martin, writing in January<br />
1691, is less specific: '<strong>The</strong> Rev Fr Tachard left<br />
at Balassor <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>ese he had brought from<br />
France for <strong>the</strong>m to travel to Merguy or <strong>Siam</strong><br />
[Ayutthaya] when <strong>the</strong>firstchancearose' (Martin<br />
1934 III: 137). Challe, citing Martin, said <strong>the</strong>y<br />
took ei<strong>the</strong>r a Dutch or a Portuguese ship to<br />
Mergui (Challe 1979: 442-3), instead<strong>of</strong>leaving<br />
<strong>the</strong>m in Pondicbery to take a French vessel to<br />
Mergui.<br />
From <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>ese port <strong>the</strong> mandarins<br />
travelled overland to Ayutthaya, bearing a<br />
grovelling letter from Tachard to <strong>the</strong> new phra<br />
klang, Kosa Pan. It is possible that <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>ese<br />
might have considered that <strong>the</strong> two surviving<br />
mandarins sent to Europe in 1688 were being<br />
held hostage by <strong>the</strong> French; after all, Desfarges<br />
116<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
<strong>Siam</strong>ese Mandarins on <strong>the</strong> Grand Tour, 1688-1690<br />
had retained two <strong>Siam</strong>ese hostages on<br />
withdrawing from Bangkok in 1688, and did<br />
not release <strong>the</strong>m until <strong>the</strong> end <strong>of</strong> 1689 during<br />
his pointless expedition to Phuket. Writing in<br />
January or February 1692, Martin noted <strong>the</strong><br />
arrival <strong>of</strong> a reply to Tachard's letter after <strong>the</strong><br />
return <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> two <strong>Siam</strong>ese; it is true, <strong>the</strong>y were<br />
carrying Tachard's letter, but <strong>the</strong> precedent for<br />
hostage-taking existed. <strong>The</strong> envoy sent from<br />
Kosa Pan, <strong>the</strong> phra khlang, to Martin in<br />
Pondicbery,<br />
. . . was a V. Pinheiro, a native <strong>of</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> but a<br />
Christian, who had been an interpreter with <strong>the</strong><br />
gentlemen <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Mission and <strong>the</strong>n with <strong>the</strong><br />
[French] Company; <strong>the</strong> King <strong>of</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> had raised<br />
him to <strong>the</strong> rank <strong>of</strong> [blank: Ok-Iuang Worowathi]<br />
to authorize his despatch; he had two mandarins<br />
as deputies and some valets. He had been sent<br />
on <strong>the</strong> return to Ayutthaya <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>ese whom<br />
<strong>the</strong> Rev. Fr Tachard had left in Bengal and who<br />
had subsequently proceeded <strong>the</strong>reto. <strong>The</strong>se<br />
persons had been charged with a letter for <strong>the</strong><br />
barcalon which <strong>the</strong> Rev. Fr had written, in which<br />
he noted that he was charged with a letter from<br />
<strong>the</strong> Holy Fa<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> Pope for <strong>the</strong> late King [Narai]<br />
and ano<strong>the</strong>r from <strong>the</strong> King [Louis XIV] for <strong>the</strong><br />
same monarch, that <strong>the</strong>y had been written before<br />
it was known that His Majesty had died, and he<br />
had kept <strong>the</strong>m to hand <strong>the</strong>m over to <strong>the</strong> present<br />
monarch when <strong>the</strong> occasion arose for him to<br />
travel in safety to Ayutthaya. (Martin 1934: III<br />
185)<br />
Kosa Pan's reply was not forthcoming; <strong>the</strong><br />
moment for Tachard' s return was not opportune.<br />
<strong>The</strong>reafter Ok-khun Charnnan and Ok-khun<br />
Wiset pass out <strong>of</strong> history. It is not known if <strong>the</strong>y<br />
met Tachard nine years later when <strong>the</strong> court at<br />
Ayutthaya finally condescended to receive <strong>the</strong><br />
Jesuit, who presented a ten-year-old letter from<br />
Louis XN addressed to Phra Narai, dead for<br />
nearly twelve years, and, according to<br />
Vongsuravatana (1992: 190), a letter from Pope<br />
Innocent XI, similarly addressed, and who had<br />
died ten years earlier. It is to be hoped that Kosa<br />
Pan, as phra khlang, had informed Phetracha<br />
that Tachard had indicated in his letters that His<br />
Holiness had died in 1689, and <strong>the</strong> king did not<br />
make <strong>the</strong> customary enquiry about <strong>the</strong> pontiffs<br />
health.<br />
Thus, unlike <strong>the</strong> reign <strong>of</strong> King Narai which<br />
ended with an explosive change, <strong>the</strong> king's last<br />
mission to Europe fizzled out, with nothing to<br />
show for it except scattered references and a<br />
few memorabilia deposited in Vatican archives.<br />
So ended <strong>the</strong> astonishing flurry <strong>of</strong> diplomatic<br />
exchanges with <strong>the</strong> West in <strong>the</strong> seventeenth<br />
century.<br />
Notes<br />
1 <strong>The</strong>re exist seven versions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir stay in Rome .<br />
Tachard gives one in Book Eight <strong>of</strong> his Second<br />
Voyage "translated from <strong>the</strong> Italian and printed in<br />
Rome" but in which <strong>the</strong> translator, probably Tachard<br />
himself, omitted and added points, given "our taste<br />
and knowledge <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>ese". <strong>The</strong> original Italian<br />
texts were undoubtedly those printed by Ercole; <strong>the</strong><br />
first, dated 1688 and claimed to be a "letter written<br />
from Rome to Signor N.N.", describes in fifteen<br />
pages <strong>the</strong> arrival <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>ese and <strong>the</strong>ir audience<br />
with Pope Innocent XI on 23rd December; <strong>the</strong><br />
second, dated 1689, gives an account <strong>of</strong> eight pages<br />
listing <strong>the</strong> activities <strong>of</strong> mandarins in Rome and <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
farewell audience with <strong>the</strong> pope on 5th January 1689.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Vatican Library also possesses an unpublished<br />
manuscript version <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> first audience. A version<br />
in German relating <strong>the</strong> first audience was published<br />
in Prague in 1689 (Audienz seiner Heiligkeit<br />
Innocentii XI, so der Tachard, Jesuiten, Und andem<br />
Gersandten des Ki:inigs in <strong>Siam</strong> dem 23 December<br />
1688 verstattet worden. Nebst Erzehlung, was bey<br />
deren Einholung in Rom fiigegangen).<br />
<strong>The</strong>re are two translations into English <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Ercole texts. <strong>The</strong> earliest, published in 1933 on <strong>the</strong><br />
occasion <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> cremation <strong>of</strong> H.R.H. Princess<br />
Dibyalankar in Bangkok, was also translated into<br />
Thai, and reprinted in Sakhon Nakhon in 1967. <strong>The</strong><br />
second was published in 1944 in <strong>the</strong> <strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Thailand Research <strong>Society</strong> (<strong>the</strong> name <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Journal</strong><br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong> under <strong>the</strong> wartime Phibul regime)<br />
by Rev. Fr Carretto and reprinted in 1959 in <strong>Vol</strong> VII<br />
<strong>of</strong> Selected Articles from JSS; this however appears<br />
to summarize <strong>the</strong> first Ercole text and reproduces<br />
most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> second text.<br />
2 Reproduced in <strong>the</strong> Chronicle <strong>of</strong>Twenty-five Years<br />
<strong>of</strong>Thai-Vatical relations (1994: 23) and reproduced<br />
here as Figure 1 with permission.<br />
3 I must here record my gratitude to Michel Jacq<br />
Hergoualc'h for kindly checking <strong>the</strong> Mercure Galant<br />
and <strong>the</strong> memoirs <strong>of</strong> Dagneau and Sourches in <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2<br />
117
Michael Smithies<br />
Biblio<strong>the</strong>que Nationale for <strong>the</strong> references cited in<br />
relation to <strong>the</strong> 1688-90 <strong>Siam</strong>ese mission.<br />
References<br />
Anderson, J. 1890. English Intercourse with <strong>Siam</strong> in<br />
<strong>the</strong> Seventeenth Century. London: Kegan Paul.<br />
Anonymous1688. Lettere scritta da Roma al Signor<br />
N.N. in cui si da notitia della Vdienza data da<br />
N.S. Innocenzo XI al Padre Gvido Tasciard della<br />
Compagnia di Giesv inviato dal Re di <strong>Siam</strong>, et<br />
alii Signori mandarini venuti dal medemo Regno<br />
di <strong>Siam</strong> a di 23 Decembre 1688. Rome: Domenico<br />
Antonio Ercole.<br />
Anonymous1689. Breve Ragguaglio di quanto e<br />
accaduto in Roma a Sig. Mandarini venuti co il<br />
P. Guido Tasciard della Compagnia di Giesu,<br />
inviato straordinario dal Re di <strong>Siam</strong> dopo<br />
l'Udienza havuta da N.S. Innocenzo XI. Rome:<br />
Domenico Antonio Ercole.<br />
Caretto, Rev. Fr 1944. Vatican Papers <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> XVII<br />
Century. <strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Thailand Research <strong>Society</strong><br />
[JSS]35 (2): 173-89. Reprinted 1959 in Selected<br />
Articles from JSS <strong>Vol</strong>. VII as Relationship [sic]<br />
with Portugal, Holland, and <strong>the</strong> Vatican.<br />
Bangkok: <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, pp.177-93.<br />
Catholic Mass-Media 1994. Somosorn 25 pee Thai<br />
Vatican [Chronicle <strong>of</strong> twenty-five years <strong>of</strong><br />
Thai-Vatican relations]. Bangkok: Assumption<br />
Press.<br />
Challe, R.1979. <strong>Journal</strong> d'un voyage fait aux Indes<br />
Orientales (1690-1691). Paris: Mercure de<br />
France.<br />
Cruysse, D. Van de 1992. Louis XIV et le <strong>Siam</strong>.<br />
Paris: Fayard.<br />
Donneau de Vize, J. 1687-1690 Mercure Galant.<br />
Paris.<br />
Donneau de Vize, J. 1985. Voyage des Ambassadeurs<br />
de <strong>Siam</strong> en France. Bangkok: Chalermnit.<br />
Forbin, C. de 1997. <strong>The</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>ese Memoirs <strong>of</strong> Count<br />
Claude de Forbin 1685-1688, introduced and<br />
edited by Michael Smithies. Chiangmai:<br />
Silkworm Books.<br />
Hutchinson, E.W. 1933 <strong>The</strong> French Foreign Mission<br />
in <strong>Siam</strong> during <strong>the</strong> XVIIth Century. <strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong> 26 (l): l-71.<br />
Lanier, L. 1883. Etude Historique sur les Relations<br />
de la France et du Royaume de <strong>Siam</strong> de 1662 a<br />
1703. Versailles: Aubert.<br />
Launay, A. 1920. Histoire de la Mission de <strong>Siam</strong><br />
1662-1811. Paris: Tequi.<br />
Martin F. 1931-4. Memoires, 3 vols. Paris: Societe<br />
de l'Histoire des Colonies Fran~aises.<br />
Royal Institute 1933. Jotmaihet ruang song thut thai<br />
pai krung Rome khrang ti song nai phaendin<br />
somdet phra narai maharaj. [Chronicle<br />
concerning <strong>the</strong> despatch <strong>of</strong> a second Thai<br />
Embassy to Rome during <strong>the</strong> reign <strong>of</strong> Phra N arai<br />
<strong>the</strong> Great]. Bangkok: Royal Institute. Reprinted<br />
Sakhon Nakhon, 1967.<br />
Smithies, M. 1989. <strong>The</strong> Travels in France <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>Siam</strong>ese Ambassadors 1686-7. <strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong> 77 (2): 59-70.<br />
Smithies, M. 1993. Robert Challe and <strong>Siam</strong>. <strong>Journal</strong><br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong> 81 (1): 91-102.<br />
Tachard, G. (1688). Relation ou Voyage du Pere<br />
Tachard a <strong>Siam</strong>, (unpublished ms). Paris:<br />
Archives Nationales Colonies C1 24: 172r-<br />
211v.<br />
Tachard, G. 1689. Second Voyage du Fere Tachard<br />
et des Jesuites envoyes par le Roi au Royaume de<br />
<strong>Siam</strong>. Paris: Hor<strong>the</strong>mels.<br />
Vongsuravatana, R. 1992, Un Jesuite a la Cour de<br />
<strong>Siam</strong>. Paris: France-Empire.<br />
KEYWORDS-SIAM, THAILAND,<br />
FRANCE, EMBASSY, 17TH CENTURY,<br />
KING NARAI, LOUIS XIV<br />
118<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s I & 2
PORTUGUESE AND SPANISH SOURCES FOR THE<br />
HISTORY OF A YUTTHAYA IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY<br />
John Villiers*<br />
Abstract<br />
<strong>The</strong> Portuguese were commercially most active and most successful in<br />
Ayutthaya in <strong>the</strong> first half <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> sixteenth century and <strong>the</strong> Spanish, from <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
base in <strong>the</strong> Philippines, were most active as missionaries in <strong>Siam</strong> and Cambodia<br />
in <strong>the</strong> late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. <strong>The</strong>re is much to be<br />
learnt about <strong>the</strong> government, economy, society and culture <strong>of</strong> Ayutthaya in<br />
<strong>the</strong> Portuguese and Spanish <strong>of</strong>ficial chronicles, commercial reports and<br />
missionary accounts, not least because <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> relative paucity <strong>of</strong> local sources<br />
for this crucial period. Some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> more important <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se documents are<br />
discussed, and an attempt is made to re-assess <strong>the</strong>ir reliability and <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
shortcomings as historical sources 1 •<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>ese kingdom <strong>of</strong> Ayutthaya was one <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> first countries with which <strong>the</strong> Portuguese<br />
established commercial relations after <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
conquest <strong>of</strong>Melaka in 1511, and <strong>the</strong>y retained a<br />
significant and continuous presence <strong>the</strong>re until<br />
<strong>the</strong> invasion and sack <strong>of</strong> Ayutthaya by <strong>the</strong><br />
Burmese in 1767 (for a recent account see Flores<br />
1991). <strong>The</strong> Spanish for <strong>the</strong>ir part made several<br />
abortive attempts from <strong>the</strong> Philippines in <strong>the</strong><br />
late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries to<br />
establish permanent missions in <strong>Siam</strong> and<br />
Cambodia. However, <strong>Siam</strong> was never <strong>of</strong><br />
paramount commercial or missionary<br />
importance ei<strong>the</strong>r to <strong>the</strong> Spanish or to <strong>the</strong><br />
Portuguese, and <strong>the</strong>re was consequently less<br />
need for a regular supply <strong>of</strong> information about<br />
<strong>the</strong> kingdom in Lisbon and Madrid, or even in<br />
Manila, Goa and Macau, than <strong>the</strong>re was for<br />
news <strong>of</strong> events in, for example, <strong>the</strong> Moluccas or<br />
Japan. No doubt for this reason, <strong>the</strong>re are<br />
relatively few detailed accounts <strong>of</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> in ei<strong>the</strong>r<br />
Spanish or Portuguese, even for <strong>the</strong> period when<br />
<strong>the</strong> merchants and missionaries <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> two<br />
Iberian countries were most active in Sou<strong>the</strong>ast<br />
Asia. Never<strong>the</strong>less, a study <strong>of</strong> such<br />
contemporary accounts as do exist, in spite <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong>ir obvious limitations, <strong>the</strong> prejudices,<br />
intolerance and ignorance <strong>the</strong>y display, <strong>the</strong><br />
unreliability <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir sources <strong>of</strong> information, <strong>the</strong><br />
inaccuracy <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir statistics and <strong>the</strong>ir tendency<br />
to distort, exaggerate and even invent, and <strong>the</strong><br />
difficulty <strong>of</strong> providing corroboration for <strong>the</strong>m<br />
from <strong>the</strong> rare indigenous sources, can <strong>of</strong>ten<br />
reward <strong>the</strong> historian with much useful<br />
information and many valuable insights.<br />
<strong>The</strong> principal sixteenth century sources are<br />
<strong>of</strong> three kinds. First, <strong>the</strong>re are <strong>the</strong> <strong>of</strong>ficial or<br />
semi-<strong>of</strong>ficial Portuguese chronicles, <strong>the</strong> primary<br />
function <strong>of</strong> which was to record <strong>the</strong> history <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> great achievements <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Portuguese in<br />
Asia. Of <strong>the</strong>se, <strong>the</strong> works <strong>of</strong> Joao de Barros,<br />
Fernao Lopes de Castanheda, Gaspar Correia<br />
and Antonio Bocarro contain a significant<br />
amount <strong>of</strong> information about <strong>Siam</strong>. <strong>The</strong><br />
equivalent Spanish chronicles, such as <strong>the</strong><br />
monumental Historia general y natural de las<br />
lndias by Gonza1o Fernandez de Oviedo y<br />
Valdes published in Seville in 1535 and <strong>the</strong><br />
Historia general de las lndias <strong>of</strong> Francisco<br />
Lopes de Gomara published in Zaragoza in 1552,<br />
• 21 Overstrand Mansions, Prince <strong>of</strong>Wa1es Drive,<br />
London SW11 4EZ, UK, <br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2<br />
119
John Villiers<br />
ei<strong>the</strong>r have nothing at all to say about Si1lm or<br />
only give it a passing mention. <strong>The</strong>n <strong>the</strong>re are<br />
<strong>the</strong> commercial reports, <strong>of</strong> which <strong>the</strong> Suma<br />
Oriental <strong>of</strong> Tome Pires and Duarte Barbosa's<br />
Livro, both written before 1520, are<br />
unquestionably <strong>the</strong> most important. Thirdly,<br />
<strong>the</strong>re are <strong>the</strong> missionary reports, correspondence<br />
and histories, chiefly Jesuit, Dominican and<br />
Franciscan and all belonging to <strong>the</strong> later<br />
sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. <strong>The</strong>re<br />
are not many <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se missionary accounts, partly<br />
because <strong>Siam</strong>, like <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r Buddhist countries<br />
<strong>of</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asia, proved to be a ra<strong>the</strong>r unfruitful<br />
field for Christian missionary endeavour,<br />
although it was never entirely abandoned. Few<br />
missionaries even succeeded in penetrating into<br />
<strong>the</strong> country, and those who did, although <strong>the</strong>y<br />
seem almost invariably to have been hospitably<br />
received and well treated by <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>ese, and<br />
allowed to preach and to proselytize freely,<br />
frequently met <strong>the</strong>ir deaths in one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> frequent<br />
wars with its neighbours in which Ayutthaya<br />
was involved during this turbulent period.<br />
Several Portuguese accounts, including <strong>the</strong><br />
Peregrina~iio <strong>of</strong> Femao Mendes Pinto and <strong>the</strong><br />
Decadas <strong>of</strong> Diogo do Couto and Antonio<br />
Bocarro, describe <strong>the</strong>se wars in some detail,<br />
with a wealth <strong>of</strong> greatly inflated statistics<br />
concerning <strong>the</strong> size <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> opposing armies and<br />
frequent references to <strong>the</strong> presence on both sides<br />
<strong>of</strong> Portuguese mercenary soldiers. <strong>The</strong> accounts<br />
given by <strong>the</strong> missionaries <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se wars<br />
invariably, <strong>of</strong> course, record <strong>the</strong> deaths <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
brethren as glorious martyrdoms.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Peregrina~iio <strong>of</strong> Femao Mendes Pinto,<br />
which is <strong>the</strong> only sixteenth century secular travel<br />
book about Asia in ei<strong>the</strong>r Portuguese or Spanish<br />
that contains information about <strong>Siam</strong>, is one<br />
notorious example <strong>of</strong> a European source that<br />
needs to be treated with great caution (but see<br />
Smithies 1997). Even <strong>the</strong> same author's famous<br />
letter to <strong>the</strong> Jesuits in Portugal sent from Melaka<br />
on 5 December 1554, in which he describes in<br />
great detail <strong>the</strong> splendours <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> royal palace <strong>of</strong><br />
Ayutthaya, an outing by King Chakkraphat on<br />
<strong>the</strong> Chao Phraya River in <strong>the</strong> royal barge and<br />
<strong>the</strong> ceremonial bathing <strong>of</strong> a royal white elephant,<br />
is <strong>of</strong> dubious veracity and, in any case, contains<br />
little solid information that <strong>the</strong> historian can<br />
make use <strong>of</strong>, being concerned almost exclusively<br />
with <strong>the</strong> more superficial and glamorous aspects<br />
<strong>of</strong> life in sixteenth century Ayutthaya (Rego<br />
1947-58: V: 369-72).<br />
All <strong>the</strong> early Portuguese and Spanish sources<br />
agree that <strong>Siam</strong> was one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> three greatest<br />
kingdoms in <strong>the</strong> eastern half <strong>of</strong> Asia, equalled<br />
or excelled in wealth, power and extent only by<br />
China and Vijayanagar. Of <strong>the</strong>se sources, <strong>the</strong><br />
four Decadas da Asia <strong>of</strong> Joao de Barros, which<br />
were published between 1552 and 1615, are<br />
arguably <strong>the</strong> most reliable, as well as having <strong>the</strong><br />
most literary merit. Barros had no first-hand<br />
experience <strong>of</strong> Asia, but he was an erudite and<br />
painstaking scholar. He collected a vast amount<br />
<strong>of</strong> material from a wide variety <strong>of</strong> informants<br />
and contemporary written sources, and he was<br />
at least no more liable than any <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
Portuguese chroniclers <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> time to suppress<br />
or distort <strong>the</strong> truth in order to demonstrate <strong>the</strong><br />
splendour <strong>of</strong> Portuguese imperial achievements.<br />
He declares that, 'in <strong>the</strong> parts <strong>of</strong> Asia that we<br />
have discovered, <strong>the</strong>re are three hea<strong>the</strong>n princes<br />
with whom we have dealings and friendship,<br />
whom we call emperors <strong>of</strong> all <strong>the</strong> hea<strong>the</strong>n east<br />
and who inhabit <strong>the</strong> mainland'. <strong>The</strong> rulers <strong>of</strong><br />
Orissa, Bengal and <strong>the</strong> rest, 'although <strong>the</strong>y are<br />
lords <strong>of</strong> great states and are powerful in land,<br />
population, trade and wealth, cannot be<br />
compared with <strong>the</strong>se three. <strong>The</strong>y have beneath<br />
<strong>the</strong>m princes who are <strong>the</strong>ir vassals that in Europe<br />
would rule great kingdoms and principalities'.<br />
<strong>The</strong> greater part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> population <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se three<br />
states were hea<strong>the</strong>n, and '<strong>the</strong> land <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> east<br />
[China] is <strong>the</strong> mo<strong>the</strong>r and <strong>the</strong> most civilized <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong>m' (Barros 1563: II: 36-7).<br />
According to <strong>the</strong> Thai chronicles, by <strong>the</strong> late<br />
fifteenth century <strong>the</strong> rulers <strong>of</strong> Ayutthaya could<br />
claim to exercise various degrees <strong>of</strong> suzerainty<br />
over sixteen principalities or cities (miiang).<br />
<strong>The</strong>se included Tenasserim, Tavoy, Martaban<br />
and Moulmein in Lower Burma, Chantaburi,<br />
Phitsanulok, Sukhothai, Phichit, Kamphaeng<br />
Phet, Nakhon Sawan, Nakhon Si Thammarat<br />
and Songkhla in central and sou<strong>the</strong>rn Thailand,<br />
and Melaka in <strong>the</strong> Malay Peninsula (Chamvit<br />
1976: 93-100). However, by <strong>the</strong> time <strong>the</strong><br />
Portuguese first sailed into Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asian<br />
waters in <strong>the</strong> early sixteenth century, in those<br />
cities that were flourishing seaports and were<br />
fur<strong>the</strong>st from <strong>the</strong> centre <strong>of</strong> royal power in<br />
Ayutthaya, <strong>Siam</strong>ese suzerainty had already<br />
become largely nominal, amounting to little<br />
120<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
Portuguese and Spanish sources for <strong>the</strong> history <strong>of</strong> Ayutthaya in <strong>the</strong> Sixteenth Century<br />
more than payments <strong>of</strong> tribute. This seems to<br />
have been chiefly due to <strong>the</strong> rise <strong>of</strong> Muslim<br />
economic and political power and influence both<br />
in <strong>the</strong> ports and at <strong>the</strong> court <strong>of</strong> Ayutthaya itself.<br />
<strong>The</strong> rulers <strong>of</strong> Melaka, indeed, who, according<br />
to Tome Pires and o<strong>the</strong>r Portuguese sources,<br />
had been converted to Islam by foreign Muslim<br />
merchants who came <strong>the</strong>re to trade, had<br />
completely thrown <strong>of</strong>f <strong>Siam</strong>ese suzerainty<br />
twenty years before <strong>the</strong> Portuguese arrived.<br />
Never<strong>the</strong>less, <strong>the</strong>se same Portuguese sources<br />
all agree that <strong>the</strong> authority <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> King <strong>of</strong> <strong>Siam</strong><br />
extended in some measure over many <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
peoples and territories between <strong>the</strong> eastern coasts<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Bay <strong>of</strong> Bengal in <strong>the</strong> west and <strong>the</strong><br />
Vietnamese coast in <strong>the</strong> east. Tome Pires, whose<br />
Suma Oriental, written between 1512 and 1515,<br />
is <strong>the</strong> earliest exhaustive account <strong>of</strong> Asian<br />
commerce in any European language, lists<br />
Pahang, Terengganu, Kelantan, Pattani, Nakhon<br />
Si Thammarat, Martaban and several o<strong>the</strong>r ports<br />
which cannot be certainly identified as<br />
'belonging to lords <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> land <strong>of</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>, and<br />
some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se are kings'. He states that,<br />
. . . <strong>the</strong>y all have junks; <strong>the</strong>se do not belong to<br />
<strong>the</strong> King <strong>of</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>, but to <strong>the</strong> merchants and <strong>the</strong><br />
lords <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> places; and after <strong>the</strong>se ports <strong>the</strong>re is<br />
<strong>the</strong> river <strong>of</strong> Odia [Ayutthaya], where <strong>the</strong>y go up<br />
<strong>the</strong> river to <strong>the</strong> city-a river where boats and<br />
ships can go, wide and beautiful' (Cortesao 1944:<br />
1: 103; 105-6; 241-2; 253).<br />
Duarte Barbosa, who was in <strong>the</strong> service <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Portuguese crown in India from about 1500<br />
to 1516 or 1517 and whose Livro em que da<br />
rela~iio do que viu e ouviu no Oriente was<br />
completed in about 1518, lists Tenasserim<br />
(Mergui), Kedah, Pattani and Selangor as parts<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 'great kingdom which <strong>the</strong>y call that <strong>of</strong><br />
Anseam, belonging to <strong>the</strong> hea<strong>the</strong>n'. He says<br />
that '<strong>the</strong> king is a very great lord and holds <strong>the</strong><br />
coast as far as <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r which turns towards<br />
China beyond Melaka, so that he has seaports<br />
on both sides. He is commander <strong>of</strong> many<br />
footsoldiers and cavalry and <strong>of</strong> many elephants.'<br />
(Barbosa 1946: 199; Dames 1918-21: II: 162-<br />
9). <strong>The</strong> accounts <strong>of</strong> Pires and Barbosa suggest<br />
that in <strong>the</strong> early sixteenth century <strong>the</strong>se port<br />
states, while enjoying a considerable measure<br />
<strong>of</strong> commercial and even political autonomy,<br />
were never<strong>the</strong>less still integral parts <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>Siam</strong>ese realm.<br />
Joiio de Barros derived most <strong>of</strong> his<br />
information on <strong>Siam</strong> from a Portuguese<br />
adventurer <strong>of</strong> good family called Domingos de<br />
Seixas, who had been taken captive with some<br />
<strong>of</strong> his compatriots by <strong>the</strong> King <strong>of</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> and had<br />
been in royal service in Ayutthaya for 25 years,<br />
first as a slave and <strong>the</strong>n as a soldier, rising<br />
eventually to <strong>the</strong> rank <strong>of</strong> capitiio da gente<br />
(Barros 1563: II: 38). Although his geography<br />
is sometimes confused, Barros confirms in <strong>the</strong><br />
second book <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> third Dec ada that <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>ese<br />
realm with its vassal states stretched from <strong>the</strong><br />
Bay <strong>of</strong> Bengal in <strong>the</strong> west to <strong>the</strong> South China<br />
Sea in <strong>the</strong> east and so 'has a share <strong>of</strong> both seas'<br />
(participa de dois mares) (1563: II: 37). He<br />
says that on <strong>the</strong> west side, that is in modern<br />
Burma, <strong>the</strong>re were seven states called Rey,<br />
Tagala, Tavam, Pulot, Meguim, Tenassarij and<br />
Cholom. Of <strong>the</strong>se only three-Tavoy,<br />
Tenasserim and Mergui---can be identified with<br />
certainty. Barros asserts that <strong>the</strong>ir rulers,<br />
'although <strong>the</strong>y have <strong>the</strong> title <strong>of</strong> king, are subject<br />
to <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>ese state', and only certain Muslims<br />
who have made <strong>the</strong>mselves masters <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
seaboard', that is to say Mel aka and <strong>the</strong> west<br />
coast <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Malay Peninsula, do not obey its<br />
laws. A little later he says that <strong>the</strong>re were nine<br />
<strong>Siam</strong>ese kingdoms, only two <strong>of</strong> which were<br />
inhabited by Thais. <strong>The</strong> first <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se was<br />
Ayutthaya, which he calls Hudia, Odia or<br />
Muantay, <strong>the</strong> capital <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> whole <strong>Siam</strong>ese<br />
kingdom. He translates Muantay as reyno de<br />
baixo, <strong>the</strong> 'kingdom below' or 'sou<strong>the</strong>rn<br />
kingdom', but it is more likely that Muantay is<br />
simply a rendering <strong>of</strong> miiang thai. He says that<br />
within Ayutthaya <strong>the</strong>re were six vassal states,<br />
each <strong>of</strong> which had a governor called Oya (in<br />
modern Thai, phraya, <strong>the</strong> second rank <strong>of</strong><br />
conferred nobility). Three <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se are places in<br />
modern Thailand-Pango~ay (Bang Pia Soi,<br />
which is no longer <strong>of</strong> any importance), Lugo<br />
(Nakhon Si Thammarat) and Patane (Pattani},<br />
and three are in modern Malaysia-Calantam<br />
(Kelantan), Talingano or Talinganor<br />
(Terengganu) and Pam (Pahang). Barros calls<br />
<strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r Thai kingdom Chaumua. This is<br />
probably his rendering <strong>of</strong> Chao Nua or nor<strong>the</strong>rn<br />
people, which may account for his translation<br />
<strong>of</strong> Muantay as sou<strong>the</strong>rn kingdom. He states that<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2<br />
121
John Villiers<br />
<strong>the</strong> people <strong>of</strong> Chaumua speak ano<strong>the</strong>r language.<br />
<strong>The</strong> most important Thai kingdom to <strong>the</strong> north<br />
<strong>of</strong> Ayutthaya in <strong>the</strong> sixteenth century was Lan<br />
Na, <strong>the</strong> principal capital <strong>of</strong> which was Chiang<br />
Mai, but <strong>the</strong> identification <strong>of</strong> Chaumua with<br />
Lan Na-Chiang Mai is not certain, as Barros<br />
confusingly goes on to say that Chiamay (Chiang<br />
Mai) was <strong>the</strong> principal city <strong>of</strong> Jangama, one <strong>of</strong><br />
three Lao kingdoms under <strong>Siam</strong>ese suzerainty,<br />
<strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r two being Chancray (Chiang Rai) and<br />
Lanchaa (Lan Xang). <strong>The</strong> four o<strong>the</strong>r vassal<br />
kingdoms making up <strong>the</strong> total <strong>of</strong> nine are<br />
Camboja (Cambodia), Brema (Burma, i.e.<br />
Toungoo ), Como and Chaidoco, all <strong>of</strong> which<br />
Barros says had <strong>the</strong>ir own language. Nei<strong>the</strong>r <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> last two <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se has been identified. Brema<br />
was divided into Brema Oua, Brema Tangut,<br />
Brema Pram, Brema Beca and Brema Lima.<br />
Barros says that all seven <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> non-Thai<br />
kingdoms were inhabited by 'foreigners<br />
conquered by <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>ese; fear and necessity<br />
alone make <strong>the</strong>m subject to <strong>the</strong> King <strong>of</strong> <strong>Siam</strong><br />
and <strong>the</strong>y are constantly in revolt. <strong>The</strong>y and <strong>the</strong><br />
people in all <strong>the</strong> neighbouring territories are<br />
idolaters' (1563: II: 38-9). Among <strong>the</strong>se<br />
neighbours <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>ese, Barros mentions <strong>the</strong><br />
Lao people, who lived to <strong>the</strong> north and east <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>Siam</strong> on <strong>the</strong> banks <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Mekong, as being<br />
almost constantly in a state <strong>of</strong> rebellion and<br />
having only refrained from attempting to throw<br />
<strong>of</strong>f <strong>Siam</strong>ese suzerainty altoge<strong>the</strong>r because<br />
Ayutthaya provided <strong>the</strong>m with protection against<br />
some mysterious people called <strong>the</strong> Gueos, who<br />
hunted on horseback, tattooed <strong>the</strong>mselves and<br />
were 'so wild and cruel that <strong>the</strong>y eat human<br />
flesh'. He identifies <strong>the</strong> Gueos with <strong>the</strong><br />
inhabitants <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> kingdom that Marco Polo<br />
calls Cangigu, and says that from time to time<br />
<strong>the</strong>y would descend from <strong>the</strong> mountains to <strong>the</strong><br />
plains <strong>of</strong> Laos, where <strong>the</strong>y would make 'great<br />
devastation' (1563: II: 37-8). <strong>The</strong> Gueos are<br />
described by Camoes in canto X <strong>of</strong> Os Lusfadas:<br />
See in <strong>the</strong> remote mountains o<strong>the</strong>r people<br />
Who call <strong>the</strong>mselves Gueus in <strong>the</strong> empty<br />
wilderness,<br />
<strong>The</strong>y eat human flesh, but <strong>the</strong>ir own<br />
<strong>The</strong>y paint with hot iron, a cruel custom !<br />
In book IX <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> first Decada, Barros gives<br />
<strong>the</strong> names <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> seven kingdoms subject to<br />
<strong>Siam</strong> as Camboja, Como, Lancha, Chencray,<br />
Chencran, Chiamay, Camburij and Chaipumo<br />
(1552: IX: 110). <strong>The</strong> last two <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se names do<br />
not occur in <strong>the</strong> passage in <strong>the</strong> third Decada<br />
discussed above, while two o<strong>the</strong>rs, Chencray<br />
and Chencran, both appear to be versions <strong>of</strong><br />
Chiang Rai, which in <strong>the</strong> third Decada Barros<br />
renders as Chancry. <strong>The</strong>se inconsistencies in<br />
Barros' rendering <strong>of</strong> Thai, Lao and Burmese<br />
place names, in addition to suggesting that he<br />
gained his information from more than one<br />
source, demonstrate well <strong>the</strong> need for caution in<br />
using <strong>the</strong> Decadas as a source for <strong>the</strong> political<br />
history, let alone <strong>the</strong> geography, <strong>of</strong> sixteenth<br />
century <strong>Siam</strong>.<br />
Tome Pires, like Barros, says that <strong>the</strong><br />
Muslims in <strong>the</strong> seaports enjoyed a great measure<br />
<strong>of</strong> independence and were 'obedient to <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
own lords' (Cortesao 1944: I: 13; 104-5). He<br />
adds, however, that <strong>the</strong>re were very few <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m<br />
and that <strong>the</strong>y were not liked by <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>ese.<br />
Barbosa says that at Tenasserim <strong>the</strong>re were<br />
'many merchants both Muslim and Hindu, who<br />
deal in goods <strong>of</strong> all kinds and possess many<br />
ships which sail to Bengal, Melaka and many<br />
o<strong>the</strong>r places', while at Kedah '<strong>the</strong>re are many<br />
great ships', and 'it is a place <strong>of</strong> very great trade<br />
to which every year Muslim ships come from<br />
many places', but he also notes that <strong>the</strong> King <strong>of</strong><br />
Ayutthaya did not allow Muslims to bear arms<br />
(Barbosa 1946: 199-200). It is clear that, as <strong>the</strong><br />
Muslims in <strong>the</strong>se ports became richer and more<br />
powerful, so <strong>the</strong>ir recognition <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> suzerainty<br />
<strong>of</strong> Ayutthaya became increasingly nominal. On<br />
14 October 1551 Gaspar Lopes wrote from<br />
China to his bro<strong>the</strong>r Antonio Lopes de Bobadilla<br />
telling him not to be 'deceived into thinking<br />
that Pattani is subject to <strong>the</strong> King <strong>of</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>. We<br />
now have, God be praised, only <strong>Siam</strong> and Japan<br />
as friends, and we can come and go and conduct<br />
trade if we pay <strong>the</strong> tolls on arrival.'<br />
(Schurharnmer 1982: 311) By this time, if Femao<br />
Mendes Pinto is to be believed, <strong>the</strong> Muslims in<br />
<strong>Siam</strong> were much more numerous. In his letter<br />
<strong>of</strong> 15 December 1554, he maintains that in <strong>the</strong><br />
city <strong>of</strong> Ayutthaya alone <strong>the</strong>re were already seven<br />
mosques, where Turkish and Arab imams<br />
<strong>of</strong>ficiated, and 30,000 Muslim households, and<br />
that 'it should be a cause for great shame to <strong>the</strong><br />
soldiers <strong>of</strong> Christ that <strong>the</strong> perverted sect <strong>of</strong><br />
Mohammed is so widespread in <strong>the</strong>se parts'<br />
122<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
Portuguese and Spanish sources for <strong>the</strong> history <strong>of</strong> Ayutthaya in <strong>the</strong> Sixteenth Century<br />
(Rego 1947-58: V: 372). He adds significantly<br />
that, since <strong>the</strong> King <strong>of</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> considered himself<br />
to be master only <strong>of</strong> his subjects' bodies and not<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir souls, he left <strong>the</strong>m free to practise any<br />
religion <strong>the</strong>y chose.<br />
Fernao Lopes de Castanheda, who, in spite<br />
<strong>of</strong> living in Asia for ten years from 1528 to<br />
1538, seems to have been ra<strong>the</strong>r less sure <strong>of</strong> his<br />
geography than Barros, confirms in his Hist6ria<br />
do Descobrimento e Conquista da India, first<br />
published between 1551 and 1561, that<strong>the</strong> King<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> was 'a very great lord both in territory<br />
and people', whose realm stretched from <strong>the</strong><br />
Bay <strong>of</strong> Bengal to <strong>the</strong> coasts <strong>of</strong> Indochina and<br />
who 'possessed many and good ports' on both<br />
<strong>the</strong>se coasts, all <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m 'great cities in which<br />
very much rich merchandise' was traded. <strong>The</strong><br />
capital city <strong>of</strong> Ayutthaya lay 'thirty leagues up<br />
a river so wide and deep that laden junks can<br />
sail <strong>the</strong>re', and it was 'a very great and populous<br />
city with rich and beautiful buildings and very<br />
much trade, being supplied with a great<br />
abundance <strong>of</strong> goods' (Castanheda 1924-33: II:<br />
156-9).<br />
Nearly a century later, Fray Gabriel Quiroga<br />
de San Antonio in his Breve y verdadera relacion<br />
de los sucesos del Reyno de Camboxa, published<br />
in 1604, also describes <strong>the</strong> city <strong>of</strong> Ayutthaya as<br />
very beautiful, with a magnificent royal palace,<br />
numerous temples and monasteries and many<br />
houses <strong>of</strong> brick and lime. He notes that it was<br />
entirely surrounded by water and contained a<br />
hundred lagoons, in one <strong>of</strong> which ships as large<br />
as 500 tons could shelter in a storm. He mentions<br />
<strong>the</strong> presence <strong>of</strong> many Portuguese, both<br />
missionaries and merchants at <strong>the</strong> court and in<br />
<strong>the</strong> port <strong>of</strong> Ayutthaya, some <strong>of</strong> whom were on<br />
friendly terms with King Naresuan (San Antonio<br />
1604: II: 36v).<br />
<strong>The</strong> Suma Oriental <strong>of</strong> Tome Pires is one <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> few sixteenth-century Portuguese sources to<br />
show a clear understanding <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> system <strong>of</strong><br />
government and administration in <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>ese<br />
kingdom, and <strong>of</strong> how power was devolved<br />
outwards from its centre in <strong>the</strong> royal capital <strong>of</strong><br />
Ayutthaya through <strong>the</strong> khunnang or royal<br />
<strong>of</strong>ficials to <strong>the</strong> periphery (Dhiravat 1990: 127-<br />
40). Pires states that <strong>the</strong> kingdom was justly<br />
ruled, although <strong>the</strong> king's authority was absolute,<br />
and '<strong>the</strong> important men are very obedient to <strong>the</strong><br />
king'. Immediately under <strong>the</strong> king were two<br />
viceroys or governors, who were both 'very<br />
rich and important' and like <strong>the</strong> king in <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
own territories. One ruled from Kamphaeng Phet<br />
over <strong>the</strong> lands 'on <strong>the</strong> Pegu and Cambodia side',<br />
in o<strong>the</strong>r words in <strong>the</strong> north, and <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r in <strong>the</strong><br />
south on <strong>the</strong> Tenasserim, Trang and Kedah side,<br />
in <strong>the</strong> area between Pahang and Ayutthaya itself.<br />
Many <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ports in <strong>the</strong>se two regions also had<br />
'lords like kings', some <strong>of</strong> whom were Muslims<br />
(Cortesao: 1944:1: 103-10).<br />
Barros also describes <strong>the</strong> King <strong>of</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> ruling<br />
from Ayutthaya as an absolute monarch to whom<br />
all <strong>Siam</strong>ese were in complete subjection,<br />
'because all live by him'. This, he correctly<br />
says, was because all land in <strong>Siam</strong> belonged to<br />
<strong>the</strong> crown, like <strong>the</strong> reguengos or crown lands <strong>of</strong><br />
Portugal, and because <strong>the</strong> king only gave estates<br />
or cities to his vassals as a reward for <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
services to hold for a fixed number <strong>of</strong> years or<br />
for <strong>the</strong>ir life time. In return, <strong>the</strong>y were obliged<br />
to provide <strong>the</strong> king with a certain number <strong>of</strong><br />
mounted men, footsoldiers and elephants. <strong>The</strong><br />
men who worked on <strong>the</strong> land paid a proportion<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> produce to <strong>the</strong> king or to <strong>the</strong> lord to<br />
whom <strong>the</strong> king had granted it (Barros 1563: II:<br />
40-40v).<br />
Since <strong>the</strong> chief interests <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Portuguese in<br />
<strong>Siam</strong>, and indeed in Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asia generally,<br />
were commercial, it is scarcely surprising that<br />
<strong>the</strong> Portuguese sources, including <strong>the</strong> reports<br />
and correspondence <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Jesuits and o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
missionaries written from <strong>the</strong> field during this<br />
period, <strong>of</strong>ten provide more useful information<br />
about <strong>the</strong> economic situation in Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asia<br />
and <strong>the</strong> trading possibilities that existed <strong>the</strong>re<br />
for <strong>the</strong> Portuguese than <strong>the</strong>y do about political<br />
and social conditions, and are concerned as much<br />
with <strong>the</strong> commercial realities as with <strong>the</strong> nature<br />
<strong>of</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asian governments and<br />
administration or with <strong>the</strong> customs and religious<br />
beliefs <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> people. We have already noticed<br />
that most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Portuguese sources give detailed<br />
descriptions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ports <strong>of</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>, <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> traders<br />
who frequented <strong>the</strong>m and <strong>the</strong> goods that passed<br />
through <strong>the</strong>m. <strong>The</strong> information provided in <strong>the</strong>se<br />
descriptions suggests that by <strong>the</strong> early sixteenth<br />
century much <strong>of</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>'s overseas trade in <strong>the</strong><br />
Indian Ocean was conducted not from <strong>the</strong> city<br />
<strong>of</strong> Ayutthaya itself, for all <strong>the</strong> advantages <strong>of</strong> its<br />
position on <strong>the</strong> Chao Phraya River and its status<br />
as <strong>the</strong> royal capital, but from ports in <strong>the</strong> tributary<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2<br />
123
John Villiers<br />
states on <strong>the</strong> coast <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Bay <strong>of</strong> Bengal, while<br />
<strong>Siam</strong>ese trade in <strong>the</strong> Indonesian archipelago and<br />
<strong>the</strong> South China Sea was carried on from ports<br />
in <strong>the</strong> Malay Peninsula. Duarte Barbosa says<br />
that Mergui, for example, at <strong>the</strong> mouth <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Tenasserim River, was frequented by merchants<br />
<strong>of</strong> many nations, especially Muslims, who<br />
brought copper, quicksilver, vermilion, cloth<br />
dyed in grain, Cambay cotton cloth, silk, printed<br />
Mecca velvets, saffron, opium, threaded white<br />
coral, and rosewater transported from Mecca<br />
and Aden in little copper barrels and sold by<br />
weight, with <strong>the</strong> barrel included. All this<br />
merchandise was <strong>the</strong>n imported into <strong>Siam</strong> in<br />
exchange for <strong>Siam</strong>ese goods. Barbosa also notes<br />
that <strong>the</strong> tributary state <strong>of</strong> Kedah on <strong>the</strong> west<br />
coast <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> peninsula produced pepper, which<br />
was shipped to Melaka and China, while Pahang<br />
on <strong>the</strong> east coast was an important source <strong>of</strong><br />
gold, but was no longer a vassal <strong>of</strong> Ayutthaya,<br />
having transferred its allegiance to Melaka<br />
(Barbosa 1946: 200).<br />
Melaka, from where, according to Tome<br />
Pires, a wide variety <strong>of</strong> goods was still being<br />
imported into <strong>Siam</strong> in <strong>the</strong> early sixteenth century,<br />
ranging from spices, opium, vermilion,<br />
sandalwood and camphor to Indian textiles and<br />
slaves, was a prime example <strong>of</strong> a state which<br />
had acted while it was under <strong>the</strong> suzerainty <strong>of</strong><br />
A yutthaya as an entrepot for <strong>Siam</strong>'s international<br />
trade, but which <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>ese merchants had<br />
ceased to frequent as soon as it threw <strong>of</strong>f that<br />
suzerainty. Among <strong>the</strong> goods exported from<br />
<strong>Siam</strong> to Melaka, Pires lists rice, salt, dried fish,<br />
arrack and vegetables, which had formerly been<br />
taken <strong>the</strong>re in as many as thirty junks a year, as<br />
well as lacquer, benzoin, sappanwood<br />
(brazilwood), lead, tin, copper, silver, gold,<br />
ivory, cassia fistula and large quantities <strong>of</strong><br />
'cheap, coarse <strong>Siam</strong>ese cloth for <strong>the</strong> poor people'<br />
(Cortesao 1944:1: 107-8). <strong>The</strong>Roteirode Vasco<br />
da Gama, written shortly before <strong>the</strong> Portuguese<br />
arrived in Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asia, singles out benzoin<br />
for mention as <strong>the</strong> principal <strong>Siam</strong>ese product<br />
exported to Melaka at that time (Costa 1969:<br />
88). Barbosa says that some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> best benzoin<br />
came from <strong>the</strong> country round Tenasserim<br />
(Barbosa 1946: 199).<br />
Antonio Bocarro, writing about events in<br />
<strong>the</strong> year 1613 in his Decada 13 da Historia da<br />
India, makes it clear that a hundred years after<br />
Pires Mergui still played an important role in<br />
<strong>Siam</strong>ese trade, and that much <strong>of</strong> this trade was<br />
still conducted by Muslim merchants. He<br />
describes <strong>the</strong> arrival in Ayutthaya <strong>of</strong> an embassy<br />
from Bijapur, bringing three horses caparisoned<br />
with silk, but without saddles, and two sheep<br />
from Hormuz. <strong>The</strong> purpose <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> embassy was<br />
to promote trade links between Tenasserim and<br />
Dabul by supplying <strong>the</strong> King <strong>of</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> with any<br />
goods that he might require, especially arms<br />
and Cambay and Balagate cloths, which were<br />
<strong>of</strong>ten 'fine and <strong>of</strong> great value' and to conclude<br />
an agreement for <strong>the</strong> establishment <strong>of</strong> a trading<br />
post in Mergui for <strong>the</strong> Muslim merchants from<br />
Bijapur (Bocarro 1876: 1: 531-2).<br />
It is evident from <strong>the</strong>se Portuguese and<br />
Spanish sources that <strong>the</strong> Muslim merchants from<br />
India, Persia and elsewhere who had settled in<br />
Ayutthaya, Mergui and o<strong>the</strong>r ports continued to<br />
exercise considerable power and influence in<br />
both <strong>the</strong> commercial and <strong>the</strong> political life <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>Siam</strong>ese kingdom throughout <strong>the</strong> sixteenth<br />
century, and that, in consequence, Ayutthaya<br />
maintained close relations with many Muslim<br />
states. A no less important role in <strong>Siam</strong>ese<br />
commerce was played by <strong>the</strong> Chinese. Tome<br />
Pires emphasizes <strong>the</strong> privileged position enjoyed<br />
by <strong>the</strong> Chinese in <strong>Siam</strong> in comparison with<br />
merchants <strong>of</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r nations. <strong>Siam</strong>, he writes, 'is<br />
very large and very plenteous, with many<br />
peoples and cities, with many lands and many<br />
foreign merchants, and most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se foreigners<br />
are Chinese, because <strong>Siam</strong> does a great deal <strong>of</strong><br />
trade with China'. According to Pires, <strong>the</strong><br />
Chinese paid lower dues than <strong>the</strong> Muslim Arabs,<br />
Persians, Bengalis, Kelings from <strong>the</strong><br />
Coromandel Coast and o<strong>the</strong>r foreign merchants<br />
who frequented <strong>Siam</strong>ese ports (two in every<br />
twelve as against two in every nine), and he<br />
notes that <strong>the</strong> Chinese goods that came through<br />
<strong>Siam</strong>ese ports were traded as far away as<br />
Hormuz (Cortesao 1944: 1: 104-5).<br />
It is clear from <strong>the</strong> correspondence <strong>of</strong> Afonso<br />
de Albuquerque with Lisbon and from <strong>the</strong><br />
Comentdrios <strong>of</strong> his son that he was well aware,<br />
even before he captured Melaka, <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> wealth<br />
and commercial power <strong>of</strong> Ayutthaya and <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
important part played by <strong>the</strong> Chinese in that<br />
commerce. He knew that Melaka had already<br />
thrown <strong>of</strong>f <strong>Siam</strong>ese suzerainty and was hostile<br />
to Ayutthaya, so that <strong>Siam</strong>ese traders no longer<br />
124<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
Portuguese and Spanish sources for <strong>the</strong> history <strong>of</strong> Ayutthaya in <strong>the</strong> Sixteenth Century<br />
frequented <strong>the</strong> city and instead were increasingly<br />
concentrating <strong>the</strong>ir activities on <strong>the</strong> ports <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Bay <strong>of</strong> Bengal and <strong>the</strong> Malay Peninsula. He<br />
also realized that <strong>the</strong> best way <strong>of</strong> opening<br />
commercial relations with <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>ese in <strong>the</strong>se<br />
circumstances would be to enlist <strong>the</strong> support <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Chinese merchants trading between Melaka<br />
and Ayutthaya. In October 1511, <strong>the</strong>refore,<br />
before he had even completed <strong>the</strong> conquest <strong>of</strong><br />
Melaka, he had already asked a group <strong>of</strong> Chinese<br />
merchants who were sailing to Ayutthaya in<br />
two junks to take Duarte Fernandes with <strong>the</strong>m<br />
to try to establish trade relations with <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>ese<br />
(Albuquerque 1774: III: 128-9).<br />
Duarte Fernandes was an <strong>of</strong>ficer in <strong>the</strong><br />
Portuguese fleet who had come to Melaka in<br />
1509 and spent two years in prison with Rui de<br />
Araujo. According to <strong>the</strong> Comentdrios and to<br />
<strong>the</strong> Lendas da India <strong>of</strong> Gaspar Correia, he was<br />
well qualified and well suited for <strong>the</strong> task <strong>of</strong><br />
negotiating with <strong>the</strong> Thais. One <strong>of</strong> his<br />
qualifications seems to have been that he had<br />
learned '<strong>the</strong> language' during his imprisonment<br />
(Correia 1975: II: 262; Albuquerque 1774: III:<br />
129, 172-5). If, as seems most likely, '<strong>the</strong><br />
language' was Malay, this suggests that Malay<br />
was <strong>the</strong> commercial lingua franca at Ayutthaya<br />
at that time, as it was in many parts <strong>of</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>ast<br />
Asia. Correia, Castanheda and Barros all tell in<br />
detail <strong>the</strong> story <strong>of</strong> Fernandes' mission to <strong>the</strong><br />
court <strong>of</strong> Ayutthaya and <strong>the</strong> subsequent embassies<br />
<strong>of</strong> Ant6nio de Miranda de Azevedo and Duarte<br />
Coelho, which ended with <strong>the</strong> conclusion <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Luso-<strong>Siam</strong>ese treaty <strong>of</strong> 1518, and all give<br />
descriptions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> elaborate ceremonies and<br />
lists <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> lavish gifts exchanged between <strong>the</strong><br />
king and <strong>the</strong> ambassadors. After Azevedo's<br />
embassy, one member <strong>of</strong> his retinue, Manuel<br />
Fragoso stayed behind at Ayutthaya for two<br />
years in order to prepare a report 'on <strong>the</strong><br />
products, <strong>the</strong> dress and customs <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>ese,<br />
and <strong>the</strong> depth <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> harbours'. This report,<br />
which Fragoso, in <strong>the</strong> company <strong>of</strong> ambassadors<br />
from <strong>the</strong> kings <strong>of</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> and Pegu, took to Goa<br />
in 1513 to submit to Albuquerque, is now lost,<br />
but it is probable that both Barros and Barbosa<br />
saw it and made use <strong>of</strong> it in writing <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
descriptions <strong>of</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> (Campos 1982: 12-13;<br />
Albuquerque 1774: IV: 103-4).<br />
By <strong>the</strong> end <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> century, <strong>the</strong> Portuguese<br />
were trading with <strong>Siam</strong> and elsewhere in<br />
Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asia out <strong>of</strong> Macau as well as Melaka<br />
and <strong>the</strong>reby helping to maintain <strong>Siam</strong>'s<br />
commercial links with China. <strong>The</strong> Spanish<br />
Franciscan, Fr Marcelo de Ribadaneira, in his<br />
Historia de las Islas del Archipielago y Reynos<br />
dela Gran China, Tartaria, Cuchinchina,<br />
Malaca, Sian, Camboxa y lappon, published in<br />
Barcelona in 1601, states that <strong>Siam</strong> at that time<br />
was<br />
. . . abundant in all merchandise, for many ships<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Chinese and Portuguese from Macau and<br />
Melaka and <strong>the</strong> Muslims <strong>of</strong> Pattani and Brunei<br />
and o<strong>the</strong>r parts carry it <strong>the</strong>re. From that kingdom<br />
<strong>the</strong>y take cotton thread, brazil wood, much silver<br />
and lead, benzoin and deer skins . . . <strong>The</strong>y also<br />
kill many tigers, ounces, rhinoceroses and o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
animals, and sell <strong>the</strong> hides to merchants . . .<br />
because <strong>the</strong>re are so many merchants, <strong>the</strong>re is a<br />
great abundance <strong>of</strong> ivory with which <strong>the</strong><br />
merchants load <strong>the</strong>ir ships. <strong>The</strong>re are few<br />
important people in <strong>Siam</strong> who do not have very<br />
large ships which <strong>the</strong>y send to China and o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
kingdoms to trade'(Ribadaneira 1601:1: 171).<br />
<strong>The</strong> Portuguese Dominican, Fr Gaspar da<br />
Cruz in his Tractado em que se cotam muito por<br />
esteso as cousas da China, published in 1569,<br />
paints a ra<strong>the</strong>r less rosy picture <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> part played<br />
in his time by Chinese merchants and Chinese<br />
goods in <strong>Siam</strong>ese trade. He asserts that already<br />
by <strong>the</strong>n <strong>the</strong> only goods exported from China<br />
were silks and porcelain, and that <strong>the</strong>se were<br />
carried in Portuguese and <strong>Siam</strong>ese ships. <strong>The</strong><br />
quantities must have been relatively small, since<br />
he says that only five or six <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se ships sailed<br />
from Chinese ports each year, a figure that<br />
accords with Pires, who fifty years earlier had<br />
recorded that <strong>Siam</strong>ese trade in China consisted<br />
<strong>of</strong> only six or seven junks a year (Cruz 1953:<br />
112). Gaspar da Cruz also observes that, in<br />
order to circumvent <strong>the</strong> trade prohibition<br />
imposed by <strong>the</strong> Ming emperors, it was a common<br />
practice for Chinese merchants in Ayutthaya,<br />
like those in Pattani, Melaka and elsewhere in<br />
Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asia, to return clandestinely to China<br />
in <strong>the</strong>ir own vessels laden with merchandise,<br />
taking with <strong>the</strong>m a Portuguese, whom <strong>the</strong>y<br />
would bribe to take <strong>the</strong>ir goods through <strong>the</strong><br />
Chinese customs and pay any duties on <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
behalf (1953: 112). Portuguese also <strong>of</strong>ten sailed<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2<br />
125
John Villiers<br />
with <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>ese embassies and tribute missions<br />
that went to China every two years or so. <strong>The</strong>re<br />
are, for example, many references in <strong>the</strong> Jesuit<br />
correspondence to St Francis Xavier's plan,<br />
which he never put into effect, to enter China<br />
by sailing flrst from Melaka to a <strong>Siam</strong>ese port<br />
in a Portuguese vessel and <strong>the</strong>n from Ayutthaya<br />
to China with one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se tribute missions. 2<br />
Bocarro also has much <strong>of</strong> interest to say<br />
about <strong>Siam</strong>ese commercial relations with <strong>the</strong><br />
Europeans at <strong>the</strong> beginning <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> seventeenth<br />
century. He points out that, <strong>Siam</strong> being so near<br />
<strong>the</strong> Philippines, it was always to <strong>the</strong> advantage<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>ese to remain on friendly terms with<br />
any Spaniards who came to <strong>the</strong>ir country,<br />
although Antonio de Morga in his Sucesos de<br />
las Islas Philipinas, flrst printed in Mexico in<br />
1609, says that <strong>the</strong> ships sailing to Manila from<br />
<strong>Siam</strong> and Cambodia were few and infrequent.<br />
Morga notes that <strong>the</strong>y would arrive in April,<br />
May and June, bringing with <strong>the</strong>m benzoin,<br />
pepper, ivory, cotton cloths, rubies and sapphires<br />
'badly cut and set', a few slaves, rhinoceros<br />
hom, hide, ho<strong>of</strong>s and teeth, and 'o<strong>the</strong>r trinkets',<br />
which <strong>the</strong>y would exchange for such goods as<br />
were available in Manila, chiefly also, it seems,<br />
mere trinkets (Bocarro 1876: 531; Stanley 1868:<br />
343).<br />
Bocarro describes <strong>the</strong> two factories<br />
maintained by <strong>the</strong> Dutch and <strong>the</strong> English, <strong>the</strong><br />
former 'with great resources' and <strong>the</strong> latter with<br />
less. Both Dutch and English traded with <strong>Siam</strong><br />
in deer hides, rayflsh skins, sappanwood, silk<br />
from China and Cochinchina, and pepper, which<br />
<strong>the</strong>y brought from Bintang by way <strong>of</strong> Pattani.<br />
<strong>The</strong>y also sent ships to Japan with <strong>Siam</strong>ese<br />
goods, <strong>the</strong>reby making great pr<strong>of</strong>its for<br />
<strong>the</strong>mselves and for <strong>the</strong> King <strong>of</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>, 'which is<br />
why he is so attached to <strong>the</strong>m' (1876: 530).<br />
In comparison with <strong>the</strong>se detailed discussions<br />
<strong>of</strong> commercial matters, <strong>the</strong>re is disappointingly<br />
little accurate information, even in <strong>the</strong><br />
missionary records, to be gleaned from <strong>the</strong><br />
Portuguese and Spanish sources about <strong>the</strong><br />
religious beliefs and practices <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Thais. Some<br />
contain highly-coloured descriptions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
splendid pagodas 3 and <strong>the</strong> rich treasures <strong>the</strong>y<br />
contained, <strong>the</strong> elaborate cremation ceremonies<br />
and <strong>the</strong> austere lives led by <strong>the</strong> Buddhist<br />
monkhood, but none reveals more than a very<br />
imperfect understanding <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> doctrines <strong>of</strong> ei<strong>the</strong>r<br />
Hinduism or Buddhism. Even by <strong>the</strong> end <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
sixteenth century, <strong>the</strong> Portuguese seem to have<br />
advanced little fur<strong>the</strong>r in <strong>the</strong>ir understanding <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> religions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> gentios (hea<strong>the</strong>ns) whom<br />
<strong>the</strong>y encountered in Asia than Vasco da Gama<br />
and his companions who, when <strong>the</strong>y flrst arrived<br />
in India, thought that <strong>the</strong> Samorin, <strong>the</strong> Hindu<br />
ruler <strong>of</strong> Calicut, was a Christian.<br />
It is only to be expected that Barros (1563:<br />
II: 39-40), for example, would show a limited<br />
understanding <strong>of</strong> Buddhist doctrine and<br />
practices, and it is a characteristic<br />
misrepresentation by Femao Mendes Pinto to<br />
assert to his fellow Jesuits that <strong>the</strong> Thais<br />
worshipped <strong>the</strong> four elements, so that <strong>the</strong> bodies<br />
<strong>of</strong> those who believed in <strong>the</strong> divinity <strong>of</strong> water<br />
were buried in <strong>the</strong> bed <strong>of</strong> a river when <strong>the</strong>y<br />
died, those who believed in flre were cremated,<br />
those who believed in earth were buried in <strong>the</strong><br />
ground, and those who believed in air were left<br />
floating in a river or exposed in <strong>the</strong> open to be<br />
devoured by <strong>the</strong> birds (Rego 1947-58: V: 371-<br />
2). But it is somewhat surprising that Spanish<br />
and Portuguese missionaries writing flfty years<br />
later should give almost equally inaccurate and<br />
confused accounts <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> religion <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> people<br />
<strong>the</strong>y were trying to convert to Christianity. <strong>The</strong><br />
Portuguese Dominican friar, Fr. Joao dos Santos<br />
wrote one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> most extended <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se accounts<br />
<strong>of</strong> Buddhism in sixteenth-century <strong>Siam</strong> in his<br />
Ethiopia Oriental, published in 1609. Its chief<br />
interest lies in its description <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> mission <strong>of</strong><br />
two <strong>of</strong> his brethren, Fr. Jeronimo da Cruz and<br />
Fr. Sebastiao do Canto to Ayutthaya in 1566,<br />
which reveals much about missionary methods<br />
in Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asia at that time. Since <strong>the</strong> Thais<br />
had already been told by <strong>the</strong> Portuguese living<br />
in Ayutthaya that <strong>the</strong> two friars, who appear to<br />
have been <strong>the</strong> fust Christian missionaries to<br />
enter <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>of</strong>ficially, were 'dedicated to <strong>the</strong><br />
worship <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> true God', <strong>the</strong>y received <strong>the</strong>m<br />
with great honour and hospitality and provided<br />
<strong>the</strong>m with houses in which to say Mass. <strong>The</strong><br />
two friars apparently soon learnt Thai so<br />
thoroughly that <strong>the</strong>y were able to speak it as<br />
though it were <strong>the</strong>ir mo<strong>the</strong>r tongue and so could<br />
begin to preach. Many <strong>of</strong> '<strong>the</strong> hea<strong>the</strong>n nobility',<br />
some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> leading women, even 'priests <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
idols' and monks, 'who lead a solitary existence<br />
in those parts and live from alms and are great<br />
penitents, mortifying <strong>the</strong>ir passions and forcing<br />
126<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
Portuguese and Spanish sources for <strong>the</strong> history <strong>of</strong> Ayutthaya in <strong>the</strong> Sixteenth Century<br />
<strong>the</strong>m to obey reason', came to listen to <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
preaching and were apparently impressed by it.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Muslims, however, were not content to<br />
hear <strong>the</strong> Dominicans teaching doctrines that were<br />
so at variance with <strong>the</strong> tenets <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir 'depraved<br />
sect', so <strong>the</strong>y tried first to foment a riot by<br />
insulting <strong>the</strong> Portuguese merchants with whom<br />
<strong>the</strong> friars lodged, and, when that failed to have<br />
any effect, <strong>the</strong>y resorted to bribing <strong>the</strong> Buddhists<br />
with money, so as to win <strong>the</strong>ir support for '<strong>the</strong><br />
sacrilege <strong>the</strong>y were planning to perpetrate'. In<br />
this <strong>the</strong>y were more successful. When <strong>the</strong> riot<br />
began, <strong>the</strong> two Dominicans, hearing <strong>the</strong> great<br />
outcry, came out <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir houses and tried to<br />
separate <strong>the</strong> Muslims from <strong>the</strong> Christians. In<br />
<strong>the</strong> ensuing melee, Fr. Jeronimo was killed by a<br />
lance thrust. Most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Buddhists were<br />
horrified at this and 'made <strong>the</strong> city resound with<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir cries and groans. <strong>The</strong> grandees and nobles<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> land covered <strong>the</strong>ir heads with ashes and<br />
<strong>the</strong> common people rent <strong>the</strong>ir garments'. At Fr.<br />
Jeronimo's funeral, many people kissed his<br />
hands and feet with great devotion. <strong>The</strong> king<br />
was <strong>the</strong>n ten days' journey away (perhaps at<br />
Lop Burl) and, when he heard <strong>the</strong> news, he was<br />
very angry and ordered that all <strong>the</strong> malefactors,<br />
whe<strong>the</strong>r Muslim or Buddhist, be arrested, <strong>the</strong><br />
Muslims put to death by being trampled by<br />
elephants and <strong>the</strong> guiltiest Buddhists beheaded,<br />
while those who were less guilty were to be<br />
exiled from <strong>the</strong> kingdom in perpetuity. Fr.<br />
SebastUio do Canto was wounded, but recovered<br />
and went to <strong>the</strong> king to beg him to spare <strong>the</strong><br />
lives <strong>of</strong> those he had condemned. <strong>The</strong> king was<br />
amazed at <strong>the</strong> friar's petition, but graciously<br />
agreed to remit <strong>the</strong> sentences, saying that <strong>the</strong><br />
Portuguese must be very good people if <strong>the</strong>y<br />
could so readily forgive those who had wronged<br />
<strong>the</strong>m (Santos 1609: II: 113-5).<br />
This incident reveals that at this time, as<br />
later, friendly relations were maintained between<br />
<strong>the</strong> Buddhist ruler <strong>of</strong> Ayutthaya and <strong>the</strong> Christian<br />
missionaries who came to his court, but that this<br />
had not led to any advance in real understanding<br />
between <strong>the</strong>m <strong>of</strong> each o<strong>the</strong>rs' religious beliefs.<br />
San Antonio's account <strong>of</strong> Ayutthaya provides<br />
an interesting Spanish example <strong>of</strong> this continuing<br />
lack <strong>of</strong> comprehension on <strong>the</strong> Christian side:<br />
<strong>The</strong> royal pagoda is dedicated to <strong>the</strong> sun, which<br />
is one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir gods . . . in this pagoda or varelli<br />
are to be found <strong>the</strong> gods <strong>of</strong> war, <strong>of</strong> peace, <strong>of</strong><br />
earth, water, health and sickness, and <strong>the</strong> god <strong>of</strong><br />
sleep, which is made with such artifice that it<br />
snores as if it were alive. <strong>The</strong> image <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> sun,<br />
to which <strong>the</strong> temple is dedicated, is all <strong>of</strong> silver,<br />
with diamonds for teeth, eyes made <strong>of</strong> different<br />
precious stones, and <strong>the</strong> right arm made <strong>of</strong> an<br />
unknown stone <strong>of</strong> inestimable value. It has a<br />
hole in its head, into which water is poured that<br />
comes out through ano<strong>the</strong>r hole in a certain part<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> body. <strong>The</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>ese regard this water as<br />
blessed and say that its properties make barren<br />
women fertile (San Antonio 1604: II part 2:<br />
238).<br />
<strong>The</strong> Jesuits seem to have been little better<br />
than <strong>the</strong> friars at grasping <strong>the</strong> essentials <strong>of</strong><br />
Buddhist doctrine, as is shown by <strong>the</strong> account<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> mission <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Jesuit Baltazar de Sequeira<br />
to <strong>Siam</strong> in 1606 given in <strong>the</strong> Relar;ao anual das<br />
coisas que fizeram os Padres da Companhia de<br />
Jesus nas suas missoes compiled by Padre<br />
Fernao Guerreiro. In that year, at <strong>the</strong> insistence<br />
<strong>of</strong> one Tristao Golaio, a Portuguese merchant<br />
living in Sao Tome de Meliapor, who, along<br />
with several o<strong>the</strong>r Portuguese friends and<br />
acquaintances <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> King <strong>of</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> in various<br />
parts <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Estado da India, had received a<br />
letter from <strong>the</strong> king inviting him to bring his<br />
ships to <strong>Siam</strong>ese ports, Padre Baltazar sailed<br />
from Sao Tome to Tenasserim and <strong>the</strong>n travelled<br />
partly overland and partly by water to Ayutthaya.<br />
After many adventures, including seeing one <strong>of</strong><br />
his companions being eaten by a tiger, he arrived<br />
in Ayutthaya and at once began <strong>the</strong> work <strong>of</strong><br />
proselytization. In a short time he had baptized<br />
many children <strong>of</strong> different nations and also a<br />
Japanese merchant, whose goodness <strong>of</strong> heart<br />
and inclination towards <strong>the</strong> virtue which<br />
Guerreiro claims <strong>the</strong> Japanese naturally possess.<br />
However, he had singularly little success with<br />
<strong>the</strong> adult Thai population and gained only a<br />
slightly less garbled idea <strong>of</strong> Buddhist doctrine<br />
from <strong>the</strong> monks than had San Antonio. Sequeira<br />
concluded that Buddhists believed that <strong>the</strong> world<br />
was temporarily without a god to govern its<br />
affairs because three gods <strong>the</strong>y had had<br />
previously were dead and a fourth was expected<br />
to arrive any day. However, 'this great machine<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world' did not really need any god to<br />
govern it, because it was already regulated by a<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2<br />
127
John Villiers<br />
set <strong>of</strong> rules (bula) which one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> previous<br />
gods had left behind. <strong>The</strong> monks would read<br />
out <strong>the</strong>se rules to <strong>the</strong> simple people, who would<br />
listen to <strong>the</strong>m 'with hands joined and uplifted<br />
and with admirable attention and reverence'.<br />
Sequeira describes <strong>the</strong>ir festivals, which he says<br />
took place according to <strong>the</strong> phases <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> moon.<br />
On those days <strong>the</strong> temples would be opened so<br />
that everyone might go in, say <strong>the</strong>ir prayers and<br />
make <strong>the</strong>ir votive <strong>of</strong>ferings. He describes <strong>the</strong><br />
temples as magnificent and <strong>of</strong> curious<br />
architecture, with long galleries, wide courtyards<br />
and spacious chapels on every side. In one <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong>m Sequeira saw 'a statue <strong>of</strong> an idol eighteen<br />
covados high which was <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir great god'.<br />
This may have been one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> colossal socalled<br />
eighteen-cubit Buddha images (eighteen<br />
cubits being <strong>the</strong> supposed height <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Buddha<br />
when he was on earth), <strong>of</strong> which many were<br />
and still are made in Thailand. He asked an old<br />
priest aged ninety, who was <strong>the</strong> king's uncle<br />
and a man <strong>of</strong> great reputation and authority,<br />
where this god was. He replied that he was in<br />
<strong>the</strong> hearts <strong>of</strong> men. <strong>The</strong> Jesuit <strong>the</strong>n asked if that<br />
god in whom he believed had a body and if it<br />
was <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> same size as <strong>the</strong> statue. <strong>The</strong> old man<br />
replied that it was. In that case, said Sequeira,<br />
how, being so large, can he enter <strong>the</strong> hearts <strong>of</strong><br />
men, who are so small. Not surprisingly, this<br />
absurd question reduced <strong>the</strong> old man to silence<br />
and, 'in order not to admit his ignorance, he put<br />
<strong>of</strong>f giving his answer until ano<strong>the</strong>r day'.<br />
Sequeira gives a slightly more accurate<br />
picture <strong>of</strong> some Buddhist practices. He says<br />
that each temple had a choir with seats on<br />
ei<strong>the</strong>r side as in Christian churches, so that <strong>the</strong><br />
monks could chant antiphonally, and that <strong>the</strong><br />
chanting took place chiefly at nightfall and again<br />
at midnight. Very early in <strong>the</strong> morning <strong>the</strong><br />
monks would be woken by a bell and would go<br />
out into <strong>the</strong> streets to ask for alms, which <strong>the</strong>y<br />
collected in baskets that <strong>the</strong>y carried in <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
hands. He also describes <strong>the</strong>ir funeral<br />
ceremonies, stating that <strong>the</strong> dead were placed<br />
in beautifully made and painted wooden c<strong>of</strong>fins,<br />
and cremated to <strong>the</strong> accompaniment <strong>of</strong> festive<br />
dances and music.<br />
Guerreiro maintains that <strong>the</strong> monks listened<br />
politely and intently to Sequeira's exposition <strong>of</strong><br />
Christian doctrine, but appeared to understand<br />
little <strong>of</strong> what he was trying to teach <strong>the</strong>m.<br />
Sequeira also spoke twice to King Ekathotsarot,<br />
who showed him 'more hospitality and honour<br />
than he shows to his own priests' and 'revealed<br />
himself in his discourse as a person <strong>of</strong> great<br />
humanity'. However, he appears to have been<br />
less interested in hearing about Christianity than<br />
in conveying to Sequeira his desire that '<strong>the</strong><br />
Portuguese with <strong>the</strong>ir ships frequent his ports,<br />
especially <strong>the</strong> port <strong>of</strong> his royal city, and for this<br />
reason he was not willing to allow <strong>the</strong> Fa<strong>the</strong>r to<br />
leave until ano<strong>the</strong>r had come in his place'<br />
(Viegas 1930-42: ill: 84-7).<br />
Most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Portuguese Dominicans who<br />
worked in Ayutthaya during <strong>the</strong> 1560s were<br />
killed in <strong>the</strong> Burmese invasion <strong>of</strong> Ayutthaya in<br />
1569, and most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Spanish Franciscans and<br />
Dominicans who went <strong>the</strong>re in <strong>the</strong> 1580s and<br />
1590s met a similar fate in <strong>the</strong> Burmese war <strong>of</strong><br />
1584 and <strong>the</strong> Cambodian war <strong>of</strong> 1594. None <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong>m achieved more than a handful <strong>of</strong><br />
conversions. <strong>The</strong> Jesuits seem to have been<br />
hardly more successful, although it is interesting<br />
to note that <strong>the</strong> Regulamento <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Jesuit College<br />
<strong>of</strong> Sao Paulo in Goa <strong>of</strong> 27 June 1546 stipulates,<br />
even at that early date, that among <strong>the</strong> pupils<br />
from Asian countries o<strong>the</strong>r than India for whom<br />
<strong>the</strong> college was to make provision <strong>the</strong>re should<br />
be six from Melaka, six from <strong>the</strong> Moluccas, six<br />
Chinese, six from Pegu and six from <strong>Siam</strong><br />
(ssioes) (Rego 1947-58: ill: 355).<br />
Guerreiro's account <strong>of</strong> Sequeira's mission<br />
to Ayutthaya exemplifies admirably <strong>the</strong> nature<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> relationship that existed at that time<br />
betewen <strong>the</strong> Thais and <strong>the</strong> Portuguese. <strong>The</strong><br />
Spanish, although <strong>the</strong>ir records <strong>of</strong>ten reveal<br />
commercial preoccupations similar to those <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Portuguese, never made any concerted<br />
attempt to develop <strong>the</strong>ir trading relations with<br />
<strong>Siam</strong>; <strong>the</strong>y were more concerned with making,<br />
through <strong>the</strong>ir missionary endeavours, especially<br />
in Cambodia, <strong>the</strong>ir new colony in <strong>the</strong> Philippines<br />
an almacen de la fe (storehouse <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> faith)<br />
from which to disseminate Christianity<br />
throughout Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asia. <strong>The</strong> Portuguese, on<br />
<strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand, seem from <strong>the</strong> outset to have<br />
always attached more immediate importance to<br />
<strong>the</strong> things <strong>of</strong> Mammon than to those <strong>of</strong> God,<br />
and certainly in <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>the</strong>y conducted <strong>the</strong><br />
business <strong>of</strong> winning revenue with more zeal<br />
and undoubtedly with more success than <strong>the</strong><br />
winning <strong>of</strong> souls.<br />
128<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
Portuguese and Spanish sources for <strong>the</strong> history <strong>of</strong> Ayutthaya in <strong>the</strong> Sixteenth Century<br />
Notes<br />
1 This is a revised version <strong>of</strong> a paper presented at<br />
<strong>the</strong> Vth International Conference on Thai Studies<br />
held at <strong>the</strong> School <strong>of</strong> Oriental and African Studies,<br />
University <strong>of</strong> London in July 1993.<br />
2 Francis Xavier eventually sailed directly to China<br />
from Melaka via Singapore in 1552 on board <strong>the</strong><br />
Santa Cruz, a merchant ship carrying a cargo <strong>of</strong><br />
pepper. She belonged to Diogo Pereira, who was to<br />
have accompanied Xavier as Portuguese ambassador<br />
to China, but was prevented from so doing by <strong>the</strong><br />
admiral <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> sea and captain-designate <strong>of</strong> Melaka,<br />
Dom Alvaro de Ataide. <strong>The</strong> events leading up to this<br />
voyage and <strong>the</strong> voyage itself are described by<br />
Schurhammer (1982: 584-619).<br />
3 <strong>The</strong> word 'pagoda' is thought to be derived ei<strong>the</strong>r<br />
from Sanskrit bhagavat, 'holy', or from Persian butkadah,<br />
'shrine' .It was first used by <strong>the</strong> Portuguese to<br />
denote any kind <strong>of</strong> Hindu or Buddhist temple and<br />
even occasionally a mosque. See Yule and Burnell<br />
1903 sub Pagoda.<br />
4 Like 'pagoda', 'varella' is a Portuguese term <strong>of</strong><br />
uncertain origin and vague meaning. It is possibly<br />
derived from Malay berhala, 'idol'. See Yule and<br />
Burnelll903 sub Varella.<br />
References<br />
Albuquerque, A. de 1774. Commentdrios do Grande<br />
Afonso Dalboquerque capitiio geral que foi das<br />
Indias Orientaes em tempo do muito poderoso<br />
Rey D. Manuel o primeiro deste nome, Lisbon:<br />
Regia Officina Typografica [reprinted 1973,<br />
Lisbon: Imprensa Nacional].<br />
Barbosa, D. 1946. Livro em que da relafiio do que<br />
viu e ouviu no Oreinte, (ed. Augusto Reis<br />
Machado), Lisbon: Agencia Real das Col6nias.<br />
Barros, J. de 1552. Asia de Joam de Barros. dos<br />
fectos que os Portugueses fizzeram no<br />
descobrimento e conquista dos mares e terras do<br />
Oriente Decada I, Lisbon: Germiio Galharde.<br />
Barros, J. de 1563. Terceira Decada da Asia . . ,<br />
Lisbon: loam de Barreira.<br />
Bocarro A. 1876. Decada 13 da Historia da India<br />
(ed. R. J. de L. Feiner), 2 vols, Lisbon:<br />
Typographia da Academia Real das Sciencais.<br />
Campos, J. de 1982. Early Portuguese Accounts <strong>of</strong><br />
Thailand (Antigos Relatos da Tailiindia), Lisbon:<br />
Camara Municipalde Lisboa [First published in<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Thailand Research <strong>Society</strong> 32 (1) 1940].<br />
Castanheda, F. L. de 1924-33. HistOria do<br />
descobrimento e conquista da India pelos<br />
Portugueses (ed. Pedro de Azevedo), 4 vols,<br />
Coimbra: Imprensa da Universidade.<br />
Charnvit Kasetri 1976. Ayudhya: A History <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>Siam</strong> in <strong>the</strong> Fourteenth and Fifteenth<br />
Centuries, Kuala Lumpur & London: Oxford<br />
University Press.<br />
Correia, G. 1975. Lendas da India (eds M. L. de<br />
Almeida and J. V. Serrao), 4 vols, Oporto: Lello<br />
& Irmiio.<br />
Cortesiio A. 1944. <strong>The</strong> Suma Oriental <strong>of</strong> Tome Pires,<br />
2 vols, London: Hakluyt <strong>Society</strong>.<br />
Costa, A. F. de 1969. Roteiro da primeira viagem de<br />
Vasco da Gama (1497-1499) por Alvaro Velho<br />
(3rd ed.) Lisbon: Agencia-Geral do Ultramar.<br />
Cruz, Fr. G. da 1953. Tractado em que se cotam<br />
muito por esteso as cousas da China, co suas<br />
particularidades, asi do reyno dormuz, in C. R<br />
Boxer, South China in <strong>the</strong> Sixteenth Century,<br />
London: Hakluyt <strong>Society</strong>.<br />
Dames, M. L. 1918-21. <strong>The</strong> Book <strong>of</strong> Duarte Barbosa,<br />
2 vols, London: Hakluyt <strong>Society</strong>.<br />
Dhiravat na Pombejra 1990. Crown trade and court<br />
politics in Ayutthaya in <strong>the</strong> reign <strong>of</strong> King Narai<br />
(1656-88). In <strong>The</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asian Port and<br />
Polity: Rise and Demise (eds J. Kathirithamby<br />
Wells and J. Villiers), Singapore: Singapore<br />
University Press, pp.l27-43.<br />
Flores, M. da C. 1991. Os Portugueses eo Siiio no<br />
seculo XVI, Lisbon: Imprensa Nacional.<br />
Pinto, F. M. 1614. Peregrinafam de Fernam Mendez<br />
Pinto em que da conta de muytas e muyto<br />
estranhas cousas que vio e ouvio no reyno da<br />
China, no da Tartaria, no do Sornau, que<br />
vulgarmente se chama Siiio, no do Calaminham,<br />
no do Pegu, no do Martaviio, e em outros muytos<br />
reynos e senhorios das partes orientais, Lisbon:<br />
(Publisher not named).<br />
Rego, A. da S. 1947-58. Documentafiio para a<br />
historia das missoes do padroado portugues do<br />
Oriente: India, 12 vols, Lisbon: Agencia Geral<br />
das Col6nias/ Agencia Geral do Ultramar.<br />
Ribadaneira, Fr. M. de, OFM 1601. Historia de las<br />
is las del archipielago y reynos de/a Gran China,<br />
Tartaria, Cuchinchina, Malaca, Sian, Camboxa<br />
y lappon, 2 vols, Barcelona: G. Graells y G.<br />
Do til.<br />
San Antonio, Fr. G. Q. de 1604. Breve y verdadera<br />
relacion de los sucesos del Reyno de Camboxa,<br />
Valladolid: Pedro Lasso.<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2<br />
129
John Villiers<br />
Santos, Fr J. dos 1609. Ethiopia Oriental e varia<br />
historia de cousas notaveis do Oriente, 2 vols,<br />
Evora: Convento de S. Domingos.<br />
Schurhammer, G. S.J. 1982. Francis Xavier: His Life,<br />
His Times, vol4, Japan and China ( 1549-1552),<br />
Rome: Jesuit Historical Institute.<br />
Smithies, M. 1997. <strong>The</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>of</strong> Mendes Pinto's<br />
travels. <strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong> 85 (1 & 2):<br />
59-74.<br />
Stanley, Hon. H. E. J. 1868. <strong>The</strong> Philippine Islands,<br />
Moluccas, <strong>Siam</strong>, Cambodia, Japan, and China,<br />
at <strong>the</strong> Close <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sixteenth Century by Antonio<br />
de Morga, London: Hakluyt <strong>Society</strong><br />
Yule, H. and Burnell, A. C. 1903. Hobson-Jobson: A<br />
Glossary <strong>of</strong> Colloquial Anglo-Indian Words and<br />
Phrases, and <strong>of</strong> Kindred Terms, Etymological,<br />
Historical, Geographical and Discursive (New<br />
Edition), London: John Murray<br />
Viegas, A. 1930-42. Relaqiio anual das coisas<br />
quefizeram os Padres da Companh.ia de Jesus<br />
nas suas missoes do Japiio, China, Cataio,<br />
Tidore, Ternate, Amboino, Malaca, Pegu,<br />
Bangala, Bisnagd, Madure, Costa da Pescaria,<br />
Manat, Ceiliio, Travancor, Malabar,<br />
Sodomala, Goa, Salcete, Lahor, Diu, Etiopia<br />
a alta ou Preste Joiio, Monomotopa, Angola,<br />
Guine, Serra Leoa, Cabo Verde e Brasil nos<br />
anos de 1600 a 1609 pelo Padre Ferniio<br />
Guerreiro e do processo da conversiio e<br />
Cristandade daquelas partes: tirada das cartas<br />
que os missiondrios de ld escreveram pelo<br />
Padre Ferniio Guerreiro, 3 vols, Coimbra:<br />
Imprensa da Universidade.<br />
KEY WORDS-SIAM, THAILAND,<br />
AYUTTHA YA, 16th CENTURY,<br />
PORTUGUESE, SPANISH, TRADE,<br />
MISSIONARIES<br />
130<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
THE ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY OF SOUTHEAST ASIAN<br />
COASTAL SITES: A MODEL FOR THE DEPOSITION AND<br />
RECOVERY OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL MATERIAL<br />
Richard A. Engelhardt*<br />
and<br />
Pamela Rumball Rogers**<br />
Abstract<br />
This paper discusses ethnoarchaeological research done in Phuket, southwestern<br />
Thailand, among <strong>the</strong> nomadic sea peoples, <strong>the</strong> Chaw Lay. Discussion focuses<br />
on <strong>the</strong> way in which materials and tools utilized in <strong>the</strong>ir maritime adapted<br />
activities are discarded, curated or o<strong>the</strong>rwise become part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> archaeological<br />
record. Specifically, we look at stone artifacts, altered surfaces <strong>of</strong> activity<br />
areas, depositions and structural evidence in <strong>the</strong> form <strong>of</strong> postholes and driplines.<br />
A group <strong>of</strong> existing Chaw Lay settlements are decribed in terms <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se<br />
variables, and <strong>the</strong> model <strong>of</strong> Chaw Lay site formation and use which evolved is<br />
outlined. This model was tested in <strong>the</strong> field by a series <strong>of</strong> excavations <strong>of</strong><br />
abandoned Chaw Lay archaeological sites. <strong>The</strong> usefulness <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> model for<br />
interpreting maritime adapted sites is <strong>the</strong>n discussed, with remarks concerning<br />
<strong>the</strong> implications for archaeology <strong>of</strong> similar sites.<br />
Introduction to <strong>the</strong> Phuket Project<br />
<strong>The</strong> goal <strong>of</strong> this paper is to show and share<br />
some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> methodologies by which we have<br />
tried to understand <strong>the</strong> intricate ecological<br />
relationship with <strong>the</strong> sea which certain groups<br />
<strong>of</strong> people in Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asia have developed<br />
in post-Pleistocene times. Tantalizingly early<br />
evidence from throughout <strong>the</strong> archipelago<br />
convinces us that this process has been one <strong>of</strong><br />
long evolution and that unique cultures have<br />
resulted from this process. But we have also<br />
been struck, since we first started working in<br />
this area 20 years ago, by how limited is <strong>the</strong><br />
data for this ecological specialization and how<br />
problematic is its extraction from <strong>the</strong><br />
archaeological record, given <strong>the</strong> difficulties<br />
<strong>of</strong> retrieval in sandy or mangrove covered,<br />
coastal and monsoonal environments. This<br />
has led, we are convinced, to a limited<br />
interpretation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> data from many sites and<br />
a preoccupation with imported culture due to<br />
<strong>the</strong> high visibility <strong>of</strong> exotic imported items<br />
found.<br />
Because <strong>of</strong> this, we launched in 1978 a<br />
loosely organized, multi-disciplinary study <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> problem <strong>of</strong> cultural adaptation to <strong>the</strong><br />
maritime econiche in Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asia.<br />
Gratifyingly, we are finding that as we work on<br />
more sites throughout <strong>the</strong> region, approached<br />
from a variety <strong>of</strong> different scientific perspectives,<br />
<strong>the</strong> evidence is converging. This is particularly<br />
true for what we might call <strong>the</strong> epistemology <strong>of</strong><br />
archaeology <strong>of</strong> maritime Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asia; that<br />
is, how do we archaeologists know what we<br />
know?<br />
* UNESCO Regional Advisor for Culture in Asia<br />
and <strong>the</strong> Pacific, UNESCO, PO Box 967 Prakanong,<br />
Bangkok 10110, Thailand.<br />
** Archaeological Assessments Ltd.,A2 1/fPo Shan<br />
Mansions, 14-16 Po Shan Road, Sai Ying Poon,<br />
Hong Kong, SAR, China.<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2<br />
131
Richard A. Engelhardt and Pamela Rumball Rogers<br />
We have always been convinced that<br />
ethnoarchaeology, despite <strong>the</strong> serious drawback<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> limited time over which observations for<br />
making analogies are usually made, is an<br />
exercise which can illuminate <strong>the</strong> concerns <strong>of</strong><br />
archaeological research. Not wanting to get into<br />
a discussion <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> advantages and or<br />
shortcomings <strong>of</strong> ethnoarchaeology, we will<br />
present a rough outline <strong>of</strong> our data and analyze<br />
<strong>the</strong> directions this points in for archaeological<br />
research in general in coastal areas <strong>of</strong> tropical<br />
Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asia.<br />
Our research is based on <strong>the</strong><br />
ethnoarchaeological portion <strong>of</strong> work done on a<br />
series <strong>of</strong> 15 sites in south Thailand over a three<br />
year period from 1978 to 1981, followed by<br />
visits in 1986 and April-May 1996. We now<br />
have plans to return at <strong>the</strong> 10 year interval to<br />
fur<strong>the</strong>r test and verify our conclusions before<br />
final publication.<br />
<strong>The</strong> aim <strong>of</strong> our ethnoarchaeological work is to<br />
test, in <strong>the</strong> specific environment <strong>of</strong> coastal tropical<br />
Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asia, how effectively archaeological<br />
recovery techniques can identify and interpret<br />
remains <strong>of</strong> subsistence strategies that created <strong>the</strong>m.<br />
Specifically, <strong>the</strong> focus is on those activities<br />
associated with maritime-based subsistence<br />
strategies that have been posited to characterize<br />
<strong>the</strong> socio-economic development <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> area<br />
throughout at least <strong>the</strong> past 7-10,000 years.<br />
We asked ourselves: how direct a line can<br />
be traced from <strong>the</strong> activity to archaeological<br />
deposit, after redeposition, post-depositional and<br />
taphonomic factors have all been taken into<br />
consideration?<br />
Background to <strong>the</strong> study area<br />
For our study, we chose an area centred on <strong>the</strong><br />
island <strong>of</strong> Phuket in <strong>the</strong> Andaman Sea <strong>of</strong>f <strong>the</strong><br />
west coast <strong>of</strong> sou<strong>the</strong>rn Thailand (Figure 1)<br />
Twenty years ago this area was not <strong>the</strong> tourist<br />
paradise it is today, but it was slated to become<br />
one. That is one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> reasons we chose to<br />
study <strong>the</strong> many archaeological sites known to<br />
exist on Phuket and <strong>the</strong> smaller islands: <strong>the</strong>y<br />
were to be, and now mostly are, lost to<br />
archaeological research.<br />
<strong>The</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r reason for choosing <strong>the</strong> Phuket<br />
area, is that <strong>the</strong> island <strong>of</strong> Phuket itself has for at<br />
least <strong>the</strong> past four centuries been known as <strong>the</strong><br />
common meeting point <strong>of</strong> two major groups <strong>of</strong><br />
sea nomads travelling <strong>the</strong> Andaman Sea coast<br />
between Burma and <strong>the</strong> Riau Linnga archipelago<br />
south <strong>of</strong> Singapore.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Chaw Lay<br />
<strong>The</strong> Chaw Lay, <strong>the</strong> focus <strong>of</strong> this study, are an<br />
indigenous population <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> west coast <strong>of</strong><br />
Thailand (Sopher 1977). Traditionally, <strong>the</strong>y live<br />
a nomadic existence travelling by boat over an<br />
area extending from Burma to Singapore. <strong>The</strong>y<br />
are reported to be <strong>of</strong> proto-Malay racial stock,<br />
but no genetic mapping has been done, as far as<br />
we are aware, to confirm this. <strong>The</strong> Chaw Lay<br />
speak Malaya-Polynesian dialects related to<br />
Malay (Hogan 1972). <strong>The</strong>ir language has three<br />
subgroups reflecting regional variation: Moken,<br />
spoken from sou<strong>the</strong>rn Burma southwards to<br />
Phuket; Moklen, from Phangnga southward to<br />
Phuket; and Urok Lawoi, spoken from Phuket<br />
southward along <strong>the</strong> coast <strong>of</strong> Malaysia, to <strong>the</strong><br />
Riaou Linnga Islands south <strong>of</strong> Singapore.<br />
Phuket, at <strong>the</strong> meeting point <strong>of</strong> all <strong>the</strong>se dialects,<br />
has speakers <strong>of</strong> all three.<br />
<strong>The</strong> groups in question all have names for<br />
<strong>the</strong>mselves, but refer to <strong>the</strong>mselves as a group<br />
in <strong>the</strong> sou<strong>the</strong>rn Thai vernacular as 'Chaw Lay'.<br />
Although unscientific, use <strong>of</strong> this term breaks<br />
<strong>the</strong> dangerous misconception that <strong>the</strong>se people<br />
are nomads in <strong>the</strong> true sense <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> word, a<br />
misconception that <strong>the</strong> term 'sea nomads'<br />
perpetuates.<br />
In 1981, in <strong>the</strong> areas we studied, <strong>the</strong>re were<br />
approximately 4500 Chaw Lay living in more<br />
than 40 groups <strong>of</strong> settlements ranging in size<br />
from two to more than 800 peoples (Figure 2).<br />
Of <strong>the</strong>se about 1600 lived on Phuket Island<br />
itself and <strong>the</strong> nearby islands; mostly in <strong>the</strong> five<br />
main settlements <strong>of</strong>Rawai, Tukay, Sapam, Laem<br />
La and Laem Tong on Ko Phi Phi.<br />
<strong>The</strong>y travelled to and from <strong>the</strong>se base<br />
settlements and a wide range <strong>of</strong> fishing camps<br />
by small boat. Voyaging by sight and rarely<br />
staying out on <strong>the</strong> sea after dark <strong>the</strong>y are very<br />
dependent on <strong>the</strong>ir shore camps.<br />
<strong>The</strong> environment<br />
A consideration <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> environmental niche<br />
which <strong>the</strong> Chaw Lay have chosen to occupy is<br />
132<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
<strong>The</strong> ethnoarchaeology <strong>of</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asian coastal sites<br />
AN DAMAN<br />
SEA<br />
N<br />
Figure 1 Map <strong>of</strong> sou<strong>the</strong>rn Thailand showing <strong>the</strong> Phuket Project study area.<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2 133
Richard A. Engelhardt and Pamela Rumball Rogers<br />
PHUKET<br />
e BASE<br />
QABANDONED<br />
BASE<br />
{{ CAMP<br />
0<br />
(J<br />
10k<br />
11~<br />
8<br />
Figure 2 Map <strong>of</strong> Phuket showing <strong>the</strong> sites mentioned in <strong>the</strong> text: 1. Laem La , 2. Ta That Chai, 3. Sapam,<br />
4. Tukay, 5. Phap Pha, 6. Rawaii, 7. Haad Yao, 8. La Eo, 9. Haad Hin Khaw, 10. Ao Wai Daeng, 11. Laem<br />
Thong. (Circle size represents relative settlement size).<br />
134 <strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
<strong>The</strong> ethnoarchaeology <strong>of</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asian coastal sites<br />
crucial to an understanding <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir adaptive<br />
strategy. <strong>The</strong> entire coast from <strong>the</strong> Bay <strong>of</strong> Bengal<br />
to <strong>the</strong> Riaou Linnga archipelago, and beyond<br />
into <strong>the</strong> main Indonesian Islands, is characterized<br />
by long stretches <strong>of</strong> sandy beach broken by<br />
estuarine areas <strong>of</strong> mangrove and mud-flat, rocky<br />
outcrops and <strong>of</strong>f-shore island groups, closely<br />
enough spaced as to be easily visible one from<br />
ano<strong>the</strong>r all along <strong>the</strong> chain.<br />
<strong>The</strong> sea is shallow over <strong>the</strong> narrow<br />
continental shelf, with warm temperatures and<br />
low salinity resulting in plentiful marine fauna<br />
and a great diversity <strong>of</strong> species. <strong>The</strong> shelf was<br />
created by <strong>the</strong> flooding in <strong>the</strong> Pleistocene <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Sunda Shelf. <strong>The</strong> resulting Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asian<br />
landscape is unique in its high ratio <strong>of</strong> sea to<br />
land.<br />
<strong>The</strong> climate is warm at all times, with a<br />
monsoon pattern <strong>of</strong> a mild, sunny period during<br />
<strong>the</strong> northwest winter monsoon and a period <strong>of</strong><br />
strong winds and rains during <strong>the</strong> summer<br />
monsoon from <strong>the</strong> southwest. During this<br />
summer monsoon <strong>the</strong> seas are not safely<br />
navigable by small craft.<br />
This entire stretch <strong>of</strong> coast is a vast and<br />
homogenous environment in which fish, <strong>the</strong><br />
main resource, are sparsely but widely<br />
distributed and mobile. <strong>The</strong> Chaw Lay <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
area have adopted a subsistence strategy wholly<br />
devoted to <strong>the</strong> exploitation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se resources<br />
and those <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> shoreline <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir selected<br />
terrestrial habitats.<br />
<strong>The</strong> specific study area <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Phuket Project<br />
extends from Takuapa, in Pangnga Province,<br />
south to Ko Phi Phi in <strong>the</strong> province <strong>of</strong> Krabi<br />
(Figure 1). It contains habitats characteristic <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> entire Chaw Lay range, which are described<br />
below:<br />
Sandy Beaches-<strong>the</strong>se range from tiny<br />
pockets backed by forested hillslopes, to long<br />
expanses usually backed by low, marshy lagoons<br />
colonized by mangrove species. <strong>The</strong> beach forest<br />
is open woodland with few species, constant<br />
over <strong>the</strong> area. This niche is an important source<br />
<strong>of</strong> ga<strong>the</strong>red fruits and vegetables, wood and<br />
forest materials. Of even greater importance is<br />
<strong>the</strong> associated intertidal area as a source <strong>of</strong><br />
bivalves in <strong>the</strong> shallows such as burrowing clams<br />
and cockles, shrimp and crabs.<br />
Rock and Cliff Shorelines - <strong>of</strong>ten project<br />
into <strong>the</strong> sea enclosing small beach areas. <strong>The</strong><br />
rocks provide a habitat for oysters, gastropods,<br />
seaweed and crabs. <strong>The</strong> hillslopes above are <strong>the</strong><br />
homes <strong>of</strong> utilized tree species.<br />
Coral Reefs-<strong>the</strong>se provide environments<br />
for extremely varied and abundant sea life: fish,<br />
shellfish, cuttlefish and squid, sea urchins and<br />
slugs, turtles and sharks.<br />
Estuarine Mud Flats-are <strong>of</strong>ten large<br />
expanses at <strong>the</strong> mouths <strong>of</strong> rivers and between<br />
islands and <strong>the</strong> coast <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> mainland. This<br />
habitat is characterized by large areas <strong>of</strong> a few<br />
species <strong>of</strong> mangrove trees thriving in <strong>the</strong> poorly<br />
aerated and salty mud. <strong>The</strong> networks <strong>of</strong> channels<br />
meandering through <strong>the</strong> stands <strong>of</strong> mangrove can<br />
be used for access to <strong>the</strong> trees for timber, fuel,<br />
<strong>the</strong> rich biota and for concealment.<br />
This benign environment provides a yearround<br />
supply <strong>of</strong> fish, shellfish, fruit and<br />
vegetables. Unlike man in temperate continental<br />
areas, faced with an environment with limited<br />
resources concentrated in space and time, <strong>the</strong><br />
inhabitants <strong>of</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asian coastal areas had<br />
to develop ways to access <strong>the</strong> many small but<br />
rich pockets <strong>of</strong> resources scattered throughout<br />
<strong>the</strong> seas <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> region.<br />
Within <strong>the</strong> general environment described<br />
above, <strong>the</strong> Chaw Lay typically select land<br />
habitats with a wide variety <strong>of</strong> congruent<br />
ecological zones: deep sea through reef, mudflat<br />
and tidal wash to raised beach, mangrove and<br />
lagoon, to hillslope. <strong>The</strong>se preferred raised beach<br />
sites are most typically found at <strong>the</strong> mouths <strong>of</strong><br />
large streams; <strong>the</strong>se sites provide shelter in rough<br />
wea<strong>the</strong>r, fresh surface water and cool breezes to<br />
rid <strong>the</strong> site <strong>of</strong> insects and disease. <strong>The</strong>y also<br />
afford access to a wide range <strong>of</strong> ecozones that<br />
provide all <strong>the</strong> important subsistence and<br />
material resources required by <strong>the</strong> Chaw Lay's<br />
maritime form <strong>of</strong> adaptation. <strong>The</strong> catchment<br />
area <strong>of</strong> each Chaw Lay group <strong>the</strong>refore<br />
encompasses a much larger area than just <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
habitation site. It is <strong>the</strong> existence and spacing <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong>se catchment areas that plays a large role in<br />
determining <strong>the</strong> spacing <strong>of</strong> Chaw Lay groups<br />
throughout <strong>the</strong>ir environment.<br />
Socio-Economic adaptation<br />
Throughout <strong>the</strong> millennia <strong>the</strong> challenge for those<br />
who have chosen to exploit <strong>the</strong> maritime<br />
econiche has been to develop ways to access<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2<br />
135
Richard A. Engelhardt and Pamela Rumball Rogers<br />
<strong>the</strong> many small, rich but limited pockets <strong>of</strong><br />
resources scattered along <strong>the</strong> coasts (Engelhardt<br />
1989; Yesner 1980). <strong>The</strong> archaeological record<br />
shows that individual communities have had<br />
greater or lesser success in maintaining<br />
equilibrium with <strong>the</strong>ir environment.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Chaw Lay economic adaptation is based<br />
on two complimentary elements: <strong>the</strong> 'primary'<br />
economic base is fish. Its capture from <strong>the</strong> deep<br />
sea and coral reef provides <strong>the</strong> inspiration for<br />
<strong>the</strong> bulk <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> culture's technology and for its<br />
social organization. Because fish are a mobile<br />
resource, <strong>the</strong> Chaw Lay concentration on fishing<br />
requires that <strong>the</strong>y maintain a mobile way <strong>of</strong><br />
life. <strong>The</strong>y exploit <strong>the</strong> full range <strong>of</strong> available<br />
species, using hook and line. Spears are used<br />
for larger prey such as octopus, squid and turtle,<br />
while crabs and reef species are trapped. No<br />
specific species are preferred over o<strong>the</strong>rs, and<br />
expeditions are not organized to predate any<br />
specific species.<br />
On <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand, <strong>the</strong> 'fundamental'<br />
economic activity on which Chaw Lay<br />
subsistence is based is <strong>the</strong> collection and<br />
processing <strong>of</strong> shellfish. It forms <strong>the</strong> bottomline<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir economy. Oysters in particular are <strong>the</strong><br />
subsistence item a Chaw Lay group must never<br />
find itself without. Oysters and o<strong>the</strong>r species <strong>of</strong><br />
shellfish are stationary and live close to shore.<br />
<strong>The</strong>y can <strong>the</strong>refore be ga<strong>the</strong>red by anyone. <strong>The</strong>y<br />
require no specific tool or technology to collect<br />
and can be eaten raw or with minimal processing.<br />
<strong>The</strong>refore, in times <strong>of</strong> sickness, death or absence<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> fishermen/women, at times when <strong>the</strong> catch<br />
fails or during <strong>the</strong> periodic monsoon storms<br />
when it is not possible to go out in boats to fish,<br />
oysters and o<strong>the</strong>r shellfish can be relied upon to<br />
supply <strong>the</strong> food needs <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> group.<br />
During our research we inventoried Chaw<br />
Lay material culture. This showed us that <strong>the</strong><br />
tools utilized by <strong>the</strong>m to exploit <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
environment were few in number and easily<br />
movable, as suits a lifestyle where numerous<br />
possessions would be a burden. Items are multipurpose,<br />
light and easy to transport, with an<br />
emphasis on wood, coconut, bamboo, stone and<br />
o<strong>the</strong>r material easily available from <strong>the</strong> local<br />
environment. <strong>The</strong> larger <strong>the</strong> item, <strong>the</strong> more likely<br />
<strong>the</strong>re will be only one shared by a group. <strong>The</strong><br />
only specialized technology common to all <strong>the</strong><br />
groups we studied were boats, to provide<br />
mobility, and fishing gear, to facilitate <strong>the</strong><br />
capture <strong>of</strong> mobile sea resources.<br />
An important feature <strong>of</strong> Chaw Lay subsistence<br />
is <strong>the</strong> role <strong>of</strong> re-used materials and tools. All<br />
objects are re-used until <strong>the</strong>y disappear or are<br />
consumed or broken into tiny fragments too small<br />
to be manipulated. This is less a condition <strong>of</strong><br />
poverty than that a large number <strong>of</strong> material<br />
possessions are a liability in a mobile society. <strong>The</strong><br />
richness <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> environment and <strong>the</strong> effectiveness<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir adaptation frees <strong>the</strong>m from <strong>the</strong> need to<br />
stockpile against environmental uncertainty.<br />
<strong>The</strong> study methodology<br />
This <strong>the</strong>n, in brief, is <strong>the</strong> socio-economic<br />
adaptation, <strong>the</strong> evolution <strong>of</strong> which we have<br />
attempted to identify and trace in <strong>the</strong><br />
archaeological record. Represented here in<br />
schema (Figure 3) is <strong>the</strong> methodology used to<br />
analyze this unique maritime socio-economic<br />
adaptation.<br />
All Chaw Lay daily, seasonal and specialized<br />
activities were analyzed and broken down into<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir component parts. <strong>Part</strong>icular emphasis was<br />
put on mapping <strong>the</strong> spatial distribution <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se<br />
activities and quantifying <strong>the</strong>m. Associated<br />
discard and <strong>the</strong> resulting impact on <strong>the</strong> activity<br />
areas in question were also quantified and<br />
recorded over time. <strong>The</strong> effect <strong>the</strong>se activities<br />
had on <strong>the</strong> soil was recorded photographically,<br />
mapped and physically collected for chemical<br />
and microscopic analysis.<br />
For purposes <strong>of</strong> testing at archaeological<br />
sites, <strong>the</strong> resulting ethnographically derived<br />
patterns were abstracted into a conceptual type<br />
site and a predictive model <strong>of</strong> archaeological<br />
expectation was developed. This model was<br />
tested by survey and excavation <strong>of</strong> a number <strong>of</strong><br />
abandoned Chaw Lay sites which were <strong>the</strong>n<br />
compared to <strong>the</strong> normative type site. After<br />
evaluating <strong>the</strong> accuracy <strong>of</strong> fit, we returned to <strong>the</strong><br />
ethnographic situations in an attempt to identify<br />
<strong>the</strong> archaeological findings unexplained by <strong>the</strong><br />
model. Throughout, we worked with native<br />
informants to help us to interpret <strong>the</strong> data.<br />
Activities and activity areas<br />
<strong>The</strong> Chaw Lay subsistence strategy results in a<br />
range <strong>of</strong> activities for extraction, processing and<br />
136<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
<strong>The</strong> ethnoarchaeology <strong>of</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asian coastal sites<br />
Economic<br />
Activities<br />
Analysis ~<br />
I ------_. Ethnographic Phase<br />
--m~<br />
Activities<br />
Pattems <strong>of</strong><br />
Activity Areas + Structures + Surface Alteration + Deposition 1\<br />
Ethno-archaeological<br />
Phase<br />
Sub-Surface<br />
Investigations<br />
Formulation <strong>of</strong> Predictive<br />
Model <strong>of</strong> Archaeological 1--------•... Model Formulation<br />
Expectations<br />
Tested by<br />
Excavation<br />
Archaeological<br />
Testing<br />
Site<br />
Reconstruction<br />
Evaluation <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Model as<br />
Predictive Tool<br />
.<br />
Evaluation Phase<br />
Implications for <strong>the</strong><br />
Archaeology <strong>of</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>ast<br />
Asian Coastal Sites<br />
Figure 3 Schema illustrating <strong>the</strong> study method used to analyze <strong>the</strong> deposition and recovery <strong>of</strong> archaeological<br />
material.<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s I & 2 137
Richard A. Engelhardt and Pamela Rumball Rogers<br />
HOUSE<br />
0 METAL BOARD 1<br />
0 BUCKET 1<br />
0 BASKET 2<br />
~ 3.4<br />
~DEBRIS SCATTER<br />
J) SHELL 3<br />
(!) STONE 2 ' 5<br />
yUIZl1lJ BOARD 5<br />
,£) PLASTIC BAG 3<br />
Figure 4 A diagramme illustrating <strong>the</strong> tools and<br />
materials used in shellfish processing and <strong>the</strong><br />
deposition <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se and <strong>the</strong> biproducts <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> activity.<br />
Key: I. Removed from activity area; 2. Stored nearby<br />
for future use; 3. Cleaned up and put in a midden; 4.<br />
Bits left in situ; 5. Left in <strong>the</strong> area for future use.<br />
consumption <strong>of</strong> resources from <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
environment. Those activities which occur onsite<br />
and <strong>the</strong>refore have potential impact on <strong>the</strong><br />
archaeological record have been analyzed in<br />
detail. <strong>The</strong> aim <strong>of</strong> this analysis is to follow each<br />
activity from <strong>the</strong> event to <strong>the</strong> final product,<br />
charting <strong>the</strong> tools and materials used, associated<br />
discard, deposition and impact on <strong>the</strong> activity<br />
locus. As an example, Figure 4 illustrates <strong>the</strong><br />
tools and materials used in shellfish processing<br />
with <strong>the</strong>ir ultimate deposition indicated and<br />
impacts on <strong>the</strong> area marked.<br />
After studying <strong>the</strong> corpus <strong>of</strong> Chaw Lay<br />
activities, we were able to hypo<strong>the</strong>size, with<br />
some degree <strong>of</strong> certainty, that <strong>the</strong> remains <strong>of</strong><br />
individual activities would not be directly<br />
retrievable where <strong>the</strong>y took place. This is a<br />
result <strong>of</strong> post-depositional factors, overlap <strong>of</strong><br />
activities and repeated mixing <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> resulting<br />
byproducts <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> activities (Brooks and Yellen<br />
1987). However, certain areas <strong>of</strong> a Chaw Lay<br />
settlement are <strong>the</strong> loci <strong>of</strong> certain types <strong>of</strong> repeated<br />
activities, creating a pattern <strong>of</strong> archaeological<br />
impact and retrievable site modification. <strong>The</strong>se<br />
distributions <strong>of</strong> activities create a pattern <strong>of</strong><br />
activity areas; examples <strong>of</strong> each <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> following<br />
types <strong>of</strong> areas were excavated for subsurface<br />
evidence <strong>of</strong> alteration.<br />
House complexes<br />
Houses act as <strong>the</strong> centres <strong>of</strong> activity areas<br />
representing almost <strong>the</strong> entire spectrum <strong>of</strong><br />
Chaw Lay activity. Under <strong>the</strong> house area a<br />
pattern can be identified <strong>of</strong> debris which<br />
clearly were <strong>the</strong> by-products and <strong>the</strong>refore<br />
diagnostic <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> activities taking place in <strong>the</strong><br />
house above (Figure 5). Under <strong>the</strong> kitchen<br />
area <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> house is found evidence <strong>of</strong><br />
packaging, stove remains and <strong>the</strong>ir contents,<br />
food and some small evidence <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> utensils<br />
used to prepare and cook it. Under <strong>the</strong><br />
entrance/sitting areas <strong>of</strong> a house we can expect<br />
to find a low proportion <strong>of</strong> food consumption<br />
remains, but no remains <strong>of</strong> food preparation.<br />
<strong>The</strong>re is a preponderance <strong>of</strong> packaging remains<br />
compared to under <strong>the</strong> kitchen, and no stove<br />
remains at all. Food remains will be found in<br />
association with evidence <strong>of</strong> socializing, such<br />
as betel, cigarettes and playing cards. Under<br />
<strong>the</strong> areas <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> house used for storage and<br />
sleeping are found some food remains,<br />
packaging and artefacts associated with sleep<br />
and relaxation, such as cloth, combs, sandals<br />
and batteries, but with <strong>the</strong> additional context<br />
<strong>of</strong> objects in storage. <strong>The</strong>re is a very strong<br />
association between storage and sleeping areas<br />
<strong>of</strong> a house: <strong>the</strong> former above, and storage<br />
areas below. Under this part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> house we<br />
never find <strong>the</strong> organic remains associated with<br />
o<strong>the</strong>r under-house areas.<br />
<strong>The</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r areas that cluster around <strong>the</strong> houses<br />
include outdoor kitchen space, areas for water<br />
collection and use, sitting platforms and<br />
generalized activity loci. Not all houses have<br />
<strong>the</strong>se associated areas, some have more than<br />
one and some are used communally. <strong>The</strong> impact<br />
left in <strong>the</strong>se areas will be an accumulation related<br />
to <strong>the</strong> activities carried out <strong>the</strong>re; no discrete<br />
evidence reflecting specific activities but ra<strong>the</strong>r<br />
a mish-mash <strong>of</strong> evidence reflecting <strong>the</strong> multipurpose<br />
nature <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> area.<br />
Trees<br />
Trees are <strong>the</strong> focus for processing,<br />
manufacturing and storage, as well as eating<br />
and socializing. A sitting platform or board is<br />
<strong>of</strong>ten associated with <strong>the</strong>se activities and located<br />
at <strong>the</strong> foot <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> tree. <strong>The</strong> debris that remains<br />
from <strong>the</strong>se activities forms a dense, concentrated<br />
ring around <strong>the</strong> base <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> tree.<br />
138<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s I & 2
<strong>The</strong> ethnoarchaeo/ogy <strong>of</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asian coastal sites<br />
Figure 5 View <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> area under a Chaw Lay house with vari ations in debris distribution.<br />
Figure 6 A fl attened shell mound with shell fish processing taking pl ace on top <strong>of</strong> it.<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s I & 2 139
Richard A. Engelhardt and Pamela Rumball Rogers<br />
Open areas<br />
<strong>The</strong>se large open areas typically in <strong>the</strong> centre <strong>of</strong><br />
a site, support a wide range <strong>of</strong> communal<br />
activities requiring open space. Activity debris<br />
tends to be dispersed and scattered over <strong>the</strong> area<br />
and <strong>the</strong> areas are typically swept after use.<br />
Flattened shell mounds<br />
<strong>The</strong>se flat-topped deposits are <strong>the</strong> focus <strong>of</strong><br />
processing activities in particular (Figure 6).<br />
<strong>The</strong>y continue to function as growing shell<br />
mounds but are kept spatially restrained, in so<br />
far as possible. <strong>The</strong> debris associated with <strong>the</strong>se<br />
activities is dropped on <strong>the</strong> mound and not<br />
altered.<br />
Well or water areas<br />
<strong>The</strong> activities taking place at a well or freshwater<br />
location, include water collection, bathing<br />
and washing and socializing. <strong>The</strong> debris from<br />
<strong>the</strong>se activities cannot be swept up because <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> wetness <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> surface. Often it is picked up<br />
and tossed into debris baskets nearby for later<br />
redeposition. A certain amount <strong>of</strong> material is<br />
trampled into <strong>the</strong> mud and or wet sand.<br />
Peripheral areas<br />
<strong>The</strong>se areas form a ring <strong>of</strong> activity around <strong>the</strong><br />
outside <strong>of</strong> a settlement, along <strong>the</strong> beach front<br />
and rear lagoon edge. <strong>The</strong>y are <strong>the</strong> focus <strong>of</strong><br />
secondary midden deposition and processing <strong>of</strong><br />
organic material with quantities <strong>of</strong> waste byproducts.<br />
Intertidal<br />
<strong>The</strong> intertidal area is used widely, in an overall<br />
and uniformly dispersed fashion, for shellfish<br />
ga<strong>the</strong>ring, beachcombing, boat anchorage and<br />
as a toilet.<br />
Post-depositional forces on activity areas<br />
<strong>The</strong> activity areas discussed above are all subject<br />
to post-depositional alteration and natural<br />
taphonomic ra<strong>the</strong>r than taphonic processes which<br />
effect <strong>the</strong> likelihood <strong>of</strong> evidence entering <strong>the</strong><br />
archaeological record (Schiffer 1987). <strong>The</strong><br />
following post -depositional forces were recorded<br />
as having significant effects on <strong>the</strong> depositional<br />
remains resulting from activities undertaken by<br />
Chaw Lay at <strong>the</strong>ir campsites.<br />
Human forces<br />
Sweeping and redeposition in secondary<br />
middens: resulting in <strong>the</strong> removal <strong>of</strong> all but <strong>the</strong><br />
tiniest bits from <strong>the</strong> activity area, and in <strong>the</strong><br />
redeposition <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> material, <strong>of</strong>ten after burning,<br />
into <strong>the</strong> midden.<br />
• Picking up and tossing objects: individual<br />
objects or pieces <strong>of</strong> debris tossed out <strong>of</strong><br />
context.<br />
• Dismantling and moving <strong>of</strong> structures:<br />
activity areas associated with structures are<br />
disassociated when <strong>the</strong> structure is moved<br />
and <strong>the</strong> surface area intentionally re-surfaced.<br />
• Recycling and re-use <strong>of</strong> objects for varied<br />
activities: multi-purpose artefacts are<br />
removed from one area to ano<strong>the</strong>r for a series<br />
<strong>of</strong> different activities.<br />
• Trampling <strong>of</strong> waste material into <strong>the</strong> surface<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> activity area: all but large or sharp<br />
materials, such as some shell types, are<br />
trampled before sweeping and in areas that<br />
are not swept. Loose sand, wet and clayish<br />
surfaces are particularly affected.<br />
Animal forces<br />
• Scavenging <strong>of</strong> organic material: chickens in<br />
particular consume organic material and in<br />
<strong>the</strong> process loosen and sieve <strong>the</strong> sediment.<br />
• Chickens and dogs dig depressions in <strong>the</strong><br />
sand where <strong>the</strong>y sit and pit <strong>the</strong> surface.<br />
Natural forces<br />
• Tidal action: redistribution and removal <strong>of</strong><br />
material<br />
• Rain action: exerting downward wash and<br />
redistribution during heavy rains.<br />
• Decomposition: <strong>the</strong> rotting <strong>of</strong> all organic<br />
material into <strong>the</strong> sediment.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> course <strong>of</strong> our research we focussed<br />
on a range <strong>of</strong> diagnostic activity-created<br />
surfaces, and on <strong>the</strong>ir survival in <strong>the</strong><br />
archaeological record. Individual activities were<br />
studied through <strong>the</strong> act, through <strong>the</strong> impact on<br />
<strong>the</strong> ground and on to <strong>the</strong> impact below <strong>the</strong><br />
surface. Emphasis was placed on <strong>the</strong> kinds <strong>of</strong><br />
cleaning and maintenance activities that<br />
regularly took place after <strong>the</strong> event. From our<br />
study it is clear that most debris associated<br />
with activity areas is removed as part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
area's routine maintenance; areas are swept,<br />
140<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
<strong>The</strong> ethnoarchaeology <strong>of</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asian coastal sites<br />
debris is collected and ei<strong>the</strong>r dumped elsewhere<br />
or burnt on <strong>the</strong> activity area. This constant<br />
sweeping and burning cycle effects <strong>the</strong> surface<br />
and makes it identifiable with careful<br />
excavation.<br />
1. Maintained open area surfaces (Figure<br />
7a)<br />
<strong>The</strong> large, flat activity surface at Tukay<br />
has been in use for many years. <strong>The</strong><br />
entire surface is hard-packed with a<br />
crisp, brittle top layer. <strong>The</strong> surface is<br />
dark and filled with charcoal bits. At<br />
<strong>the</strong> time <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> study five debris-burning<br />
fires were in process on it. Portions <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> surface are green tinged from algae;<br />
this seems to have <strong>the</strong> effect <strong>of</strong><br />
increasing <strong>the</strong> hardness. This area is<br />
known to have been used repeatedly<br />
for shellfish processing, trap<br />
construction, sleep and play during <strong>the</strong><br />
period <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> study and yet no specific<br />
evidence <strong>of</strong> any <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se activities<br />
remained.<br />
2. Fire-effected surfaces (Figure 7b)<br />
If fire is a basic element <strong>of</strong> an activity,<br />
it has very notable effects on <strong>the</strong> activity<br />
area sediment. A closer look at <strong>the</strong> five<br />
debris-burning fires mentioned above<br />
clarified <strong>the</strong> process by which fires<br />
become deposits. An attempt was made<br />
to put <strong>the</strong> five fires in temporal sequence<br />
based on <strong>the</strong> assumptions that :<br />
• Ash deposits on <strong>the</strong> surface <strong>of</strong> a fire<br />
will in time be blown and/or washed<br />
away.<br />
• Stratigraphy <strong>of</strong> a fire will lose<br />
distinction with <strong>the</strong> passage <strong>of</strong> time,<br />
<strong>the</strong> effects <strong>of</strong> trampling and<br />
sweeping.<br />
• <strong>The</strong> items in a fire will lose <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
segregatation over time.<br />
On <strong>the</strong> basis <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se assumptions <strong>the</strong><br />
five fires were seriated and this was<br />
verified by <strong>the</strong> villager who had built<br />
<strong>the</strong>m. When <strong>the</strong> ash is gone from a fire,<br />
a packed and mottled deposit in <strong>the</strong><br />
colour region <strong>of</strong> 10 YR 3/3 seems to be<br />
diagnostic <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> presence <strong>of</strong> fire. If <strong>the</strong><br />
fire was associated with fish smoking<br />
or cooking <strong>the</strong> mottled deposit has a<br />
sticky consistency. Ano<strong>the</strong>r diagnostic<br />
feature <strong>of</strong> fires in sand is a red-orange<br />
oxidized layer (7.5 YR 4/6-7/2).<br />
3. Water-affected surfaces (Figure 7c)<br />
Likewise, repeated saturation from<br />
water-related activities such as bathing<br />
and water collection at <strong>the</strong> side <strong>of</strong> a<br />
house, has predictable impact on <strong>the</strong><br />
sediments <strong>of</strong> a site. For example, a water<br />
jar was recorded resting on a board<br />
behind <strong>the</strong> kitchen area <strong>of</strong> a house. <strong>The</strong><br />
uppermost surface <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> sand below<br />
was green and mottled and hard<br />
compacted. Below this a damp and<br />
clayish layer <strong>of</strong> pressed and leached<br />
sediment was found .<br />
4. Trampled surfaces (Figure 7d)<br />
<strong>The</strong> effects <strong>of</strong> continuous trampling<br />
result in changes in sediment and<br />
deposits and <strong>the</strong> moving <strong>of</strong> material<br />
within <strong>the</strong> deposit. In a matrix <strong>of</strong> shell,<br />
or shell mixed with sand, a<br />
characteristic pattern <strong>of</strong> breakage<br />
occurs. Paths at Sapam are pressed into<br />
a shellmound deposit (Figure 5e); at<br />
Rawai into a matrix <strong>of</strong> sand with<br />
quantities <strong>of</strong> shell Figure 5d). Below<br />
<strong>the</strong> deposits <strong>of</strong> loose surface debris, a<br />
layer <strong>of</strong> shells is pressed firmly into <strong>the</strong><br />
top <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> midden, generally concaveside<br />
down. Below is a deposit <strong>of</strong> more<br />
lightly pressed whole shells. From a<br />
depth <strong>of</strong> approximately 8 to 18 em is a<br />
zone <strong>of</strong> finely crushed shell; even heavy<br />
oyster shells are crushed in this level,<br />
and mixed with sand. Below this lies<br />
<strong>the</strong> dark mound proper.<br />
In o<strong>the</strong>r words, <strong>the</strong> breakage from<br />
continuous trampling occurs not on <strong>the</strong><br />
top surface, in direct contact with traffic,<br />
but at a sub-surface level. Rates <strong>of</strong><br />
breakage are determined by <strong>the</strong> species<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> shells: oysters, which constitute<br />
<strong>the</strong> bulk <strong>of</strong> mounds, have a low rate<br />
while mussels crush easily. <strong>The</strong>re is<br />
insufficient data to give estimates for<br />
<strong>the</strong> depths <strong>of</strong> downward and horizontal<br />
displacement <strong>of</strong> artefacts caused by<br />
trampling. A general trend was noted<br />
for smaller objects to be more mobile<br />
than larger, and for objects in general<br />
to move downwards not upwards.<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2<br />
141
Richard A. Engelhardt and Pamela Rumball Rogers<br />
Q..<br />
.<br />
~- . . Crisp, brittle top layer with green algae patches<br />
.<br />
~ Charcoal filled, compacted sand ( 10YR 313)<br />
I ~ Hard1lf'8Sses sand, loosening downwards I I I<br />
b. ·.- .-:---.-.. -. ·.--<br />
Loose<br />
ash, charcoal and unbumt fuel in sand (10YR 6/1)<br />
. ~ Loose charcoal in sand (10YR 413)<br />
'--<br />
Packed, mottled and sticky later (10YR 313)<br />
4-- Dense, but not packed; still discolourd (10YR 313)<br />
c. .....--<br />
r-:==--<br />
"'-<br />
~~<br />
Unaltered sand<br />
~'Green mossy layer<br />
~ roark damp, pressed and clayish (10YR 312)<br />
d.<br />
"-<br />
""'-<br />
Lighter pressed layer, still damp but slighUy more sandy (10YR 516-<br />
7/2)<br />
Unaltered sand<br />
4--- Hard-pressed sand (10YR 312)<br />
')<br />
..... ")<br />
u (J 4-- Hard-pressed or compacted (10YR 312) with shell bits<br />
,Q a<br />
D. n +----<br />
Loose sand (10YR 5/4 with 313), some crushed shell<br />
v '") r'\ ~<br />
Loose grey sand (10YR 613) with shell fragments, lightening<br />
...) downwards<br />
--------, Unaltered sand<br />
fl,<br />
:::::.----<br />
~ Loose surface debris<br />
- ,J<br />
I ') -/"1 c<br />
f.- Hard-pressed shell pieces<br />
(.<br />
{A ) c.<br />
.0.<br />
'-<br />
'<br />
~<br />
,.. .... \ .... \<br />
_, \ r ~ Finely crushed shall in sand (10YR %)<br />
J 1..<br />
.... " -<br />
~<br />
1.. ... )<br />
'<br />
~<br />
lr<br />
~<br />
Lightly pressed whole and fragmentary shell<br />
Very dark mature shell mound (10YR 2/1)<br />
Figure 7 <strong>The</strong> stratigraphy <strong>of</strong> activity areas within a Chaw Lay settlement: a. Maintained open area, b. Fire,<br />
c. Water-affected area, d. Trampled surface at Rawai, e. Trampled surface at Sapam.<br />
142 <strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
<strong>The</strong> ethnoarchaeology <strong>of</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asian coastal sites<br />
A. SURFACE<br />
scattered scales and a wooden chopping<br />
block. When this area was excavated at<br />
a later date <strong>the</strong> kitchen debris had been<br />
swept away and <strong>the</strong> wooden block<br />
removed. <strong>The</strong> sediment in <strong>the</strong> area was<br />
loose and dark, still damp and<br />
containing only as few scales, charcoal<br />
fragments and a small fish bone.<br />
Artefact survival<br />
B. Scm BELOW<br />
SURFACE<br />
Figure 8 Remains <strong>of</strong> fish scaling at <strong>the</strong> corner <strong>of</strong> a<br />
house, before and after cleaning up: A = an area <strong>of</strong><br />
loose and dark, damp organic sand ( 10 YR 211 ) to a<br />
depth <strong>of</strong> 10 em; above loose unaltered sand ( 1 0 YR<br />
5/3 ). B= firm, pressed sand ( 10 YR 5/3).<br />
5. Under-house surfaces (Figure 8)<br />
Some areas <strong>of</strong> a Chaw Lay site are<br />
altered by <strong>the</strong> addition <strong>of</strong> large<br />
quantities <strong>of</strong> organic material dropped<br />
from <strong>the</strong> kitchens <strong>of</strong> houses. <strong>The</strong> deposit<br />
is sometimes cleaned by sweeping and<br />
all but tiny pieces and slop removed.<br />
Sometimes fresh sand is poured over<br />
<strong>the</strong> soiled area. Often however, <strong>the</strong> daily<br />
scavenging by animals is enough to<br />
dispose <strong>of</strong> any garbage. In <strong>the</strong> process<br />
<strong>the</strong>se scavengers loosen and chum <strong>the</strong><br />
deposit fur<strong>the</strong>r. <strong>The</strong> result is a loose,<br />
wet sand, very dark in colour and<br />
containing small fragments <strong>of</strong> organic<br />
material.<br />
One example <strong>of</strong> this process can be<br />
seen under <strong>the</strong> kitchen <strong>of</strong> a house at<br />
Rawai. On <strong>the</strong> surface, under <strong>the</strong><br />
kitchen, was a deposit <strong>of</strong> fruit pips,<br />
rice, vegetable peel, charcoal, coconut<br />
husk, paper and eggshell. Overlapping<br />
<strong>the</strong> drop area was recorded a fishscaling<br />
activity with associated<br />
If we look at <strong>the</strong> list <strong>of</strong> diagnostic subsistence<br />
activities and <strong>the</strong>ir by-products and consider <strong>the</strong><br />
influence <strong>of</strong> post-depositional forces, it is<br />
possible to see that <strong>the</strong> artefactual evidence left<br />
in activity areas will be minimal. It is clear that<br />
<strong>the</strong>se forces will bias <strong>the</strong> nature and quantity <strong>of</strong><br />
primary evidence that might enter <strong>the</strong><br />
archaeological record. All <strong>the</strong> above forces were<br />
recorded working upon <strong>the</strong> activity area evidence<br />
as it was being deposited on <strong>the</strong> site.<br />
Given that <strong>the</strong> preservation <strong>of</strong> shell, coral,<br />
bone, fish and organic remains is subject to<br />
local soil chemistry, and that <strong>the</strong> Chaw Lay are<br />
not ceramic producers, it is clear that stone<br />
artefacts are <strong>the</strong> most potentially retrievable<br />
artefact types within <strong>the</strong> traditional Chaw Lay<br />
material culture and are <strong>the</strong>refore deserving <strong>of</strong><br />
some comment. Stones are <strong>the</strong> basic Chaw Lay<br />
tool, used primarily in <strong>the</strong>ir natural state or with<br />
minimum modification. <strong>The</strong>y are not technically<br />
artefacts, but ra<strong>the</strong>r 'utilized stones'. Often a<br />
stone will be casually picked up from <strong>the</strong> beach,<br />
selected for some inherent quality, used and<br />
<strong>the</strong>n tossed away. Frequently, however, <strong>the</strong>y<br />
are curated for generations. Material is collected<br />
during outings for o<strong>the</strong>r purposes to various<br />
islands, <strong>of</strong>ten from specific beaches or stream<br />
beds.<br />
Utilized stones have <strong>the</strong> following recorded<br />
uses:<br />
1. As cracking platforms on which to<br />
break open shells or nuts.<br />
2. As hammerstones for cracking open<br />
shells or nuts.<br />
3. As whetstones for sharpening metal,<br />
stone or bamboo blades.<br />
4. As firestones for supporting cooking<br />
vessels.<br />
5. As pounding stones for processing food<br />
and betel.<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2<br />
143
Richard A. Engelhardt and Pamela Rumball Rogers<br />
4<br />
• •<br />
•<br />
• • •<br />
• •*.<br />
• •<br />
*• • ••• ~ *• • •<br />
• • • •<br />
• • •<br />
• • • • •<br />
• • •<br />
• *•<br />
; • •<br />
•• ••<br />
• •<br />
..., •· ~<br />
• •<br />
.<br />
•*··<br />
• ..,:•<br />
• -*<br />
.<br />
i:<br />
·-.~<br />
•<br />
. *<br />
• •<br />
••• • • ~<br />
• •<br />
• •<br />
• •• • •<br />
.,.<br />
• • •<br />
*. • •<br />
•<br />
~ •*<br />
• • *• • • •<br />
•••<br />
••••*• •<br />
• ••<br />
0 '!"~<br />
• POST<br />
* STONE<br />
Figure 9 Plan illustrating <strong>the</strong> spatial distribution <strong>of</strong> stones and house posts; data from a transect through <strong>the</strong><br />
settlement <strong>of</strong> Tukay.<br />
144 <strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
<strong>The</strong> ethnoarchaeology <strong>of</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asian coastal sites<br />
Figure 10 View <strong>of</strong> stones in storage around <strong>the</strong> post <strong>of</strong> a house structure.<br />
6. As supports for posts, piles or vessels.<br />
7. As bathing or scrubbing stones.<br />
When <strong>the</strong> various Chaw Lay sites were<br />
mapped and recorded, counts <strong>of</strong> stones were<br />
made and <strong>the</strong>ir spatial distribution noted. A<br />
number <strong>of</strong> generalizations can be made from<br />
this study concerning stone behaviour in this<br />
context. First! y, stones <strong>of</strong> all types are most<br />
commonly found in association with structures;<br />
in particular <strong>the</strong>y exhibit a strong spatial affinity<br />
for house posts (Figure 9 and 1 0).<br />
<strong>The</strong> second strongest association is between<br />
stones and fires , because <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir use as vessel<br />
supports. When found in association with<br />
activity areas, including shell mounds, stones in<br />
<strong>the</strong> ethnographic context are ei<strong>the</strong>r in use or<br />
temporarily in storage for future use. Finally,<br />
when associated with secondary midden<br />
deposits, stones are ei<strong>the</strong>r around <strong>the</strong> edge <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> midden where <strong>the</strong>y function as retainers or<br />
discarded in <strong>the</strong> midden as broken debris.<br />
Fires are ano<strong>the</strong>r part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> minimalist Chaw<br />
Lay material cu lture, <strong>the</strong> remains <strong>of</strong> which occur<br />
all over Chaw Lay sites and persist into <strong>the</strong><br />
archaeological record. Like more conventional<br />
artefacts <strong>the</strong>y can be grouped and typed and<br />
form diagnostic features <strong>of</strong> Chaw Lay life. Like<br />
stones and boats <strong>the</strong>y can be made portable.<br />
Types <strong>of</strong> fires recorded are set out in Table 2.<br />
Certain generalizations were observed<br />
concerning fire behaviour in <strong>the</strong> Chaw Lay<br />
context:<br />
Table 1 presents <strong>the</strong> statistical relationship between stone and house post occurrence at<br />
settlements<br />
Number found within O.Sm <strong>of</strong> a post<br />
Tukay<br />
Rawai<br />
Sa pam<br />
Laem La<br />
233 out <strong>of</strong> a total <strong>of</strong> 338 =<br />
317 out <strong>of</strong> a total <strong>of</strong> 433 =<br />
32 out <strong>of</strong> a total <strong>of</strong> 40 =<br />
17 out <strong>of</strong> a total <strong>of</strong> 23 =<br />
69%<br />
73%<br />
80%<br />
74%<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s I & 2<br />
145
Richard A. Engelhardt and Pamela Rumball Rogers<br />
Table 2 Fires found in Chaw Lay contexts and <strong>the</strong>ir archaeologically retrievable components<br />
Cooking Fires<br />
FIRE TYPE<br />
Fires to ward <strong>of</strong>f mosquitoes<br />
ASSOCIATED ITEMS<br />
3 or 4 stones in diagnostic<br />
arrangements fuel, grills,<br />
vessels, food<br />
no stones, metal sheets or<br />
branches. fuel<br />
ARCHAEOLOGICAL<br />
VISffiiLITY<br />
likely to be left for re-use<br />
because dirty to remove and<br />
store. Stones tossed out when<br />
cracked<br />
moveable, put under sleeping<br />
areas or sitting platforms<br />
Fires for drying and smoking no stones, fuel, food associated posts <strong>of</strong> rack<br />
Fires for burning rubbish no stones, little or no fuel remains removed to a midden<br />
Scrub clearance fires no stones, additional fuel burnt organic material remains<br />
Fire to heat boat caulk<br />
no stones,<br />
materials<br />
boat, tools,<br />
glassy melted caulk on <strong>the</strong><br />
ground stone boat supports<br />
• Fire based activities and those not involving<br />
fire are never spatially associated.<br />
• If fire remains are found under a house <strong>the</strong>y<br />
are ei<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> remains <strong>of</strong> a mosquito fire, or<br />
<strong>the</strong> inverted contents <strong>of</strong> a stove dumped from<br />
<strong>the</strong> house above.<br />
• Fire at <strong>the</strong> edge <strong>of</strong> a midden will likely be<br />
for burning debris or clearing brush.<br />
• A fire very close to a house is most likely a<br />
cooking fire.<br />
• Fires in open shared areas are for debris<br />
burning.<br />
• Fires in middens are <strong>of</strong>ten associated with<br />
smoking racks.<br />
Patterns <strong>of</strong> discard<br />
As we have seen, deposits swept and collected<br />
from under houses and o<strong>the</strong>r activity areas on<br />
<strong>the</strong> site make <strong>the</strong>ir way into secondary deposits<br />
on middens and mounds. <strong>The</strong>se contain shell,<br />
debris removed from <strong>the</strong> site, debris dropped<br />
from activity on <strong>the</strong> deposition, tidal deposit<br />
and materials stored on <strong>the</strong> midden in various<br />
proportions. Some deposits are almost 100<br />
percent shell <strong>of</strong> a single species; o<strong>the</strong>rs can be<br />
a homogenous mix <strong>of</strong> all categories. <strong>The</strong><br />
econiche <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> site and <strong>the</strong> economic activities<br />
carried out <strong>the</strong>re play a decisive role in<br />
determining contents. <strong>The</strong>se secondary deposits<br />
occur along <strong>the</strong> periphery <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> site (Figure<br />
11), especially at:<br />
• <strong>The</strong> tide line or beach front.<br />
• <strong>The</strong> lagoon edge or back <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> site.<br />
• Scrub areas at <strong>the</strong> edges <strong>of</strong> a site.<br />
• <strong>The</strong> edges <strong>of</strong> streams or waterways.<br />
• At areas <strong>of</strong> what we call <strong>the</strong> 'floating<br />
periphery', such as mounds around trees<br />
in <strong>the</strong> main area <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> site; areas where<br />
several houses back onto each o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
creating a space for deposition buildup<br />
and islands <strong>of</strong> dead space created by <strong>the</strong><br />
splitting and joining <strong>of</strong> paths.<br />
<strong>The</strong> exact pattern <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se depositions and<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir content is determined by site-specific<br />
factors. Following are brief descriptions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
patterns <strong>of</strong> deposition at <strong>the</strong> main Chaw Lay<br />
sites studied.<br />
Tokay (Figure 12)<br />
<strong>The</strong> settlement <strong>of</strong> Tokay is a strand site with<br />
mangrove lagoon behind it and paths. <strong>The</strong><br />
deposit is three to four metres wide and up to<br />
one and a half metres deep. It has scrub<br />
covered hills at both ends. <strong>The</strong> primary<br />
146<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
<strong>The</strong> ethnoarchaeology <strong>of</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asian coastal sites<br />
.,....<br />
L. - .. ~ ~ ' .. ~~-<br />
~·<br />
. .... .. ...<br />
..:::·~~ 't.<br />
Figure 11 Area <strong>of</strong> secondary deposition along <strong>the</strong> back <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> site at Tukay<br />
TUKAY<br />
~~ DEPOSITION<br />
U OPEN AREA<br />
D THAI AREA<br />
:tt1 SPARSE STRUCTURES<br />
ttt MEDIUM<br />
a MEDIUM DENSE<br />
Figure 12 Schematic map <strong>of</strong> Tukay, illustrating <strong>the</strong> spatial patterning <strong>of</strong> structures, depositi ons, open<br />
activity areas and paths.<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s l & 2 147
Richard A. Engelhardt and Pamela Rumball Rogers<br />
economic activities are fishing and shellfish<br />
collection.<br />
<strong>The</strong>re are almost continuous shell mounds<br />
and some debris along <strong>the</strong> beach front, broken<br />
only for access. This deposit contains 99 percent<br />
shell plus mixed debris that has been tidally<br />
deposited, and some items placed on <strong>the</strong> mounds<br />
for storage and drying. Tidal action is eating<br />
away and eroding <strong>the</strong> mound face on one side<br />
while <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r side is regularly swept to contain<br />
it.<br />
An almost continuous shell mound and some<br />
debris run along <strong>the</strong> rear <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> site, extending<br />
into <strong>the</strong> mangrove area. <strong>The</strong> deposit is maximum<br />
8 m wide and 1.4 m deep and contains 85 percent<br />
shell plus mixed debris. <strong>The</strong> debris tends to be<br />
tipped over on to <strong>the</strong> mangrove side and <strong>the</strong>n<br />
redeposited by tidal seepage. Tidal action here<br />
does not eat away at <strong>the</strong> midden, as mangrove<br />
tides seep ra<strong>the</strong>r than wash. Discrete dumps are<br />
identifiable until time mixes <strong>the</strong>m toge<strong>the</strong>r. Also<br />
in <strong>the</strong> midden is debris from activities taking<br />
place on or beside it, such as drying, smoking,<br />
coops and toilets and items in storage on <strong>the</strong><br />
midden.<br />
Large amounts <strong>of</strong> shells are found around<br />
and between trees. <strong>The</strong>y are composed <strong>of</strong> 100<br />
percent shell and are usually <strong>of</strong> only one species<br />
(Figure 5). <strong>The</strong>y measure up to 9m in diameter<br />
and over 2m in depth. <strong>The</strong>y are restrained from<br />
spreading into o<strong>the</strong>r areas and also serve as<br />
storage areas for wood, baskets and mats.<br />
Sapam (Figure 13)<br />
Sapam is situated on both sides <strong>of</strong> a river leading<br />
from estuarine mudflats into a tidal lagoon.<br />
<strong>The</strong> primary economic activity is shellfish<br />
ga<strong>the</strong>ring.<br />
SAP AM<br />
o<br />
20m<br />
N .. ~----<br />
CHANNEL<br />
DEPOSITION<br />
OPEN AREA<br />
THAI AREA<br />
--- DEEP MIDDEN<br />
t:=tJ SPARSE STRUCTURES<br />
tt1 MEDIUM<br />
ttl DENSE<br />
tt:i:l VERY DENSE<br />
Figure 13 Schematic map <strong>of</strong> Sapam, illustrating <strong>the</strong> spatial patterning <strong>of</strong> structures, depositions, open<br />
activity areas and paths.<br />
148 <strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
<strong>The</strong> ethnoarchaeology <strong>of</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asian coastal sites<br />
<strong>The</strong> entire site <strong>of</strong> Sapam is a shell mound<br />
with a pattern <strong>of</strong> household and activity area<br />
deposition on top. <strong>The</strong> mound cannot be swept,<br />
<strong>the</strong>refore debris is buried by yet more shell.<br />
Non-organic house debris gets washed about by<br />
<strong>the</strong> tides and augmented by fur<strong>the</strong>r droppings<br />
from <strong>the</strong> stilted houses in <strong>the</strong> intertidal.<br />
At Sapam <strong>the</strong>re are no clear spatial<br />
distinctions between deposits and no distinctions<br />
on <strong>the</strong> basis <strong>of</strong> content. <strong>The</strong> example <strong>of</strong> Sapam<br />
is <strong>of</strong> a community at <strong>the</strong> end <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> evolutionary<br />
cycle. It shows that when a site is limited in<br />
size, <strong>the</strong> shell mounds will in time grow to<br />
occupy all available space. Discrete mounds,<br />
middens, peripheral and tidal deposits all<br />
combine in a single process and primary and<br />
secondary distinctions are blurred. A site in this<br />
condition can be said to have reached a state <strong>of</strong><br />
environmental overload, its carrying capacity<br />
exceeded and population out-migration to o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
suitable sites is <strong>the</strong> next inevitable step in <strong>the</strong><br />
cycle. In fact, as we studied Sapam, <strong>the</strong><br />
population was in <strong>the</strong> process <strong>of</strong> moving to a<br />
new site across <strong>the</strong> river, referred to as Sapam<br />
South.<br />
Rawai (Figure 14)<br />
Rawai is a beach site with lagoon behind; a<br />
sand spur extends back across <strong>the</strong> lagoon to<br />
ano<strong>the</strong>r beach. <strong>The</strong> edges <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> village are scrub,<br />
with a road to <strong>the</strong> west. <strong>The</strong> primary economic<br />
activity is fishing.<br />
At Rawai <strong>the</strong> pattern <strong>of</strong> deposition along <strong>the</strong><br />
front <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> site is atypical because <strong>the</strong> land is<br />
owned by non-Chaw Lay and access is limited.<br />
However, at <strong>the</strong> rear <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> site a large but not<br />
continuous deposit runs along <strong>the</strong> edge <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
low area. <strong>The</strong> midden is approximately 10m<br />
long and 7 .5m wide and 2.5m deep. <strong>The</strong> contents<br />
are mixed: shell, wood and food debris,<br />
vegetable matter, fabric, plastic, metal fragments,<br />
paper, baskets and glass. <strong>The</strong> material is caught<br />
in <strong>the</strong> vegetation bordering <strong>the</strong> edge <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
mangrove. 90 percent <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> material is a<br />
homogenous mix <strong>of</strong> tossed material, <strong>the</strong><br />
remaining 10 percent being segregated dumps<br />
<strong>of</strong> material such as baskets <strong>of</strong> coconut husks,<br />
log piles and piles <strong>of</strong> shell.<br />
Five large mixed middens are found towards<br />
<strong>the</strong> front <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> site, on <strong>the</strong> village side <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
road, and up against non-Chaw Lay structures.<br />
<strong>The</strong> contents are <strong>the</strong> same as <strong>the</strong> rear middens.<br />
It appears that <strong>the</strong> edge <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> non-Chaw Lay<br />
areas is seen as equivalent to <strong>the</strong> periphery <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> site in terms <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> activities that take place<br />
<strong>the</strong>re. Small mixed depositions are found around<br />
some trees. <strong>The</strong>re are no shell mounds found at<br />
Rawai.<br />
Laem La (Figure15)<br />
Laem La is a beach site facing on to <strong>the</strong> mudflats<br />
to <strong>the</strong> east and <strong>the</strong> open Phuket Channel to <strong>the</strong><br />
north. <strong>The</strong> primary subsistence activity is fishing,<br />
with limited shellfish exploitation.<br />
<strong>The</strong>re is a single large midden at <strong>the</strong> rear <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> site, backing on to <strong>the</strong> wall <strong>of</strong> a non-Chaw<br />
Lay structure. <strong>The</strong> midden measures 9m x 7m<br />
and is 1.5m deep. It is composed <strong>of</strong> 30 percent<br />
shell, 20 percent debris from sweeping, 20<br />
percent coconut husks and mixed deposition.<br />
<strong>The</strong> midden is contained by <strong>the</strong> fence, paths and<br />
sweeping action.<br />
Small shell mounds are found around many<br />
trees; <strong>the</strong>re are numerous small shell deposits<br />
ra<strong>the</strong>r than a few larger ones. Because <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
lack <strong>of</strong> peripheral space available for use as<br />
activity areas, 'floating periphery' is created by<br />
<strong>the</strong> flattening <strong>of</strong> and <strong>the</strong>n sweeping over <strong>of</strong> old<br />
shell deposits, and thus creating new surfaces.<br />
Post-depositional modifications<br />
Middens and mounds are subject to a variety <strong>of</strong><br />
forces that result in modification and alterations<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> deposits and effect greatly <strong>the</strong><br />
archaeolological survival <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir contents. In a<br />
Chaw Lay context <strong>the</strong>se forces include:<br />
• Activities taking place on <strong>the</strong> midden or<br />
mound surface which create additional<br />
debris, such as smoking fires, toilets, drying<br />
racks, storage and fish processing.<br />
• Animal scavenging and burrowing resulting<br />
in <strong>the</strong> sorting and rearranging <strong>of</strong> material.<br />
• Traffic along <strong>the</strong> edges <strong>of</strong> deposits which<br />
wears down <strong>the</strong> edges and crushes material.<br />
• <strong>The</strong> re-cycling <strong>of</strong> objects with re-use<br />
potential that are stored on <strong>the</strong> midden, such<br />
as boards, poles, baskets and stones.<br />
• <strong>The</strong> addition <strong>of</strong> material by walk-by tosses.<br />
• <strong>The</strong> repeated burning <strong>of</strong> collected debris and<br />
activity area sweepings on <strong>the</strong> midden<br />
surface.<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s I & 2<br />
149
Richard A. Engelhardt and Pamela Rumball Rogers<br />
RAW AI<br />
LAGOON<br />
@OPEN SPACE<br />
D THAI AREA<br />
.:tf=_MEDIUM DENSITY<br />
, DEPOSITION<br />
tl<br />
m<br />
SPARSE STRUCTURES<br />
DENSE STRUCTURES<br />
Figure 14 Schematic map <strong>of</strong> Rawai, illustrating <strong>the</strong> spatial patterning <strong>of</strong> structures, depositions, open<br />
activity areas and paths.<br />
150 <strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
~<br />
;::<br />
l<br />
~<br />
lr<br />
~<br />
~<br />
1;;"<br />
9<br />
<<br />
g.<br />
00<br />
9'<br />
~<br />
"'<br />
Ro<br />
N<br />
MUD<br />
FLAT<br />
t<br />
N<br />
.. DEPOSITION<br />
oOCU 0<br />
w SPARSE<br />
D<br />
6 d<br />
STRUCTURES<br />
LAEM LA<br />
D<br />
-1 -.)<br />
0<br />
0<br />
SEA<br />
~<br />
<br />
<br />
;:;.<br />
g<br />
g.<br />
I:><br />
~<br />
g<br />
~<br />
~<br />
;::<br />
;:;.<br />
~<br />
;:r:..<br />
"' §"<br />
~<br />
§:<br />
"' ~-<br />
([/)OPEN SPACE<br />
0THAIAREA<br />
-<br />
-Ul<br />
Figure 15 Schematic map <strong>of</strong> Laem La, illustrating <strong>the</strong> spatial patterning <strong>of</strong> structures, depositions, open activity areas and paths.<br />
0 20<br />
L...--.....L...---lm
Richard A. Engelhardt and Pamela Rumball Rogers<br />
• Edge maintenance to control <strong>the</strong> spread <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> deposit, using boards, large stones,<br />
sweeping etc.<br />
• Tidal wash and mangrove ooze displacing<br />
and rearranging material<br />
• Cumulative natural forces <strong>of</strong> rain, wind,<br />
weight <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> contents and decomposition.<br />
What remains in Chaw Lay garbage is in<br />
fact only a partial sample <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> material<br />
consumed by <strong>the</strong> community, and <strong>the</strong> sample<br />
that enters <strong>the</strong> archaeological record will be<br />
smaller still. Recycling is <strong>the</strong> most significant<br />
factor that effects object survival rates, and is<br />
<strong>the</strong> most difficult to interpret correctly. Virtually<br />
every item which passes through <strong>the</strong> hands <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Chaw Lay is used, re-used, re-cycled for<br />
ano<strong>the</strong>r purpose and <strong>the</strong>n ano<strong>the</strong>r until it is<br />
literally used up or broken into fragments too<br />
tiny to be manipulated.<br />
Patterns <strong>of</strong> construction<br />
<strong>The</strong> third pattern-forming activity in Chaw Lay<br />
sites is construction. <strong>The</strong> basic unit <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Chaw<br />
Lay built environment is <strong>the</strong> rack, a table-like<br />
structure <strong>of</strong> bamboo slats on supports. This rack<br />
unit develops by <strong>the</strong> addition <strong>of</strong> ro<strong>of</strong>, walls,<br />
openings and partitions to adapt to a range <strong>of</strong><br />
uses. <strong>The</strong> primary functions are storage <strong>of</strong> tools,<br />
materials and people, protection from <strong>the</strong> elements<br />
and as a raised activity surface. Most activities,<br />
however, such as food preparation, mat and basket<br />
manufacture and fish processing, take place<br />
outside <strong>of</strong> structures, or as in <strong>the</strong> case <strong>of</strong> sleeping,<br />
cooking and sex, as <strong>of</strong>ten outside as inside.<br />
<strong>The</strong> main feature <strong>of</strong> all Chaw Lay structures<br />
is <strong>the</strong>ir pre-fabrication and re-usable<br />
construction. Entire structures or parts <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m,<br />
can be easily dismantled and moved within <strong>the</strong><br />
site or by boat to ano<strong>the</strong>r site. Components such<br />
as mangrove logs, split bamboo and thatch are<br />
easily bundled and transported, well suited to a<br />
mobile lifestyle.<br />
<strong>The</strong> mobile and degradable nature <strong>of</strong> all<br />
Chaw Lay construction materials means that<br />
evidence on site is limited to a pattern <strong>of</strong><br />
postholes and driplines.<br />
Postholes<br />
<strong>The</strong> number <strong>of</strong> posts at each Chaw Lay<br />
settlement were recorded and mapped. <strong>The</strong><br />
distribution <strong>of</strong> postholes shows some spatial<br />
patterning, as shown in Table 3<br />
Analysis <strong>of</strong> this data shows that <strong>the</strong> centres<br />
<strong>of</strong> sites are notably free <strong>of</strong> posts and that <strong>the</strong><br />
rear <strong>of</strong> sites are more densely built up than <strong>the</strong><br />
front <strong>of</strong> sites. <strong>The</strong> site which least fulfils <strong>the</strong>se<br />
expectations is Sapam North. <strong>The</strong> very high<br />
density <strong>of</strong> posts in <strong>the</strong> centre <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> site represents<br />
site saturation and is an indicator <strong>of</strong> imminent<br />
site collapse.<br />
All postholes found in <strong>the</strong> ethnographic<br />
context, resulting from <strong>the</strong> dismantling and<br />
removal <strong>of</strong> structures or individual posts were<br />
recorded. <strong>The</strong>re were no documented examples<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> use <strong>of</strong> footings or packings, nor <strong>of</strong> posts<br />
burnt or rotten in situ. <strong>The</strong> form <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
archaeological remains is very much effected<br />
by <strong>the</strong> way in which <strong>the</strong> post was removed from<br />
<strong>the</strong> ground. As <strong>the</strong> post is moved to and fro to<br />
loosen it, <strong>the</strong> edges <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> hole are compacted<br />
on one side and broken down on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r.<br />
Often <strong>the</strong> Chaw Lay dig around <strong>the</strong> post slightly<br />
when removing it; <strong>the</strong> sediment removed is piled<br />
up at <strong>the</strong> edge <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> hole forming a patch <strong>of</strong><br />
reverse stratigraphy. Both actions lead to a hole<br />
Table 3 <strong>The</strong> density <strong>of</strong> postholes in different sections <strong>of</strong> a Chaw Lay<br />
settlement is shown as an indicator <strong>of</strong> site saturation<br />
TUKAY RAW AI LAEMLA SAPAMN. SAPAMS.<br />
No. <strong>of</strong> posts 4609 2580 1144 851 380<br />
Posts per 10m sq. 0.7 0.7 0.5 111.1 6.0<br />
Rear density 125 69 18 10 7<br />
Middle density 205 75 44 86 65<br />
Front density 98 27 56 64 18<br />
Central10 m sq. 0.0 1 0.0 66 22<br />
152 <strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
<strong>The</strong> ethnoarchaeology <strong>of</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asian coastal sites<br />
Figure 16 View <strong>of</strong> a posthole after removal with sand and debris fill.<br />
Figure 17 Closeup <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> debris fragments collected in a dripline.<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s l & 2 153
Richard A. Engelhardt and Pamela Rumball Rogers<br />
much bigger at <strong>the</strong> upper levels than <strong>the</strong> post<br />
itself. <strong>The</strong> real dimensions appear only at <strong>the</strong><br />
lowest levels.<br />
After removal <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> post <strong>the</strong> area <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
dismantled structure is thoroughly swept. This<br />
neutralizes <strong>the</strong> site, leaving little evidence <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> structure's form or use. All that remains <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> postholes is a generalized fill <strong>of</strong> sand,<br />
pebbles, shell fragments, organic material and<br />
possibly charcoal (Figure 16).<br />
Drip lines<br />
When tropical rains repeatedly run <strong>of</strong>f <strong>the</strong> ro<strong>of</strong>s<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> irregularly thatched Chaw Lay structures,<br />
<strong>the</strong>y etch lines in <strong>the</strong> sandy matrix below. <strong>The</strong>se<br />
depressions fill with tiny bits <strong>of</strong> debris left behind<br />
when <strong>the</strong> area is swept. <strong>The</strong> lines show <strong>the</strong> limit<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> structure and its under-house activity area<br />
and also show <strong>the</strong> orientation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> structure.<br />
When carefully excavated driplines appear as<br />
a series <strong>of</strong> irregular shaped spots and s<strong>of</strong>ter areas<br />
in a light, thin and brittle surface crust (Figure<br />
17). Analysis <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se micro-deposits can help to<br />
identify <strong>the</strong> surface debris at <strong>the</strong> times <strong>the</strong> rain<br />
occurred, even though <strong>the</strong> parent debris has long<br />
been swept <strong>of</strong>f <strong>the</strong> adjacent surfaces.<br />
<strong>The</strong> predictive model<br />
<strong>The</strong> observations made above are some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
many made during <strong>the</strong> study. Translated into<br />
behavioural predictions, <strong>the</strong>y form <strong>the</strong> basis <strong>of</strong><br />
a model <strong>of</strong> Chaw Lay site formation and use.<br />
This can be abstracted into a conceptual or<br />
archetypal site, suggesting what will be found<br />
in <strong>the</strong> archaeological record, in what frequencies<br />
and in what spatial patterning. <strong>The</strong> interplay <strong>of</strong><br />
activity areas, secondary depositions and post<br />
holes, driplines and circumstantial artefactual<br />
evidence should allow us to identify and<br />
reconstruct a Chaw Lay archaeological site.<br />
<strong>The</strong> test programme<br />
To test this hypo<strong>the</strong>sis we designed a programme<br />
<strong>of</strong> investigations at five abandoned,<br />
archaeological Chaw Lay sites (Figure 2):<br />
• Phap Pha, on <strong>the</strong> Phuket mainland<br />
• La Eo, on <strong>the</strong> island <strong>of</strong> Ko He<br />
• Haad Yao, on <strong>the</strong> island <strong>of</strong> Ko Bon<br />
• Haad Hin Khaw, on <strong>the</strong> island <strong>of</strong> Ko Lon<br />
• Ao W ai Daeng, on <strong>the</strong> island <strong>of</strong> Ko Lon<br />
Space allows <strong>the</strong> presentation <strong>of</strong> only two <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong>se sites: one <strong>of</strong> which we interpret as having<br />
been a major base habitation; <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r a casually<br />
visited fishing camp.<br />
Phap Pha (Figure 18)<br />
Phap Pha is a shady raised beach between two<br />
headlands; it is separated from <strong>the</strong> mainland <strong>of</strong><br />
Phuket by a mangrove swamp and bordered on<br />
both sides by <strong>the</strong> sea. <strong>The</strong> site was occupied for<br />
more than ninety years, and was abandoned in<br />
<strong>the</strong> early 1960s, twenty years before our study.<br />
We know from our informants that <strong>the</strong> primary<br />
factor leading to its abandonment was<br />
overcrowding leading to over exploitation <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> shellfish resources and environmental<br />
degradation to <strong>the</strong> point where <strong>the</strong> site could no<br />
longer supply <strong>the</strong> baseline emergency needs <strong>of</strong><br />
its inhabitants.<br />
Our study methodology at Phap Pha<br />
included:<br />
• One hundred percent surface mapping<br />
• Detailed mapping <strong>of</strong> three transects through<br />
<strong>the</strong> site<br />
• Excavation <strong>of</strong> specific areas within <strong>the</strong><br />
transects<br />
• Study <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> intertidal area<br />
• Catchment area mapping and identification<br />
<strong>of</strong> biota<br />
<strong>The</strong> site at Phap Pha has large quantities <strong>of</strong><br />
shell, which lie in a complex arrangement <strong>of</strong><br />
overlapping mounds, lengthwise across <strong>the</strong> site.<br />
<strong>The</strong> mounds at Phap Pha are more than 90<br />
percent shell, frequently deposited in discrete<br />
lenses by species. Although post-depositional<br />
forces have scattered and spread <strong>the</strong> deposit, it<br />
is <strong>of</strong> note that <strong>the</strong> species segregation was still<br />
clearly discemable when <strong>the</strong> layer <strong>of</strong> surface<br />
disturbance was removed.<br />
Secondary middens were found in<br />
concentrations along <strong>the</strong> back <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> site where<br />
<strong>the</strong> contour <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> raised beach dips at <strong>the</strong> base <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> hill slope. Many <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se deposits were charred<br />
by debris-burning fires. <strong>The</strong> artefactual material<br />
surviving in secondary depositions included<br />
chunks <strong>of</strong> coral, metal fragments, rope and net<br />
pieces, plastic, glass and pottery fragments.<br />
<strong>The</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r form <strong>of</strong> midden at this site is built<br />
up at <strong>the</strong> base <strong>of</strong> trees. <strong>The</strong>se are characterized<br />
by minimal shell content and frequent artefacts<br />
154<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
<strong>The</strong> ethnoarchaeology <strong>of</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asian coastal sites<br />
0<br />
.... ....<br />
w<br />
::E:<br />
U)<br />
c(<br />
•<br />
%<br />
a.<br />
a.<br />
c(<br />
%<br />
a.<br />
z<br />
i •<br />
•<br />
LL<br />
~.,.<br />
*<br />
~<br />
c(<br />
w<br />
w IX<br />
c(<br />
u<br />
c(<br />
z<br />
w IX Q.<br />
:::» 0<br />
U)<br />
z<br />
0<br />
t-<br />
c(<br />
IX<br />
t-<br />
'Z<br />
w<br />
u<br />
z<br />
0<br />
u<br />
....<br />
w<br />
::E:<br />
U)<br />
0 (Q)'<br />
.,j<br />
f<br />
§'<br />
..s::<br />
j:l.,<br />
....<br />
0<br />
-~<br />
Richard A. Engelhardt and Pamela Rumball Rogers<br />
in storage, in particular whetstones and cracking<br />
platforms.<br />
<strong>The</strong> archaeological map <strong>of</strong> Phap Pha shows<br />
<strong>the</strong> large number <strong>of</strong> activity areas. Sixty-two flat,<br />
compressed surfaces occupy <strong>the</strong> site area, pressed<br />
into sand, sediment and shell mound. <strong>The</strong> majority<br />
were <strong>the</strong> slightly raised and compacted areas <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> type associated ethnographically with underhouse<br />
activity areas. Several s<strong>of</strong>t, under-kitchen<br />
deposits were identified in associated with <strong>the</strong>m,<br />
forming house complexes.<br />
Open activity areas occur at several places<br />
along <strong>the</strong> front <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> site and under large<br />
tamarind trees at <strong>the</strong> rear <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> site. <strong>The</strong> surfaces<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se areas are hard, dark with charcoal bits<br />
and shell fragments pressed into <strong>the</strong>m. A number<br />
<strong>of</strong> activity areas were recorded with associated<br />
fires, shell fragments and stones in temporary<br />
storage.<br />
Peripheral activity areas were also<br />
identified at <strong>the</strong> far west end <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> site; a<br />
butchering area in <strong>the</strong> brush at <strong>the</strong> edge <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
site, and an ancestral spirit-house area on <strong>the</strong><br />
hill nearby.<br />
Haad Hin Khaw, Ko Lon (Figure 19)<br />
Ko Lon is a large island <strong>of</strong>f <strong>the</strong> southwest <strong>of</strong><br />
Phuket Island, but reachable from <strong>the</strong> Phuket<br />
Island sites by rowing or sailing within a few<br />
hours. <strong>The</strong> site <strong>of</strong> Haad Hin Khaw itself is a<br />
small raised beach, 70m long, on <strong>the</strong> sou<strong>the</strong>ast<br />
comer <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> island, near <strong>the</strong> path <strong>of</strong> passing<br />
schools <strong>of</strong> fish (Figure 19). Foothills rise at<br />
ei<strong>the</strong>r end, while behind <strong>the</strong> raised beach a<br />
mangrove lagoon area extends some distance<br />
back. From our ethnographic informants we<br />
know that Haad Hin Khaw has a long history <strong>of</strong><br />
intermittent use as a seasonal fishing camp.<br />
HAAD HIN KHAW<br />
*<br />
TREE<br />
:=?~:;: •..... SURFACE ~<br />
0 DEPOSITION<br />
•<br />
• STONE<br />
I<br />
' /<br />
~<br />
// /.<br />
~,<br />
/<br />
/.<br />
/<br />
~<br />
• /<br />
Figure 19 Schematic map <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> archaeological site <strong>of</strong> Haad Hin Khaw, Ko Lon.<br />
156 <strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
<strong>The</strong> ethnoarchaeology <strong>of</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asian coastal sites<br />
Because <strong>of</strong> its small size, we were able to<br />
map and investigate archaeologically 100<br />
percent <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> site. We found it comprised a<br />
single hard pressed area near <strong>the</strong> centre <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
raised beach, which by analogy confirmed by<br />
our informants, was <strong>the</strong> central communal area<br />
<strong>of</strong> a small campsite. Beside it, a gully or dry<br />
stream bed ran from <strong>the</strong> low lagoon behind to<br />
<strong>the</strong> sea. On <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r side <strong>of</strong> this gully, behind<br />
<strong>the</strong> pressed surface area were remains <strong>of</strong> a<br />
secondary midden deposit. At <strong>the</strong> far eastern<br />
end <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> site, <strong>the</strong>re is a small headland some<br />
metres above sea level. On it was a flat and<br />
compacted activity area surface at <strong>the</strong> foot <strong>of</strong> a<br />
tree. Associated with it were five fire-charred<br />
stones, shell fragments and a midden deposit to<br />
<strong>the</strong> rear. This association <strong>of</strong> debris in such a<br />
location indicated a multi-purpose activity area<br />
associated with fish processing.<br />
Findings and implications<br />
Although <strong>the</strong>se data from <strong>the</strong> test programme<br />
have been presented in abbreviated form, it is<br />
possible to make some specific points<br />
concerning <strong>the</strong> findings and <strong>the</strong> implications<br />
for archaeology <strong>of</strong> similar sites.<br />
Alteration to soil and sediments<br />
A pattern <strong>of</strong> environmental impact reflected by<br />
transformations <strong>of</strong> soil and depositional<br />
sediments covers <strong>the</strong> entire surface <strong>of</strong> a Chaw<br />
Lay site. In situations where artefact recovery<br />
can be expected to be low, circumstantial and<br />
consisting largely <strong>of</strong> utilized stones, <strong>the</strong> soil<br />
transformations form <strong>the</strong> primary archaeological<br />
record. For this reason, considerably more<br />
concentration on discovery and classification <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong>se soil variations is required, in particular in<br />
relation to sand and intertidal mud matrices.<br />
<strong>The</strong> colour readings collected over all <strong>the</strong><br />
sites lead us to believe that <strong>the</strong> range is in fact<br />
very narrow. <strong>The</strong> variations from this narrow<br />
field are <strong>the</strong> red sediments and those that are<br />
extremely dark and mottled sediments. Fur<strong>the</strong>r<br />
analysis <strong>of</strong> colour variations may show ways in<br />
which <strong>the</strong>y may prove more informative, in<br />
particular in conjunction with o<strong>the</strong>r sediment<br />
variables (Schiffer 1987: 288).<br />
It was found in <strong>the</strong> course <strong>of</strong> excavation that<br />
vertical stratigraphy supplied an incomplete<br />
record <strong>of</strong> depositional vanat10ns visible in<br />
horizontal plan. In a sandy matrix stratigraphy<br />
proves a less specific tool for <strong>the</strong> interpretation<br />
<strong>of</strong> a site than in o<strong>the</strong>r environments. For this<br />
reason, more emphasis should be placed on<br />
recording in plan to complement stratigraphic<br />
data.<br />
In general, evidence for <strong>the</strong> presence <strong>of</strong> fire<br />
is very shallow, no more than 6-9cm deep, and<br />
consists <strong>of</strong> colour variation, sometimes in<br />
conjunction with a sticky consistency, in <strong>the</strong><br />
case <strong>of</strong> fish-smoking fires, or stones in <strong>the</strong> case<br />
<strong>of</strong> cooking fires. Ash and charcoal are not<br />
features <strong>of</strong> fires in <strong>the</strong> archaeological record;<br />
instead <strong>the</strong> charcoal and ash are found in<br />
secondary refuse deposits. As a result, recording<br />
<strong>of</strong> fires depends on <strong>the</strong> recognition <strong>of</strong> thin lenses<br />
<strong>of</strong> colour variation as opposed to substantial<br />
deposits <strong>of</strong> charred material.<br />
<strong>The</strong> post-depositional activities <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Chaw<br />
Lay, such as trampling, sweeping, debris burning<br />
and <strong>the</strong> action <strong>of</strong> animals and children, are<br />
instrumental in <strong>the</strong> formation <strong>of</strong> soil variation<br />
recoverable archaeologically. <strong>The</strong>refore, it is<br />
important that more attention focus on <strong>the</strong> range<br />
and nature <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se activities and <strong>the</strong>ir exact<br />
impact on <strong>the</strong> archaeological environment.<br />
Identification <strong>of</strong> activity areas<br />
<strong>The</strong> model was found effective in predicting <strong>the</strong><br />
spatial distribution and identity <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> range <strong>of</strong><br />
activity areas. Test excavation supported <strong>the</strong><br />
model's contention that it is rarely possible to<br />
identify specific activities within communal<br />
activity areas. It illustrated that unless <strong>the</strong>re is<br />
direct evidence to <strong>the</strong> contrary, debris found<br />
should be assumed to be in secondary deposition<br />
and <strong>the</strong>refore not to reflect a direct spatial<br />
relationship with <strong>the</strong> activity <strong>of</strong> which it is a byproduct.<br />
We suggest <strong>the</strong>refore that attention<br />
should be paid initially to <strong>the</strong> identification <strong>of</strong><br />
communal activity areas.<br />
In a situation where artefactual and o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
types <strong>of</strong> evidence are primarily found in<br />
secondary depositions, it is clear that all aspects<br />
<strong>of</strong> discard require detailed study to avoid errors<br />
<strong>of</strong> mistaken interpretation and false association.<br />
Subsistence and <strong>the</strong> environment<br />
Regarding evidence <strong>of</strong> Chaw Lay economic<br />
emphasis, <strong>the</strong> question to ask is, how clearly<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s I & 2<br />
157
Richard A. Engelhardt and Pamela Rumball Rogers<br />
does <strong>the</strong> recorded data <strong>of</strong> an occupation site<br />
reflect <strong>the</strong> Chaw Lay's over-riding dependence<br />
on <strong>the</strong> two <strong>of</strong>f-site activities <strong>of</strong> fishing and<br />
shellfish ga<strong>the</strong>ring? Shellfish collection and<br />
processing leave behind in <strong>the</strong> archaeological<br />
record large quantities <strong>of</strong> shell remains and<br />
occasionally discarded tools. Evidence <strong>of</strong> fishing<br />
and fish processing, however, is more difficult<br />
to recover. <strong>The</strong> tools <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> trade are more <strong>of</strong>ten<br />
lost at sea and <strong>the</strong> recovery <strong>of</strong> organic remains<br />
depends entirely on local soil chemistry. Even<br />
if fish remains survive, excavation requires<br />
concentration on methods capable <strong>of</strong> retrieving<br />
this sort <strong>of</strong> microscale evidence. Sites suspected<br />
<strong>of</strong> reflecting a maritime economic base<br />
particularly require systematic use <strong>of</strong> sieving<br />
and flotation.<br />
Material culture<br />
In a mobile adaptation, <strong>the</strong> tool-kit is<br />
streamlined, multi-purpose and designed to be<br />
carried away. Combined with <strong>the</strong> Chaw Lay<br />
emphasis on curation, sharing and recycling, it<br />
means that few objects from <strong>the</strong>ir way <strong>of</strong> life<br />
enter <strong>the</strong> archaeological record. A possible<br />
exception to this caveat is <strong>the</strong> large range <strong>of</strong><br />
stone artefacts found on Chaw Lay sites. Because<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir weight and size <strong>the</strong>y are <strong>of</strong>ten left behind<br />
in temporary storage for return use. <strong>The</strong>ir<br />
frequency, durability and wide, <strong>of</strong>ten multipurpose<br />
usage makes <strong>the</strong>m deserving <strong>of</strong> special<br />
study. As has been pointed out previously, Chaw<br />
Lay stone artefacts are utilized stones with little<br />
or no working, but with compound use wear.<br />
<strong>Part</strong>icular attention should be paid to <strong>the</strong><br />
relationship between stones and posts. It was<br />
found that in <strong>the</strong> Chaw Lay context stones are<br />
strongly correlated with house posts. If it could<br />
be statistically verified, this could provide a<br />
useful tool for <strong>the</strong> detection <strong>of</strong> postholes in <strong>the</strong><br />
archaeological context.<br />
A certain number <strong>of</strong> re-usable objects are<br />
left as 'site furniture' (Binford 1979: 264) for<br />
use when <strong>the</strong> group and/or o<strong>the</strong>r groups return<br />
to <strong>the</strong> site. <strong>The</strong>re is no evidence for buried<br />
caches; instead material is stored temporarily<br />
on secondary refuse deposits or under or around<br />
houses.<br />
Virtually all artefactual evidence at Phap<br />
Pha and Ko He was found in <strong>the</strong> form <strong>of</strong><br />
deposition. Artefacts rarely if ever reflected<br />
directly <strong>the</strong>ir systemic context. In addition, <strong>the</strong><br />
range <strong>of</strong> artefact types was a very small fraction<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> types known to be functioning<br />
in a Chaw Lay community. Comparison <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
items involved in activities with those found in<br />
<strong>the</strong> archaeological context shows this clearly.<br />
This point served to remind us <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> futility <strong>of</strong><br />
an artefact-centred approach to site analysis.<br />
Final comments<br />
In <strong>the</strong> course <strong>of</strong> this paper we have attempted<br />
to track <strong>the</strong> ethnographic evidence <strong>of</strong><br />
subsistence activities <strong>of</strong> maritime-based<br />
communities as far back as possible in <strong>the</strong><br />
archaeological record. In addition to <strong>the</strong> detailed<br />
ethnographic study <strong>of</strong> material culture, <strong>the</strong><br />
methodology included surface investigation,<br />
analysis <strong>of</strong> a range <strong>of</strong> post-depositional forces<br />
and excavation. On <strong>the</strong> basis <strong>of</strong> this research, a<br />
model <strong>of</strong> maritime-adapted site formation under<br />
tropical Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asian conditions has been<br />
formulated. Survey and test excavation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
test sites have shown that <strong>the</strong> model is a<br />
serviceable tool, albeit needing refinement in<br />
some points. It is hoped that this model will<br />
help to predict some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> cultural and<br />
environmental transforms affecting Sou<strong>the</strong>ast<br />
Asian coastal sites and to aid with <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
'readability' in <strong>the</strong> archaeological record.<br />
Note<br />
This paper was presented at <strong>the</strong> !CANAS<br />
Conference, in Hong Kong, August 1993, and<br />
has been revised. Since first writing <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> paper,<br />
<strong>the</strong> authors have presented a number <strong>of</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
papers (Engelhardt & Rogers 1995, 1997 and<br />
1998) which are listed in <strong>the</strong> References.<br />
References<br />
Binford, L. R. 1979. Organization and formation<br />
processes: looking at curated technologies.<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> Anthropological Research 35: 255-<br />
73.<br />
Brooks, A. and Yellen J. 1987. <strong>The</strong> preservation <strong>of</strong><br />
activity areas in <strong>the</strong> archaeological record, In<br />
Method and <strong>The</strong>ory for Activity Area Research<br />
(ed S. Kent ) New York: Columbia University<br />
Press, pp.63-106.<br />
158<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s I & 2
<strong>The</strong> ethnoarchaeology <strong>of</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asian coastal sites<br />
Engelhardt, R. A. 1989. Forest-Ga<strong>the</strong>rers and Strand<br />
Loopers, In Culture and Environment in Thailand.<br />
Bangkok: <strong>The</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, pp. 125-41.<br />
Engelhart, R. A. and Rogers, P.R. 1997. Maritime<br />
adaptive strategies in Post-Pleistocene Sou<strong>the</strong>ast<br />
Asia: An ethnoarchaeological model for <strong>the</strong> nature<br />
and distribution <strong>of</strong> archaeological sites. Bulletin<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Indo-Pacific Prehistory Association 16,<br />
(Chiang Mai Papers, <strong>Vol</strong>ume 3): 177-92.<br />
Engelhardt, R. A. and Rogers, P.R. 1995. 'Treats' or<br />
'Traits' ? Units <strong>of</strong> archaeological study: <strong>the</strong><br />
example <strong>of</strong> maritime-adapted cultures in<br />
Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asia, In Archaeology in Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asia<br />
( eds C. T. Yeung and W. L. B. Li). Hong Kong:<br />
University Museum and Art Gallery, University<br />
<strong>of</strong> Hong Kong, pp. 305-15.<br />
Engelhardt, R. A. and Rogers, P.R. 1998. <strong>The</strong> Phuket<br />
Project revisited: <strong>the</strong> ethnoarchaeology through<br />
time <strong>of</strong> maritime-adapted communities in<br />
Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asia. <strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong> 85 (1<br />
& 2): 17-33.<br />
Hogan, D. W. 1972. Men <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> sea: coastal tribes <strong>of</strong><br />
South Thailand's west coast. <strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong><br />
<strong>Society</strong> 60 (1): 205-35.<br />
Schiffer, M. B. 1987. Formation Processes <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Archaeological Record. Albuquerque: University<br />
<strong>of</strong> New Mexico Press.<br />
Sopher, D. E. 1977. <strong>The</strong> Sea Nomads. Singapore:<br />
National Museum.<br />
Yesner, D. R. 1980. Maritime Hunter-Ga<strong>the</strong>rers:<br />
ecology and prehistory. Current Anthropology<br />
21(6): 727-35.<br />
KEYWORDS-ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY,<br />
MARITIME-ADAPTATION, MARITIME<br />
HUNTER-GATHERERS, MIDDENS,<br />
THAILAND, SEA NOMADS, FISHING,<br />
MOLLUSCS, CHAW LAY<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s I & 2<br />
159
RECENT MANI SETTLEMENTS IN SATUN PROVINCE,<br />
SOUTHERN THAILAND<br />
Gerd Albrecht*<br />
and<br />
Johannes Moser**<br />
Abstract<br />
<strong>The</strong> Mani people are hunter-ga<strong>the</strong>rers living in <strong>the</strong> western part <strong>of</strong> peninsular<br />
Thailand, north <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Malaysian border. During field campaigns in 1995 and<br />
1996 <strong>the</strong> occupation <strong>of</strong> ten rock shelters and nine forest camps were recorded.<br />
All <strong>the</strong>se belong to <strong>the</strong> present-day system <strong>of</strong> up to one hundred different<br />
living sites, inhabited by Mani groups during one year in <strong>the</strong> forested region<br />
<strong>of</strong> Trang, Satun and Phatthalung Provinces. Most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> camps studied could<br />
be assigned to a specific Mani group, and it was even possible to tell individual<br />
housing habits apart. Beside documentation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> camps, <strong>the</strong> authors were<br />
able to construct kinship structures for 179 persons, belonging to six generations<br />
for <strong>the</strong> Mani. In addition, four prehistoric sites, related to <strong>the</strong> Hoabinhian and/<br />
or <strong>the</strong> Neolithic, were discovered.<br />
Research on <strong>the</strong> Manil<br />
<strong>The</strong> Mani are <strong>the</strong> nor<strong>the</strong>rnmost group <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Semang, or Orang Asli, <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> forest areas <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Thai-Malaysian Peninsula. <strong>The</strong> dense, and<br />
previously well preserved, forests <strong>of</strong> Trang,<br />
Satun and Phatthalung provinces were, and<br />
indeed still are, <strong>the</strong> home for hunter-ga<strong>the</strong>rer<br />
groups <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Mani (mani, meaning 'we people',<br />
is <strong>the</strong> term <strong>the</strong>y use to name <strong>the</strong>mselves, as<br />
opposed to hami, meaning '<strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>rs' used for<br />
Thai and o<strong>the</strong>r communities). Until <strong>the</strong> start <strong>of</strong><br />
intensive logging which began only twelve years<br />
ago Mani life was relatively unaffected by<br />
outside communities.<br />
<strong>The</strong> first written record <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Mani is found<br />
in <strong>the</strong> writings <strong>of</strong> King Rama V, who visited<br />
<strong>the</strong>m in 1907. In <strong>the</strong> 1920s, <strong>the</strong> renowned<br />
Austrian ethnologist, Paul Schebesta, whose<br />
main scientific work was on <strong>the</strong> Semang <strong>of</strong><br />
Malaya (Schebesta 1952,1954 & 1957), met a<br />
small band <strong>of</strong> Mani in Phatthalung Province<br />
(Schebesta 1925). <strong>The</strong> Mani <strong>of</strong> Satun Province<br />
were also visited by <strong>the</strong> ethnologist Hugo<br />
Bernatzik (1962). Significant information on<br />
Mani life has recently published by Suwat<br />
Thonghom (1995) with <strong>the</strong> help <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Trang<br />
provincial authorities. <strong>The</strong>se publications are<br />
<strong>the</strong> main source <strong>of</strong> data on <strong>the</strong> Mani groups <strong>of</strong><br />
sou<strong>the</strong>rn Thailand.<br />
Today, <strong>the</strong> Mani number just over 140<br />
individuals, nearly <strong>the</strong> same number as 60 years<br />
ago, as recorded by Bernatzik. <strong>The</strong>y live in a<br />
virtually inaccessible area <strong>of</strong> large limestone<br />
karst outcrops, comprising steep cliffs, narrow<br />
valleys, and small basins. <strong>The</strong>se unapproachable<br />
land formations are one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> reasons that <strong>the</strong><br />
Mani have been able to sustain <strong>the</strong>ir traditional<br />
forest lifestyle, despite <strong>the</strong> presence <strong>of</strong> large<br />
farming communities in <strong>the</strong> vicinity.<br />
Numerous caves and rock shelters in <strong>the</strong><br />
karst towers serve as habitation sites for <strong>the</strong><br />
Mani groups. As sedimentary traps, <strong>the</strong> caves<br />
• Faculty <strong>of</strong> Archaeology, Royal University <strong>of</strong> Fine<br />
Arts, Phnom Penh, Cambodia<br />
•• Institut flir Ur- und Frtihgeschichte, Universitiit<br />
Tiibingen, Germany.<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2<br />
161
Gerd Albrecht and Johannes Moser<br />
have accumulated substantial soil deposits,<br />
containing <strong>the</strong> remains <strong>of</strong> sub-recent<br />
settlements and prehistoric occupation. <strong>The</strong><br />
first excavations at Sakai Cave, Trang<br />
Province in 1991 (Figure 1, site 21) exposed<br />
hunter-ga<strong>the</strong>rer occupation as far back as<br />
10,000 BP, as well as neolithic burials<br />
(Pookajorn 1991; Albrecht et al. 1994).<br />
<strong>The</strong> Mani today<br />
Mani society is undergoing radical change from<br />
ever-increasing contact with <strong>the</strong> Thai population<br />
over <strong>the</strong> last ten years. Since <strong>the</strong> disappearance<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> guerrilla groups <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 1970s-80s, <strong>the</strong><br />
traditional settlement area <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Mani has been<br />
heavily disturbed by <strong>the</strong> intensification <strong>of</strong><br />
logging and rubber plantations making greater<br />
contact with outside groups inevitable.<br />
Development in <strong>the</strong> upper Langu River region<br />
ran relatively smoothly up to <strong>the</strong> early 1990s. In<br />
1993, <strong>the</strong> Bueng group <strong>of</strong> Mani were relatively<br />
undisturbed, living a typical forest lifestyle.<br />
Traditional camps and indigenous tools were<br />
still in use; contacts with farmers were restricted<br />
to work as labourers on <strong>the</strong> winter rice harvest.<br />
Although proclaimed as a Thai National<br />
Park, <strong>the</strong>re appears to be no halting <strong>the</strong><br />
progressive destruction <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> rain forest in this<br />
region because <strong>of</strong> powerful economical<br />
interests. Nutrition has recently become a major<br />
problem; with <strong>the</strong> forest and its wildlife which<br />
had sustained <strong>the</strong>m disappearing, <strong>the</strong> Mani are<br />
forced to spend more time working in <strong>the</strong> fields,<br />
or living from public welfare such as at Nam<br />
Tok Mae Taeng near <strong>the</strong> Phatthalung dam.<br />
Although <strong>the</strong>re is still wild honey to be found,<br />
<strong>the</strong> Mani, excepting <strong>the</strong> L6 group in <strong>the</strong><br />
sou<strong>the</strong>ast <strong>of</strong> Satun Province, are obliged to sell<br />
it cheaply to farmers ra<strong>the</strong>r than using it as a<br />
nutritional supplement.<br />
From February 1995, and even more in 1996,<br />
significant changes were observed. <strong>The</strong> former<br />
large band had split into several smaller units,<br />
whose leadership had been taken over by men,<br />
<strong>the</strong> presence <strong>of</strong> a male leader being more<br />
acceptable to Thai society. In a few years, <strong>the</strong>re<br />
will be no space left for <strong>the</strong>se forest dwellers.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Mani are being forced to change <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
traditional way <strong>of</strong> life, and are beginning to<br />
work as labourers on <strong>the</strong> local farms and<br />
plantations. Those who have money are<br />
beginning to learn about consumer society and<br />
becoming dependant upon wages and <strong>the</strong> goods<br />
<strong>the</strong>y provide.<br />
For ethnographic research, <strong>the</strong>re is but<br />
limited time to record data on Mani society<br />
before it loses all recognizable connection with<br />
its ancient lifestyle. It is recognition <strong>of</strong> this time<br />
constraint, that <strong>the</strong> Tiibingen/Bangkok joint<br />
venture was initiated immediately following <strong>the</strong><br />
establishment <strong>of</strong> co-operation between <strong>the</strong><br />
universities <strong>of</strong>Tiibingen and Silpakorn. In 1993<br />
initial research was conducted in Trang province<br />
and <strong>the</strong>n in Satun province. This field work<br />
determined that <strong>the</strong> most promising area, that<br />
least disturbed, was located at <strong>the</strong> convergence<br />
<strong>of</strong> three provinces: Trang, Satun and<br />
Phatthalung. Research indicated that fur<strong>the</strong>r<br />
investigations would be most pr<strong>of</strong>itably<br />
concentrated in this area.<br />
<strong>The</strong> fieldwork2<br />
Following earlier ethno-archaeological<br />
fieldwork in <strong>the</strong> mountain area <strong>of</strong> Trang province<br />
(Pookajorn 1991; Albrecht et al. 1994) and in<br />
<strong>the</strong> upper Langu River Area in Satun Province<br />
(Albrecht 1994), field campaigns were carried<br />
out in <strong>the</strong> forest <strong>of</strong> nor<strong>the</strong>astern Satun province,<br />
from 23rd February to 22nd March 1995, and<br />
from <strong>the</strong> 27th January to 8th February 1996.<br />
<strong>The</strong>se latest investigations centred on <strong>the</strong><br />
occupied and recently abandoned camps <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Mani (Sakai) in this region.<br />
Seven occupied rock shelters and six forest<br />
camps were carefully recorded and mapped.<br />
Several o<strong>the</strong>r living ~as in rock shelters and in<br />
<strong>the</strong> forest were also noted and sketched. All<br />
<strong>the</strong>se occupations are part <strong>of</strong> a system <strong>of</strong> up to<br />
one hundred different living sites currently<br />
inhabited by Mani groups during a single year<br />
spread through <strong>the</strong> forested region <strong>of</strong> Trang,<br />
Satun and Phatthalung provinces (Figure 1).<br />
Most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> camps studied could be assigned to<br />
a specific Mani group.<br />
Since detailed topographical maps were not<br />
available orientation and mapping in this rugged<br />
wilderness was made possible by <strong>the</strong> use <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
global positioning system3• <strong>The</strong> co-ordinates<br />
noted after <strong>the</strong> site names are given regardless<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir divergence from existing maps.<br />
162<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
~<br />
1::<br />
3<br />
~<br />
~<br />
s.<br />
C'.! "'<br />
s·<br />
:3<br />
~<br />
~<br />
1;;•<br />
9<br />
<<br />
?!-<br />
00<br />
9'<br />
'"C<br />
~<br />
"' .....<br />
!
Gerd Albrecht and Johannes Moser<br />
LEGEND<br />
®<br />
BAMBOO TWEEZERS ® DART CONTAINER AND/OR BLOWPIPE<br />
® ENAMEL BOWL @ BAMBOO WATER CONTAINER<br />
© TIED UP BUNDLE ® OTHER REMAINS<br />
@ REMAINS OF BLOWPIPE AND/OR DART FABRICATION<br />
® CLOTH RAG<br />
•<br />
® ANIMAL BONE REMAINS FIRE PLACE FOR COOKING I WARMING<br />
@ WOVEN BASKET 5 UNIT No.<br />
® HUMAN HAIR<br />
COOKING STANDS FOR BAMBOO TUBES<br />
® KNIFE OR PART OF IT BAMBOO SLEEPING PLATFORM<br />
~<br />
(Q METAWC SPOON c~~:)<br />
PROJECTION OF PALM LEAVES SHELTER<br />
® BAMBOO MUG @ft<br />
LAYERS OF DRY LEAVES<br />
® HONEYCOMB ... ," ....... ! ROCK OVERHANGING<br />
@ COCONUT BOWL<br />
Ill<br />
® AWL<br />
*<br />
SHELTER OF PALM LEAVES<br />
ROCKPAINTINGS/WOODENGRA~NGS<br />
®<br />
SHELLS AND/OR SNAILS 1110 ENTRANCE OF SHELTER, MAX. HEIGHT<br />
® BAMBOO COOKING TUBE ~ TREE<br />
® BAMBOO CONTAINER t!lf1J'fo- UMESTONE ROCK I STALACTITE<br />
Figure 2 Key for following plans <strong>of</strong> rock shelter and forest camp sites<br />
In <strong>the</strong> following text, only camps <strong>of</strong> known<br />
Mani groups are described. When possible, <strong>the</strong><br />
names <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> inhabitants <strong>of</strong> each camp are given,<br />
toge<strong>the</strong>r with <strong>the</strong> number allotted to <strong>the</strong>m in <strong>the</strong><br />
Mani genealogy in Tables 1 and 2.<br />
<strong>The</strong> sites<br />
La Yuan Pueng-07° 04' 50" N; 99° 56' 11''<br />
E, (Figure 1, Site 1)<br />
This rock shelter was first examined in 1994,<br />
has been published (Albrecht 1994) and is listed<br />
here to complete <strong>the</strong> information. <strong>The</strong> most<br />
recent occupation <strong>of</strong> this site was from late<br />
1993 to <strong>the</strong> beginning <strong>of</strong> February 1994, with<br />
25 people <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Bueng group living here. <strong>The</strong><br />
most impressive features are <strong>the</strong> rock paintings<br />
along <strong>the</strong> walls <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> rock shelter. In <strong>the</strong> same<br />
period <strong>the</strong> Bueng group also utilised <strong>the</strong> nearby<br />
cave, Tam Nong Nien, one km away, in <strong>the</strong><br />
same limestone outcrop.<br />
Tam Nong Nien Rock shelter-07° 05' 05"<br />
N; 99° 55' 50" E, (Figure 1, Site 9 and Figure<br />
3)<br />
This site was recorded on 6th March 1995.<br />
Information about <strong>the</strong> former inhabitants was<br />
given by Kleo Boonrung, a local farmer, who<br />
employed this Mani group during <strong>the</strong> rice harvest.<br />
<strong>The</strong> site was occupied from late 1993 to early<br />
1994. Nine groups <strong>of</strong> sleeping platforms were<br />
identified at <strong>the</strong> entrance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> cave. <strong>The</strong>se<br />
groups only approximate to family units.<br />
Unit 3 could be recognized as <strong>the</strong> place <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
old woman Bueng (3l. Until1994, she was <strong>the</strong><br />
kepala, <strong>the</strong> head <strong>of</strong> this entire group (Schebesta<br />
1925: 24 ). After 1994 <strong>the</strong> group split into smaller<br />
units. Bueng's platform is <strong>the</strong> only full length<br />
one. All o<strong>the</strong>r sleeping platforms served only for<br />
<strong>the</strong> upper parts <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> body, with a layer <strong>of</strong>leaves<br />
lower down, as preserved in units 2 and 8. This is<br />
in contrast to <strong>the</strong> sleeping structures in La Yuan<br />
Pueng, where most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> platforms consist <strong>of</strong><br />
two parts, forming an obtuse angle adequate for<br />
<strong>the</strong> whole body (Albrecht 1994:201). Units 1, 2,<br />
4 and 6 consist <strong>of</strong> pairs <strong>of</strong> platforms at right<br />
angles to each o<strong>the</strong>r, with two persons sharing<br />
<strong>the</strong> same leaf layer for <strong>the</strong>ir legs.<br />
One fireplace located between <strong>the</strong> angle <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> sleeping platforms, in <strong>the</strong> rectangular<br />
patterned structures, appears typical. To hold<br />
<strong>the</strong> platform <strong>of</strong>f <strong>the</strong> ground at one end, <strong>the</strong> fork<br />
<strong>of</strong> a branch was generally utilized. In units 4<br />
and 8 stone slabs instead <strong>of</strong> branches served as<br />
164<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
Recent Mani settlements in Satun Province, Sou<strong>the</strong>rn Thailand<br />
E<br />
l{)<br />
lr)<br />
0\<br />
0\<br />
··.<br />
,_<br />
1-<<br />
Q)<br />
.....,<br />
0<br />
..c:<br />
::<br />
(.)<br />
0<br />
1-<<br />
c:::<br />
Q)<br />
z<br />
OJ)<br />
c:::<br />
0<br />
z<br />
E<br />
ro<br />
E-<<br />
~<br />
Q,)<br />
...<br />
:=<br />
Oil<br />
~<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s I & 2<br />
165
Gerd Albrecht and Johannes Moser<br />
a base. <strong>The</strong> platforms <strong>of</strong> units 1 and 2, near <strong>the</strong><br />
drip line <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> cave, were protected from rain<br />
and sun by sloping ro<strong>of</strong>s <strong>of</strong> palm leaves, as in<br />
La Yuan Pueng. Unit 9, being in a poor state <strong>of</strong><br />
preservation could be remains from an earlier<br />
phase <strong>of</strong> occupation.<br />
In unit 7, <strong>the</strong> remains <strong>of</strong> dart manufacture<br />
were found, including <strong>the</strong> handle <strong>of</strong> a knife<br />
utilized in that process. In unit 3, a bamboo mug<br />
was found. It belonged to <strong>the</strong> old woman Bueng,<br />
and was used for serving liquid drugs (personal<br />
communication from Kleo Boonrung).<br />
Of interest is <strong>the</strong> apparent 'hidden' deposit<br />
<strong>of</strong> two containers, or ladles, found in a cavity <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> limestone wall, at <strong>the</strong> south end <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> site.<br />
<strong>The</strong> handles are made from branches, with <strong>the</strong><br />
'cup' being formed by large leaves.<br />
A splinter <strong>of</strong> plain glass was found, under a<br />
layer <strong>of</strong> leaves, at <strong>the</strong> extreme rear <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> cave.<br />
A tuft <strong>of</strong> hair was found in ano<strong>the</strong>r niche, a few<br />
meters away. Questions remain <strong>of</strong> whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong>y<br />
are intentional depositions, and/or if <strong>the</strong> deposits<br />
are somehow linked.<br />
<strong>The</strong> best parallel to La Yuan Pueng, except<br />
for <strong>the</strong> painted frieze at La 'Dschaem' rock<br />
shelter (Figure 11 ), comes from <strong>the</strong> charcoal<br />
drawings on <strong>the</strong> nor<strong>the</strong>rn wall <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> cave.<br />
However, unlike at La Yuan Pueng, <strong>the</strong>re are<br />
no human figures. <strong>The</strong> drawings display different<br />
signs, among <strong>the</strong>m <strong>the</strong> igan, a fresh water fish<br />
(personal communication Tao Sang (36), head<br />
<strong>of</strong> a Mani group, in Trang Province).<br />
<strong>The</strong> site was revisited on 31st January<br />
1996, having been briefly occupied for three<br />
or four nights in December 1995, according<br />
to Kleo Boonrung, by part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sen group,<br />
including Yao (58) and his wife Prang (57)<br />
and between eleven to fifteen persons in seven<br />
units. Some changes in <strong>the</strong> pattern <strong>of</strong><br />
occupation were noted.<br />
With <strong>the</strong> exception <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> back part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
cave, <strong>the</strong> same area at <strong>the</strong> mouth <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> cave<br />
was used, as in <strong>the</strong> winter 1993/1994. Even<br />
some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> platforms looked just like <strong>the</strong> old<br />
ones. And as two years previously, stone slabs<br />
were used to support <strong>the</strong> platforms. <strong>The</strong> utilised<br />
area was extended to <strong>the</strong> north, along <strong>the</strong> wall<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> rock shelter and on a sloping surface, but<br />
inside <strong>the</strong> drip line. <strong>The</strong> change in level was<br />
better compensated for than during <strong>the</strong> last<br />
occupation, by a careful step-like construction<br />
<strong>of</strong> wooden bars. Bueng's bamboo mug was still<br />
in <strong>the</strong> rock shelter.<br />
Tam Jet Kot I Rock shelter--07° 06' 12" N;<br />
99° 56' 18" E, (Figure 1 site 2 and Figure 4)<br />
This was recorded on 26 February 1995.<br />
Information about <strong>the</strong> former inhabitants was<br />
given by local farmers who told us that it had<br />
been occupied in December 1994.<br />
This site is situated at <strong>the</strong> foot <strong>of</strong> a steep<br />
cliff; outside <strong>the</strong> rock shelter <strong>the</strong>re is an ear<strong>the</strong>n<br />
mound, <strong>the</strong> surface <strong>of</strong> which slopes down to <strong>the</strong><br />
back wall <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> rock shelter. <strong>The</strong> sleeping<br />
platforms are located on this slope, being well<br />
hidden and hardly recognizable from <strong>the</strong> outside.<br />
Eleven groups <strong>of</strong> sleeping platforms were<br />
identified. In units 9 and 10, <strong>the</strong> platforms consist<br />
<strong>of</strong> two parts, comparable to <strong>the</strong> structures found<br />
in La Yuan Pueng. No angled platforms were<br />
found with fireplaces between <strong>the</strong> angles, as in<br />
Tam Nong Nien. Most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> platforms serve<br />
only <strong>the</strong> upper part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> body, a person's legs<br />
being placed on leaf layers, as in Tam Nong<br />
Nien. As <strong>the</strong> site had only been recently been<br />
abandoned, <strong>the</strong> leaf layers and <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
structures were all well preserved. As at La<br />
Yuan Pueng and Tam Nong Nien, <strong>the</strong> platforms<br />
in <strong>the</strong> area <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> drip line are sheltered by<br />
sloping palm leaf ro<strong>of</strong>s.<br />
In unit 1, <strong>the</strong> sleeping area contains only a<br />
layer <strong>of</strong> leaves, and is situated slightly apart, at<br />
<strong>the</strong> sou<strong>the</strong>rn end <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> inhabited area. By<br />
comparing this arrangement with <strong>the</strong> sites <strong>of</strong><br />
Tong Nong Nien, Kao Nam Ta and Tam Na<br />
Daeng this should denote <strong>the</strong> sleeping place <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> old man Sing (25).<br />
Unique to a forest occupation is a small<br />
table-like construction in unit 3, attached to <strong>the</strong><br />
wall, giving <strong>the</strong> impression <strong>of</strong> a bedside table.<br />
Features like this are known from Mani<br />
occupation in <strong>the</strong> rubber plantations, as in <strong>the</strong><br />
one near Tschong Nap, a village in <strong>the</strong> Thung<br />
W a district, where <strong>the</strong>y serve to store kitchen<br />
goods.<br />
Apart from some cloth rags, this occupation<br />
is not rich in <strong>the</strong> remains <strong>of</strong> special activities.<br />
Two enamel plates were found at <strong>the</strong> foot <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
limestone wall, at <strong>the</strong> north end <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> site. In a<br />
niche behind unit 5, a bunch <strong>of</strong> bananas were<br />
found. It appears as though <strong>the</strong> site was<br />
abandoned suddenly, as a large number <strong>of</strong><br />
166<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
Recent Mani settlements in Satun Province, Sou<strong>the</strong>rn Thailand<br />
'<br />
'<br />
\ '<br />
(<br />
I<br />
' ')<br />
\ j<br />
X<br />
'.<br />
I<br />
\ \ I<br />
I<br />
I<br />
I<br />
\<br />
h ·~ .<br />
•<br />
. \ \ \<br />
' '<br />
'<br />
'<br />
I ' ' ,_ ' ' '<br />
I<br />
\<br />
'<br />
I<br />
I ~<br />
.,<br />
I<br />
I<br />
I .<br />
\<br />
I<br />
. \<br />
I<br />
I<br />
\ I<br />
I<br />
'<br />
...... __ - "' / I<br />
I<br />
I<br />
I<br />
I<br />
I<br />
:<br />
I<br />
I<br />
I<br />
l<br />
\<br />
·,.<br />
I<br />
i<br />
I<br />
!<br />
I<br />
I<br />
I<br />
I<br />
I<br />
' I<br />
'<br />
I<br />
i.<br />
I<br />
I<br />
j<br />
I<br />
I<br />
!<br />
I<br />
I<br />
I<br />
I<br />
I '<br />
I<br />
I<br />
j j<br />
1 !<br />
I I<br />
I<br />
I<br />
E<br />
10<br />
L-------------------------------------------------------------~ ~<br />
i<br />
I<br />
I<br />
I<br />
\<br />
0<br />
~<br />
...<br />
0.0 =<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2 167
Gerd Albrecht and Johannes Moser<br />
unused bamboo containers and collected<br />
firewood, were found. This, toge<strong>the</strong>r with <strong>the</strong><br />
partially burnt wood in <strong>the</strong> fireplaces <strong>of</strong> units 2,<br />
5, 7, 9 and 11, support this speculation. A large<br />
number <strong>of</strong> red cloths were also found, red being<br />
<strong>the</strong> favourite clothing colour <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Mani.<br />
No rock paintings were found, which might<br />
indicate that <strong>the</strong> site was occupied for only a<br />
short time. Leaving Tam Jet Kot I, this Mani<br />
group moved to Tong Nong Nien, three km<br />
away. Although no sleeping platform in Tam<br />
Jet Kot I could be identified as belonging to <strong>the</strong><br />
old woman Bueng and, from this time onwards<br />
she seems not to have been with this Mani<br />
group, although <strong>the</strong> local farmers named <strong>the</strong><br />
Mani here at this site as <strong>the</strong> 'Bueng' group. As<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> beginning <strong>of</strong> 1996, this rock shelter had<br />
not been reoccupied.<br />
Tong Nong Nien Forest Camp-07° 05' 19"<br />
N; 99° 55' 25" E. (Figure 1, Site 8 and Figures<br />
5 and 6)<br />
This site was recorded on 7 March 1995 and,<br />
according to information given by <strong>the</strong> local<br />
farmer, Kleo Boonrung, it was occupied in<br />
January 1995.<br />
Of all <strong>the</strong> sites observed during <strong>the</strong> 1995<br />
field campaign, Tong Nong Nien is outstanding.<br />
First, it is a large camp, with 15 groups <strong>of</strong><br />
sleeping platforms. Second, <strong>the</strong>se platforms are<br />
connected to each o<strong>the</strong>r with gangways, and<br />
floors <strong>of</strong> split bamboo. <strong>The</strong> investment <strong>of</strong> time,<br />
materials, and energy gives <strong>the</strong> impression <strong>of</strong> a<br />
more permanent occupation.<br />
A special type <strong>of</strong> combined platform can be<br />
noted in units 5 and 15. It consists <strong>of</strong> a two-part<br />
platform for an adult and ano<strong>the</strong>r at right angles<br />
to <strong>the</strong>se, which are perhaps sleeping places for<br />
children. Kleo Boonrung related that unit 15<br />
was utilised by Jaa (76) and her two children<br />
Puk ( 141 ), <strong>of</strong> two years, and <strong>the</strong> new-born Baen<br />
(142).<br />
This type <strong>of</strong> structure, with two short<br />
platforms at right angles to each o<strong>the</strong>r, and a<br />
fireplace in between, is common in Tam Nong<br />
Nien and can be seen in units 4 and 6. In one<br />
case, unit 9, this structure has been modified,<br />
using a base <strong>of</strong> sticks to serve <strong>the</strong> legs <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
sleeping individual, instead <strong>of</strong> a layer <strong>of</strong> leaves.<br />
Unit 1 was <strong>the</strong> sleeping place <strong>of</strong> Sing (25). It<br />
consisted simply <strong>of</strong> a ro<strong>of</strong> <strong>of</strong> palm leaves, tied<br />
to a tree and two poles, and a small fire place.<br />
Unit 3 was <strong>the</strong> single platform <strong>of</strong> Re (24). Both<br />
men are <strong>the</strong> husbands <strong>of</strong> Dschai (79). Unit 2,<br />
located between Sing and Re, was occupied by<br />
Dschai and her four children, Thong (143), Lorn<br />
(144), Lap (145) and Don (146). This 'family'<br />
was spatially separated from <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
inhabitants, and from <strong>the</strong> bamboo floor.<br />
Unit 14 was occupied by Kai (75), <strong>the</strong> husband<br />
<strong>of</strong> Jaa (76), who occupied unit 15. Unit 9 is <strong>the</strong><br />
largest <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> shelters, connected with <strong>the</strong> central<br />
bamboo floor by a long gangway, leading directly<br />
under <strong>the</strong> ro<strong>of</strong>. <strong>The</strong> Sen family lived here, perhaps<br />
with Sen's (6) daughter Sap (23), who, after <strong>the</strong><br />
departure <strong>of</strong> Bueng, seemed to have been <strong>the</strong><br />
strongest member <strong>of</strong> this Mani group.<br />
Unit 10 was occupied by <strong>the</strong> Kwaan (27)<br />
family. Also a large shelter, it is located 'next<br />
door' to <strong>the</strong> Sen family. <strong>The</strong>re is only vague<br />
information about <strong>the</strong> inhabitants <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
units. Unit 5 could belong to <strong>the</strong> Gam (82)<br />
family, and unit 11 to Tsem (?),whose wife and<br />
children lived in unit 12. <strong>The</strong> Loo family stayed<br />
in unit 4 or 6 and Dek (or Daed), toge<strong>the</strong>r with a<br />
child in unit 13.<br />
As is typical in forest camps, all <strong>the</strong> structures<br />
were covered by sloping palm leaf ro<strong>of</strong>s. <strong>The</strong><br />
entrances <strong>of</strong> shelters 4 through 13 inclusive, are<br />
oriented toward <strong>the</strong> central split bamboo floor.<br />
This site was rich in kitchen equipment with<br />
many bamboo cooking tubes, bamboo tweezers<br />
and a bamboo mug, found in unit 5; a bone awl,<br />
used to open special seeds in unit 6, and a<br />
woven basket, was found in front <strong>of</strong> unit 12. In<br />
unit 7, <strong>the</strong>re were <strong>the</strong> remains <strong>of</strong> blowpipe dart<br />
fabrication. Behind unit 5, human hair had been<br />
placed near a large tree trunk, and cloth rags<br />
were found in units 5, 10 and 11. In <strong>the</strong> small<br />
unit 13 a bamboo container concealed in <strong>the</strong><br />
ro<strong>of</strong> contained poison for darts.<br />
In unit 14, <strong>the</strong> sleeping place <strong>of</strong> Kai, and<br />
concealed in <strong>the</strong> ro<strong>of</strong> in <strong>the</strong> same way, ano<strong>the</strong>r<br />
bamboo container was found. This one contained<br />
grease <strong>of</strong> a mu din (hog badger). <strong>The</strong> burrow <strong>of</strong><br />
such an animal was still to be seen in a small<br />
mound at <strong>the</strong> centre <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> occupation. According<br />
to <strong>the</strong> information <strong>of</strong> Kleo Boonrung, <strong>the</strong> Mani<br />
rub this grease onto <strong>the</strong>ir bodies before dancing,<br />
and going into a trance.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Tong Nong Nien forest camp was most<br />
probably used for an annual meeting <strong>of</strong> members<br />
168<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s I & 2
Recent Mani settlements in Satun Province, Sou<strong>the</strong>rn Thailand<br />
9 · ..<br />
co<br />
D· ·· · · ····· ·· ·• ········ •<br />
.. b;<br />
0<br />
.. ~ ..<br />
~<br />
.. . ·· ·· · ~ o·.<br />
~· !~<br />
N<br />
'<br />
-<br />
LJ/fjJ ~ •<br />
\ 'b - --~·-o·····<br />
..• .. ••<br />
.. ........ .. ... ~~<br />
\<br />
E<br />
10<br />
•...<br />
'<br />
0<br />
_ ... o<br />
.ci<br />
· ···········- ···············o·······················<br />
~ -<br />
i'<br />
·._,_ '··...<br />
~~-· -.<br />
"4<br />
0<br />
"' ~<br />
2<br />
c:<br />
(\.)<br />
i<br />
bl)<br />
c:<br />
0<br />
z<br />
bl)<br />
c:<br />
0<br />
f-<<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s l & 2<br />
169
.•<br />
" ' .<br />
· -~ ~<br />
·~"<br />
0<br />
W' ·~-~..<br />
0 •<br />
Gerd Albrecht and Johannes Moser<br />
•<br />
...<br />
@<br />
""'<br />
Iii<br />
I<br />
0<br />
~<br />
~<br />
0<br />
11.<br />
•<br />
~1\.&i®<br />
~<br />
~j<br />
~<br />
~~· ,-<br />
E<br />
It)<br />
0<br />
\0<br />
0\<br />
0\<br />
-p..<br />
e<br />
Recent Mani settlements in Satun Province, Sou<strong>the</strong>rn Thailand<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> former Bueng group. Perhaps this site<br />
also functioned as a ceremonial location as more<br />
than 30 people, including children, ga<strong>the</strong>red<br />
here. After a meeting in January, most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Mani left this area in a north-easterly direction<br />
(via Tam Sap or Kai Ki Ma, see below). Only<br />
<strong>the</strong> families <strong>of</strong> Sing IRe I Dschai, Kai I Jaa and<br />
Som Priau (= Dschaem, 22) I Run (50) I Maen<br />
(51) I Na'e (52) remained in <strong>the</strong> region during<br />
our 1995 fieldwork.<br />
<strong>The</strong> site was revisited on 28 January 1996<br />
(Figure 6). One year having passed, <strong>the</strong> Tong<br />
Nong Nien camp appeared undisturbed, all <strong>the</strong><br />
structures having rotted. Previously hidden, two<br />
pits were now visible below <strong>the</strong> central platform;<br />
one <strong>of</strong> which yielded a bamboo container. <strong>The</strong><br />
specific function <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se pits is unclear, o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
than that <strong>the</strong>y served as hiding places.<br />
Tam Na Daeng Rock shelter-07° 08' 57" N;<br />
99° 56' 17" E, Figure 1, Site 4)<br />
This site was first visited on 26th February 1995.<br />
No mapping was done <strong>the</strong> first day, but much<br />
information was received through interviews<br />
with <strong>the</strong> Mani who were at <strong>the</strong> site. When <strong>the</strong><br />
camp was revisited on 28 February, it had been<br />
burnt to <strong>the</strong> ground. It is possible that <strong>the</strong> camp<br />
was destroyed by loggers for, according to<br />
rumour, our presence here and our contact with<br />
· <strong>the</strong> Mani groups, was not appreciated.<br />
In February 1995, <strong>the</strong> Sing I Re I Dschai<br />
family, with four children, and <strong>the</strong> Kai I Jaa<br />
family, with two children, moved to this rock<br />
shelter. This site is situated around seven km<br />
north <strong>of</strong> Tong Nong Nien, uphill, at an altitude<br />
<strong>of</strong> 200 m above sea level. All sites previous to<br />
this had been situated approximately at river<br />
level which is only a few meters above sea<br />
level.<br />
On 27th February 1995, <strong>the</strong> two families<br />
had moved to <strong>the</strong> forest camp <strong>of</strong> Kao Nam Ta,<br />
about one km away, and situated at an elevation<br />
<strong>of</strong> 300 m above sea level. At this forest camp,<br />
<strong>the</strong>y met up with <strong>the</strong> Som Priau I Run I Maen I<br />
Na'e family.<br />
Kao Nam Taa Forest Camp-about one km<br />
NW <strong>of</strong>07o 09' 21" N; 99° 56' 34" E, (Figure 1,<br />
Site 10 and Figure 7)<br />
This site was visited on 4th March 1995, and<br />
recorded <strong>the</strong> following day. <strong>The</strong> mapping could<br />
only be roughly accomplished, as it was<br />
presently being occupied by <strong>the</strong> Mani. This site<br />
was found with <strong>the</strong> assistance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Mani<br />
<strong>the</strong>mselves, and was unknown to <strong>the</strong> local<br />
farmers. <strong>The</strong> Mani arrived on 27th February<br />
1995 and left before 20 March 1995<br />
Under big trees, and adjacent to huge<br />
limestone boulders, five units stretch northsouth,<br />
situated on a small plateau, on a hillside.<br />
Unit 1 is a large shelter with a palm leaf ro<strong>of</strong>.<br />
Three short platforms, with an extended layer<br />
<strong>of</strong> leaves in <strong>the</strong> back, serve for <strong>the</strong> three women<br />
Run (50), Maen (51) and Na'e (52), along with<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir twelve children. <strong>The</strong> platform <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
husband Som Priau (= Dschaem, 22) was<br />
unidentifiable, and he was not seen. Stone slabs<br />
are used as <strong>the</strong> platform base for units 4 and 8,<br />
as in Tam Nong Nien.<br />
Unit 2 belonged to Jaa and her two children,<br />
who used <strong>the</strong> larger <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> platforms, with her<br />
husband Kai occupying <strong>the</strong> smaller. In this unit,<br />
<strong>the</strong> palm leaf ro<strong>of</strong> is quite steep, not protecting<br />
<strong>the</strong> whole sleeping area.<br />
Units 3, 4 and 5, are arranged in <strong>the</strong> same<br />
pattern as in Tong Nong Niem. Dschai (79),<br />
with her four children were in unit 3, <strong>the</strong> children<br />
in <strong>the</strong> middle, on a two-part platform. <strong>The</strong> older<br />
husband Sing (25) was in <strong>the</strong> rough shelter <strong>of</strong><br />
unit 4, under a single palm leaf ro<strong>of</strong>, sleeping<br />
on <strong>the</strong> bare floor. Unit 5 has Re (24) on a<br />
sheltered leaf layer.<br />
As this was not an abandoned camp, like <strong>the</strong><br />
o<strong>the</strong>r sites, all items recorded remained<br />
undisturbed for <strong>the</strong> Mani' s fur<strong>the</strong>r utilisation.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> rear <strong>of</strong> unit 1, a dart container, a<br />
woven basket and red cloth were placed in <strong>the</strong><br />
sloping ro<strong>of</strong>. At <strong>the</strong> north end <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> shelter, a<br />
bamboo water container, clo<strong>the</strong>s and a basket<br />
were hanging from <strong>the</strong> ro<strong>of</strong>. In <strong>the</strong> rear <strong>of</strong> unit 2<br />
were placed a blow pipe, dart container and a<br />
woven basket.<br />
Unit 3 contained some clo<strong>the</strong>s and a bamboo<br />
water container. Only a dart container was<br />
observed in <strong>the</strong> rough shelter <strong>of</strong> unit 4; while<br />
walking around <strong>the</strong> site, Sing kept his blow pipe<br />
with him. In unit 5, a single bamboo cooking<br />
tube was observed. Re, like Som Priau, was<br />
absent from <strong>the</strong> camp.<br />
Between units 2 and 3, <strong>the</strong>re was a fresh<br />
engraving one meter up <strong>the</strong> trunk <strong>of</strong> a tree. No<br />
explanation could be elicited for this complicated<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2<br />
171
Gerd Albrecht and Johannes Moser<br />
+ N<br />
I<br />
~·· ···· ····<br />
E<br />
It)<br />
./ 0<br />
0.<br />
E<br />
"' u<br />
~<br />
"'
Recent Mani settlements in Satun Province, Sou<strong>the</strong>rn Thailand<br />
sign. Although <strong>the</strong> sign had no parallels from<br />
o<strong>the</strong>r camps observed on this fieldwork <strong>the</strong>re<br />
are similar signs made by <strong>the</strong> Mani at <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
camp near <strong>the</strong> Sakai Cave, Trang Province.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Mani had contacted us personally, and<br />
invited us to visit this site. <strong>The</strong>y were willing to<br />
give us a great deal <strong>of</strong> information, and, after<br />
some time, communication was possible even<br />
with <strong>the</strong> women. This site was exceedingly<br />
difficult to find. in <strong>the</strong> forest and without <strong>the</strong><br />
guidance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Mani <strong>the</strong>mselves it is<br />
questionable whe<strong>the</strong>r it could be found by <strong>the</strong><br />
local Thai farmers.<br />
Kwaan Forest Camp-07° 06' 59" N; 100°<br />
00' 27" E, (Figure 1, Site 5 and Figure 8)<br />
This site, occupied in 1993 or 1994 according<br />
to local farmers, was recorded on 2nd March<br />
1995. Unfortunately, because <strong>of</strong> restricted time,<br />
only a rough sketch could be made.<br />
Containing sixteen sheltered units, this was<br />
quite a large camp, comparable in size to Tong<br />
Nong Nien, and perhaps used by <strong>the</strong> same<br />
people. Some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> structures had been burnt,<br />
but why or by whom was unknown.<br />
Units 3, 4 and 13, have <strong>the</strong> typical two-part<br />
platforms, with unit 2 laid out in a rectangular<br />
pattern. Most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> units consist <strong>of</strong> short<br />
platforms, possibly with a leaf layer, as in unit 7.<br />
All <strong>the</strong> shelters were arranged to form a<br />
large oval, with <strong>the</strong> openings to <strong>the</strong> centre. Units<br />
10 and 11, were located slightly apart from <strong>the</strong><br />
o<strong>the</strong>r units, unit 10 being <strong>the</strong> only one without<br />
traces <strong>of</strong> a platform. In unit 11, a base <strong>of</strong> sticks<br />
was utilised to serve <strong>the</strong> legs, instead <strong>of</strong> a leaf<br />
layer, also as observed in Tong Nong Nien, unit<br />
9. In unit 6, an enamel bowl was found, and in<br />
unit 16, two bamboo water tubes. <strong>The</strong>re was<br />
unfortunately little time for more detailed<br />
observation.<br />
Due to <strong>the</strong> year or two which had lapsed<br />
since <strong>the</strong> Mani last used this camp, <strong>the</strong> structures<br />
were in a poor state <strong>of</strong> preservation, really quite<br />
rotten. After six months, <strong>the</strong> platforms in a forest<br />
camp cannot be reused: one year for a rock<br />
shelter.<br />
Tam Sap Rock shelter-300 m NE <strong>of</strong> 07° 07'<br />
57'' N; 100° 00' 33" E, (Figure 1, Site 6)<br />
This site was visited for a short time on 1st<br />
March 1995. Though attempts were made on<br />
4th March, to relocate this site, <strong>the</strong>y proved<br />
unsuccessful. A sketch, but not a detailed map<br />
was made. It had been occupied in <strong>the</strong> Winter<br />
<strong>of</strong> 1994-95.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Tam Sap rock shelter extends<br />
approximately 10 m in a north-south direction,<br />
with <strong>the</strong> opening facing to <strong>the</strong> east. Six<br />
platforms were constructed on a small terrace<br />
overlooking a steep slope. Five single<br />
sleeping platforms were observed, with <strong>the</strong><br />
typical leaf layer to serve <strong>the</strong> legs. Two palm<br />
leaf shelters had been erected over <strong>the</strong><br />
sou<strong>the</strong>rnmost and <strong>the</strong> nor<strong>the</strong>rnmost platforms.<br />
Close to <strong>the</strong> sleeping platforms, four<br />
fireplaces were noted along with two bamboo<br />
tubes. A tortoise shell was found in <strong>the</strong> rear<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> rock shelter.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Tam Sap rock shelter is located in <strong>the</strong><br />
environs <strong>of</strong> Kai Ki Ma and K waan forest camps.<br />
According to information from our guide, <strong>the</strong><br />
site had been inhabited by eight individuals,<br />
possibly a single family (Sap, 23, and Kiat, 5,<br />
?). <strong>The</strong>re is no more information about this<br />
relatively small site.<br />
Qu'ham Mo Biyae Rock shelter-Or 08' 07"<br />
N; 100° 00' 25" E, (Figure 1, Site 14, and<br />
Figure 9)<br />
This site, close to a small ravine also has a Thai<br />
name La Klok Kloi ('rock with trunk <strong>of</strong> Iiana')<br />
and was visited on 30th January 1996. A great<br />
deal <strong>of</strong> useful information was received from<br />
Yao (58), <strong>the</strong> son <strong>of</strong> Qu'an (21), along with his<br />
second wife Maen (51), who accompanied <strong>the</strong><br />
team. It had been occupied for two nights at <strong>the</strong><br />
end <strong>of</strong> December 1995 to <strong>the</strong> beginning <strong>of</strong><br />
January 1996.<br />
<strong>The</strong> wall <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> rock shelter faces west. <strong>The</strong><br />
structures cover a distance <strong>of</strong> more than 20m in<br />
a north-south direction. All nine units <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> last<br />
occupation can be found along <strong>the</strong> wall inside<br />
<strong>the</strong> drip-line <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> shelter. In one area, <strong>the</strong> drip<br />
line extends out giving a dry space for unit 3 on<br />
a small mound some meters away from <strong>the</strong><br />
wall.<br />
<strong>The</strong> shelter was inhabited by 22 members <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Yao, a subgroup <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sen group. Typical<br />
for this site are simple platforms with leaf layers<br />
serving <strong>the</strong> lower part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> body. In two units,<br />
2 and 9, <strong>the</strong> sleeping place for a man consisted<br />
only <strong>of</strong> a leaf layer. Units 1 and 5 were protected<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s I & 2<br />
173
Gerd Albrecht an d Johannes Moser<br />
0<br />
......<br />
E<br />
10<br />
0<br />
174<br />
Journa L oJ •~"<strong>the</strong> · <strong>Siam</strong> Socte · ty ' <strong>Vol</strong>. 86 , <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
Recent Mani settlements in Satun Province, Sou<strong>the</strong>rn Thailand<br />
; .<br />
0<br />
:'<br />
.<br />
----~<br />
~'~<br />
···~@)<br />
··f.~....•:<br />
~<br />
I<br />
•<br />
;-<br />
!<br />
-··<br />
;;- ····~- ··\ ~<br />
L-----------------------------~------------------------------------~ ~<br />
j<br />
"'<br />
~<br />
~<br />
>.<br />
~<br />
0<br />
::E<br />
~<br />
&<br />
~<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2 175
Gerd Albrecht and Johannes Moser<br />
I '<br />
'<br />
I<br />
l:?yj;<br />
@<br />
@)<br />
t<br />
Gl<br />
0<br />
..<br />
c:<br />
::::<br />
c:<br />
Gl<br />
2<br />
0)<br />
..c:<br />
CJ)<br />
.!
Recent Mani settlements in Satun Province, Sou<strong>the</strong>rn Thailand<br />
by a palm leaf shelter. <strong>The</strong> occupants were as<br />
fo llows:<br />
Unit 1: Dschaem (= Som Priau, 22) with hi s<br />
wife Maen (5 1) and children, Tui (59) and Piaen<br />
(60)<br />
Unit 2: Hi (male, 56)<br />
Unit 3: Dschid (male, 65, at this place not<br />
yet toge<strong>the</strong>r with Jap, 6 1)<br />
Unit 4: wi fe Kung (29) and children, Tom<br />
(83) and Loh (84)<br />
Unit 5: Pon (male, 67)<br />
Unit 6: Yao (58) with hi s wi fe Prang (57)<br />
Unit 7 : Dsched (69) with hi s wife Daeng<br />
(68) and children, Dschaed ( 136), Pan ( 137)<br />
and Dschom ( 138)<br />
Unit 8: Dam (72) with his wife Dschim (7 1)<br />
and children, Dob ( 139) and Bonn ( 140)<br />
Unit 9 : Daeng (male, 62)<br />
Traces <strong>of</strong> an older occupation could be fo und<br />
in side and outside <strong>the</strong> shelter, eight meters from<br />
<strong>the</strong> back wall and undisturbed by <strong>the</strong> more recent<br />
occupation.<br />
T hree monkey skulls were found in units 5<br />
and 8 and in <strong>the</strong> refuse area to <strong>the</strong> south <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
shelter. <strong>The</strong> remains <strong>of</strong> a varanid li zard, toge<strong>the</strong>r<br />
wi th a rattan trap in unit 7, indicate some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
acti vities <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Mani during <strong>the</strong>ir short stay<br />
here. An empty fish can and broken chinaware<br />
testify to <strong>the</strong> increasing contact between <strong>the</strong><br />
Mani and Thai farmers, <strong>the</strong> closest small shop<br />
being about three hours distant.<br />
Qu' ham Mo Biyae was used as a stop-over<br />
in <strong>the</strong> north-south route. <strong>The</strong> ni ght before <strong>the</strong><br />
Yao group slept here, <strong>the</strong>y had occupied a forest<br />
camp called Huai Sai. Upon leaving thi s rock<br />
shelter, <strong>the</strong>y walked one day south to <strong>the</strong> Manang<br />
fo rest camp to meet <strong>the</strong> Re group.<br />
La Dschaem Rock shelter-Or 06' 08" N;<br />
99° 56' 35" E, (Figure I, Site 15 and Figure I 0)<br />
Thi s site had been occupied in mj ddle <strong>of</strong> January<br />
1996, for a few days and was visited on 3 1st<br />
Janu ary 1996. <strong>The</strong> area was shown by <strong>the</strong> local<br />
farmer Sawaang, who gave us all <strong>the</strong> information<br />
at hi s disposal.<br />
Located on <strong>the</strong> same cliff as Tam Jet Kot<br />
II, this huge rock shelter faces <strong>the</strong> north, not<br />
far from a river. Sixteen sleepin g places are<br />
concentrated in a small area to <strong>the</strong> eastern side.<br />
Thirteen <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se consist <strong>of</strong> simple platforms<br />
with leaf layers, <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r three beds showed<br />
on ly leaves. One <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se leaf beds was situated<br />
close to <strong>the</strong> wall , beside which <strong>the</strong> re is a free<br />
space, about 3m wide in front <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> wall. T hi s<br />
mi ght be due to <strong>the</strong> fact th at <strong>the</strong> wall is full <strong>of</strong><br />
paintings.<br />
Figure 11 Drawings in La Dschaem, photo<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s I & 2<br />
177
Gerd Albrecht and Johannes Moser<br />
Exceptionally at this site, <strong>the</strong> three fireplaces<br />
have wooden 'carving' forks fixed into <strong>the</strong><br />
ground (Figure 10, A), one still holding <strong>the</strong><br />
scapula <strong>of</strong> a small animal.<br />
This camp was occupied for a few days by a<br />
group <strong>of</strong> sixteen to eighteen Mani; this included<br />
Dschaem (= Som Priau, 22), who probably<br />
stayed with his wife(s) and children in <strong>the</strong> large<br />
sleeping area in <strong>the</strong> north. <strong>The</strong> names <strong>of</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
members <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> group are unknown, but are<br />
believed to include some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sen group from<br />
Tam Jet Kot II.<br />
<strong>The</strong> outstanding importance <strong>of</strong> this site is<br />
<strong>the</strong> extensive wall painting covering about seven<br />
meters <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> vertical limestone at <strong>the</strong> back <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> shelter (Figure 11). Here is not <strong>the</strong> place to<br />
describe <strong>the</strong> numerous pictures and signs, but<br />
Sawaang regarded <strong>the</strong> production <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se<br />
paintings as 'a work <strong>of</strong> children'. When queried<br />
that some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> pictures were two meters above<br />
<strong>the</strong> ground, he replied that young men had<br />
shouldered children to reach <strong>the</strong> height. This<br />
impressive frieze needs careful analysis.<br />
It appears that <strong>the</strong> site was abandoned in<br />
great haste. Close to each fireplace wood had<br />
been stockpiled (Figure 10, X). A complete bush<br />
knife (X1), a smaller knife (X2) and a significant<br />
amount <strong>of</strong> cloth (E) appears left behind. Even a<br />
packet <strong>of</strong> tobacco was observed, including <strong>the</strong><br />
cigarette papers. Concerning <strong>the</strong> flight, Sawaang<br />
related <strong>the</strong> following story.<br />
At <strong>the</strong> beginning <strong>of</strong> January, <strong>the</strong> Sen group<br />
occupied Tam Jet Kot IT. Some Thai boys visited<br />
<strong>the</strong> camp and asked for some arrow poison.<br />
When <strong>the</strong> Mani refused to give <strong>the</strong> poison, <strong>the</strong><br />
boys threatened to return with pistols. <strong>The</strong> Mani<br />
<strong>the</strong>n left Tam Jet Kot II and split into different<br />
groups, <strong>the</strong> largest group staying for some days<br />
nearby in La Dschaem and <strong>the</strong> apparent sudden<br />
abandonment <strong>of</strong> La Dschaem could be related<br />
to this incident.<br />
Tam Jet Kot II Rock shelter-07° 06' 29" N;<br />
99° 56' 43" E, (Figure 1, Site 3 and Figures 12<br />
and 13)<br />
This site, occupied in 1992 and/or 1993, was<br />
first recorded on 25 February 1995. <strong>The</strong> site<br />
was described by Sawaang, although no<br />
information was available about <strong>the</strong> inhabitants.<br />
This large rock shelter measures 60m along<br />
<strong>the</strong> cliff and <strong>the</strong> remains could belong to different<br />
periods <strong>of</strong> occupation. Up to ten years ago, this<br />
rock shelter was utilised by guerrilla groups to<br />
mill rice. Today, this is evidenced by thick layers<br />
<strong>of</strong> rice hulls, built up in <strong>the</strong> nor<strong>the</strong>rn side <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
site. Additionally, patches <strong>of</strong> elongated leaves<br />
were noticed, scattered about <strong>the</strong> rock shelter.<br />
<strong>The</strong> platforms are concentrated on <strong>the</strong><br />
sou<strong>the</strong>rn and nor<strong>the</strong>rn edges <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> rock shelter.<br />
On <strong>the</strong> sou<strong>the</strong>rn side, <strong>the</strong>re were two units<br />
(Figure 12). Unit 1 exhibits only one rotted<br />
platform, but contains three fireplaces, indicating<br />
a more intensive utilisation. Unit 2 has two<br />
fireplaces, with <strong>the</strong> remains <strong>of</strong> cooking stands<br />
and bamboo cooking tubes. Many bones, snails,<br />
and a piece <strong>of</strong> honeycomb were also found. A<br />
black painting in <strong>the</strong> rock overhang nearby could<br />
be a rough Thai inscription.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> centre <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> rock shelter, <strong>the</strong>re are ten<br />
fireplaces, patterned into four distinct occupation<br />
areas. Between <strong>the</strong>se areas, enamel bowls and<br />
metal spoons were found, two coconut bowls,<br />
one between two fireplaces in a layer <strong>of</strong> leaves,<br />
as well as bamboo cooking tubes. <strong>The</strong>re was<br />
also a concentration <strong>of</strong> seeds, deposited near to<br />
where <strong>the</strong> rice-hull layer intruded into <strong>the</strong> centre<br />
area.<br />
On <strong>the</strong> nor<strong>the</strong>rn side <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> rock shelter, <strong>the</strong><br />
features are better preserved, perhaps belonging<br />
to more recent occupation. Unit 3 consists <strong>of</strong> a<br />
short platform and a fireplace with water<br />
containers and a cooking 'tube found nearby.<br />
Some dark shadows, possibly drawings <strong>of</strong><br />
human figures were observed on <strong>the</strong> limestone<br />
wall near <strong>the</strong> platform. Unit 4 is similar in<br />
construction to unit 3, with cooking tubes found<br />
nearby. Fragments <strong>of</strong> honeycomb were also<br />
found on this side <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> rock shelter.<br />
Due to <strong>the</strong> poor condition <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> structures<br />
in this rock shelter, <strong>the</strong> settlement patterns<br />
remain unclear. Which features had been made<br />
by <strong>the</strong> Mani, by <strong>the</strong> guerrilla groups, or by local<br />
farmers visiting <strong>the</strong> site, is difficult to<br />
differentiate. <strong>The</strong> layers <strong>of</strong> elongated leaves<br />
could well be a natural phenomena. It was related<br />
that <strong>the</strong> Mani ceased using this site two years<br />
ago, following <strong>the</strong> construction <strong>of</strong> a farmhouse<br />
on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r side <strong>of</strong> a nearby river.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Tam Jet Kot II site was revisited on 31<br />
January 1996, and recorded that day (Figure<br />
13). A new occupation had occurred in <strong>the</strong><br />
beginning <strong>of</strong> January, just three weeks earlier.<br />
178<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
Recent Mani settlements in Satun Province, Sou<strong>the</strong>rn Thailand<br />
]<br />
... -. -~<br />
~ J ,~,<br />
~.,<br />
;,<br />
' '/<br />
j<br />
I<br />
E<br />
"'<br />
0<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2<br />
179
Gerd Albrecht and Johannes Moser<br />
f...>.y•"<br />
~<br />
m<br />
Ll'l<br />
·-<br />
~(~---·······r<br />
• . 9<br />
: -~<br />
:. :<br />
: .. ·· ... · •..<br />
~<br />
. . o-;.~·-·;·<br />
.<br />
· ~<br />
. .<br />
. .<br />
.: ....•. ·. ~·<br />
e<br />
10<br />
~ ..<br />
,,<br />
.t.'ii'<br />
............<br />
.<br />
.'<br />
..,;;····/ ......<br />
II<br />
..--<br />
-~<br />
0<br />
180<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
Recent Mani settlements in Satun Province, Sou<strong>the</strong>rn Thailand<br />
Sawaang again gave us information about <strong>the</strong><br />
site, this time including remarks about <strong>the</strong><br />
inhabitants who belonged to <strong>the</strong> Sen group<br />
Only <strong>the</strong> middle <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> rock shelter was<br />
utilised, with thirteen units housing up to 25<br />
persons. Three units, 4, 12 and 13, as observed<br />
in La Dschaem, consisted <strong>of</strong> only leaf layers<br />
and may have been used by <strong>the</strong> same persons<br />
who had occupied that location (?). Simple<br />
platforms had been constructed with layers <strong>of</strong><br />
leaves serving <strong>the</strong> lower part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> body. One<br />
exception was in unit 5, with a sleeping place <strong>of</strong><br />
two platforms lying at a slight angle to each<br />
o<strong>the</strong>r.<br />
In units 4 and 11 stone slabs were used as a<br />
base for <strong>the</strong> sleeping platforms, as in Tam Nong<br />
Nien one year earlier, and in Kao Nam Taa. <strong>The</strong><br />
sleeping places in units 3, 5-11 were protected<br />
by a palm leaf shelters.<br />
<strong>The</strong> occupants <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> camp units were as<br />
follows:<br />
Unit 1: Long (30) with his wife Kung (29)<br />
and children Tom (83) and Loh (84)<br />
Unit 2: Run (female, 50) and three children<br />
Unit 3: Dschaem (= Som Priau, 22) with his<br />
wife Maen (51)<br />
Unit 4: children <strong>of</strong> Maen and Run<br />
Unit 5: Yao (male, 55)<br />
Unit 6: Yao (58) with his wife Prang (57)<br />
Unit 7: children<br />
Unit 8: children<br />
Unit 9: Dsched (male, 69 ?)<br />
Unit 10: Sen (6) with his wife Aet (= Baen,<br />
7 ??)<br />
Unit 11: Waang (64) with his wife S6 (63)<br />
Unit 12: Daeng (male, 62)<br />
Unit 13:?<br />
<strong>The</strong>re were rock paintings on <strong>the</strong> ceiling <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> rock overhang, some 90-130cm above <strong>the</strong><br />
ground. <strong>The</strong>y showed only signs. Interestingly,<br />
a small image <strong>of</strong> an erect penis was found carved<br />
in wood (X 1 ). <strong>The</strong> contents <strong>of</strong> a nearby 'hidden'<br />
bundle <strong>of</strong> leaves (X2) remain unknown, as it<br />
was left untouched. In unit 6 <strong>the</strong>re was a bamboo<br />
mug.<br />
For <strong>the</strong> background to this site, see remarks<br />
for La Dschaem above.<br />
Sawaang related ano<strong>the</strong>r short story. During<br />
this stay in Tam Jet Kot II, Waang (64) asked<br />
Daeng (62) for his wife S6 (63); Daeng<br />
apparently agreeing. However, ano<strong>the</strong>r source,<br />
Yao, stated that Daeng was already single at <strong>the</strong><br />
end <strong>of</strong> December 1995, during his stay in <strong>the</strong><br />
Qu'ham Mo Biyae.<br />
La Sawaang Rock shelter-07° 05' 35" N;<br />
99° 57' 38" E, (Figure 1, Site 16)<br />
This site which had been occupied for a few<br />
days at <strong>the</strong> end <strong>of</strong> December 1995 was visited<br />
on 4th February, and recorded on 6 February<br />
1996. Information about <strong>the</strong> site was given by<br />
Sawaang, for whose assistance this site was<br />
named.<br />
<strong>The</strong> La Sawaang rock shelter (Figure 14)<br />
extends about 25m in a north-west-sou<strong>the</strong>ast<br />
direction, <strong>the</strong> surface <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> shelter descending<br />
sharply, south to north. A large cave-like niche<br />
intrudes approximately 10m into <strong>the</strong> rock face,<br />
located at <strong>the</strong> middle <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> rock shelter. In <strong>the</strong><br />
back <strong>of</strong> this niche, <strong>the</strong> remains <strong>of</strong> older<br />
occupations were preserved.<br />
Of nine units with simple sleeping platforms<br />
and leave layers, units 1, 4, 5, 8 and 9 were<br />
constructed on small terraces, with wooden bars<br />
employed to compensate for <strong>the</strong> difference in<br />
level, as in Tam Nong Nien and in <strong>the</strong> Tam Jet<br />
Kot I. Only unit 9 was protected by a ro<strong>of</strong> <strong>of</strong><br />
palm leaves.<br />
<strong>The</strong> site had been inhabited by fourteen to<br />
eighteen people belonging to <strong>the</strong> Yao subgroup,<br />
including Dschaem (= Som Priau, 22). Perhaps<br />
La Sawaang had been occupied by <strong>the</strong> Mani<br />
while on <strong>the</strong>ir way south from Qu'ham Mo<br />
Biyae. But a stay here before <strong>the</strong> Qu'ham Mo<br />
Biyae is also possible.<br />
This is <strong>the</strong> only site where more than twenty<br />
wooden sticks (Figure 15) and one forked stick<br />
(Figure 16) were observed. <strong>The</strong>y were up to<br />
80cm long and around 3cm thick, covered with<br />
parallel markings (X2), decorations or scratches,<br />
and having an intense smell infused into <strong>the</strong>m.<br />
For clarification <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir purpose two <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se<br />
sticks were shown to L6, <strong>the</strong> head <strong>of</strong> a Mani<br />
group, located in <strong>the</strong> south-east <strong>of</strong> Satun<br />
province. He described <strong>the</strong> sticks as being part<br />
<strong>of</strong> a grill, utilised in <strong>the</strong> roasting <strong>of</strong> mu din (hog<br />
badger), <strong>the</strong> smell deriving from this. <strong>The</strong>re is<br />
an accumulation <strong>of</strong> grease on <strong>the</strong> sticks, which<br />
is later removed by scraping with a scale as<br />
used for grinding <strong>the</strong> wild yams.<br />
Known from Tong Nong Nien, grease from<br />
<strong>the</strong> mu din plays an important role in Mani life,<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2<br />
181
Gerd Albrecht and Johannes Moser<br />
~/<br />
7<br />
7<br />
7<br />
::><br />
><br />
><br />
::><br />
~~<br />
"\. ~<br />
;<br />
....<br />
E<br />
..c: "'<br />
..:.:: "'<br />
u<br />
0<br />
'-<br />
oo<br />
c::<br />
"' :3:<br />
C/J "'<br />
.....l "'<br />
......<br />
""'<br />
"' r..<br />
= ell<br />
~<br />
182<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong>rhe <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s J & 2
Recent Mani settlements in Satun Province, Sou<strong>the</strong>rn Thailand<br />
Figure 15 Decorated wooden stick, La Sawaang<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s I & 2 183
Gerd Albrecht and Johannes Moser<br />
'<br />
Figure 16 Decorated wooden fork, La Sawaang<br />
being rubbed into <strong>the</strong> body before dancing, and<br />
a medicine. Bones <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> mu din (Figure 14, F)<br />
were found scattered about, with a concentration<br />
in <strong>the</strong> north <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> site, where an isolated<br />
fireplace might have been used for roasting.<br />
After more than a month, <strong>the</strong> smell <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> grease<br />
remained intense. <strong>The</strong> great importance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
mu din to <strong>the</strong> Mani warrants fur<strong>the</strong>r<br />
investigation. Many questions remain regarding<br />
ceremonial and symbolic practises, <strong>the</strong> removal<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> grease and <strong>the</strong> resulting 'decorated' sticks.<br />
At <strong>the</strong> entrance to <strong>the</strong> camp, a young tree<br />
was carved with lines and signs, from <strong>the</strong> bottom<br />
to a height <strong>of</strong> 180cm.<br />
Pa Pon Forest Camp---07° 05' 36" N; 99° 59'<br />
44" E, (Figure 1 site 18 and Figure 17<br />
This site, which had been occupied for a few<br />
days in <strong>the</strong> middle <strong>of</strong> January 1996, was visited<br />
on 28 January 1996, and recorded in detail <strong>the</strong><br />
next day. An additional visit, accompanied by<br />
Yao, was undertaken on 30 January. Information<br />
was related by Yao and a local farmer, Porn.<br />
Stretching over 30m up a slight south to north<br />
slope, fourteen units are arranged in two rows,<br />
accommodating 44 people. Many kinds <strong>of</strong><br />
sleeping places were observed, from only leaf<br />
layers, in units 4, 8, 12 and 13, simple platforms<br />
with leaf layers, to two aligned partial platforms<br />
(unit 6) or angled (unit 5). Unit 8, interestingly,<br />
had <strong>the</strong> leaf layers surrounded by wooden bars.<br />
As is usual in forest camps, all <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> shelters<br />
were protected by ro<strong>of</strong>s <strong>of</strong> palm leaves.<br />
This site could be divided into a nor<strong>the</strong>rn<br />
and sou<strong>the</strong>rn part, <strong>the</strong> entirety utilised by an<br />
enlarged Sen grouping. At <strong>the</strong> nor<strong>the</strong>rn edge <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> settlement traces <strong>of</strong> older structures could<br />
be observed (X3).<br />
<strong>The</strong> following list was compiled from Yao's<br />
information:<br />
Unit 1: Dschid (65) with his wife Jap (61)<br />
and her daughter Pa (128)<br />
184<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
Recent Mani settlements in Satun Province, Sou<strong>the</strong>rn Thailand<br />
E<br />
"'<br />
0.<br />
E<br />
0::<br />
u<br />
·-.·<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong>t he <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s I & 2<br />
185
Gerd Albrecht and Johannes Moser<br />
Figure 18 Toy, Pa Pon<br />
Unit 2: Daeng (male, 62)<br />
Unit 3: Dam (72) with his wife Dschim (71)<br />
and children Dob (139) and Bonn (140)<br />
Unit 4: Pon (male, 67)<br />
Unit 5: Dschaem (= Som Priau, 22) with his<br />
wife Maen (51) and children Tui (59) and Piaen<br />
(60)<br />
Unit 6: Kai (75) with his wife Jaa (76) and<br />
children Puk (141) and Baen (142)<br />
Unit 7: Kai (male, 66)<br />
Unit 8: Hi (male, 56), Daen (male, 135),<br />
Daeng (male, 62, temporarily: see unit 2) and<br />
Dsched (male, 69, temporarily ?: see unit 11)<br />
Unit 9: Si (129) with her husbands Hoe<br />
(131) and Dschaa (130), toge<strong>the</strong>r with Kung<br />
(29) and her children Tom (83) and Loh (84)<br />
Unit l 0: Yao (58) with his wife Prang (57)<br />
Unit 1l:Dsched (69) with his wife Daeng<br />
(68) and children Dschaed (I 36) and Dschom<br />
(138)<br />
Unit 12: Kam (male, 70)<br />
Unit 13: Dik (male, 127)<br />
Unit 14: Sen (6) with his wife Aet (= Baen,<br />
7 ?)<br />
<strong>The</strong> most remarkable find at this site are <strong>the</strong><br />
toys (X2), found in units 5 and 11. <strong>The</strong>y were<br />
rough copies <strong>of</strong> pickup trucks, made from banana<br />
trunks and palm panicles, to a scale <strong>of</strong><br />
approximately 1: l 0 (Figure 18). Remains <strong>of</strong><br />
blowpipe fabrication were observed on unit 8<br />
(D).<br />
Scattered about <strong>the</strong> site were many consumer<br />
goods (Xl), such as empty cans and instant noodle<br />
soup packages. Between units 3 and 12, <strong>the</strong>re<br />
was a concentration <strong>of</strong> refuse, such as Nescafe<br />
bags, and a milk carton. This marks <strong>the</strong> camping<br />
area <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> teacher Suwat Thonghom (1995), who<br />
visited here for one night. He had donated a sack<br />
<strong>of</strong> rice to <strong>the</strong> Mani, which was found empty<br />
behind unit 10. Yao related that during Suwat<br />
Thonghom's short visit none <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Mani slept,<br />
being afraid <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> hami ('o<strong>the</strong>r people').<br />
Nam Tok Mae Taeng Forest Camp (Nam<br />
Tok = waterfall)-07" 10' 17" N; 100° 04' OS"<br />
E, (Figure 1, Site 19)<br />
This site (Figure 19), had been occupied from<br />
<strong>the</strong> middle <strong>of</strong> January to <strong>the</strong> beginning <strong>of</strong><br />
February 1996, was visited on 29th and 30th<br />
January 1996. Only <strong>the</strong> positions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> platforms<br />
were recorded in a rough sketch.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Mani were present during this visit, so a<br />
detailed record <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Nam Tok Mae Taeng site<br />
was not possible. This forest camp is located in<br />
Phatthalung Province, uphill, not far from <strong>the</strong><br />
site <strong>of</strong> a new dam project, on <strong>the</strong> river Pa Bon.<br />
186<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
Recent Mani settlements in Satun Province, Sou<strong>the</strong>rn Thailand<br />
.~\~<br />
' '<br />
. .<br />
r-·----·.<br />
'lqlllP :<br />
I<br />
I r.n<br />
L. _;;.i<br />
Gerd Albrecht and Johannes Moser<br />
When <strong>the</strong> construction is complete, <strong>the</strong> resulting<br />
reservoir will flood a certain forest valley which<br />
<strong>the</strong> Mani traverse from north and south, thus<br />
forming a barrier to <strong>the</strong>ir movement.<br />
With 22 units this was <strong>the</strong> largest Mani camp<br />
yet visited. Two semi-circle like groups <strong>of</strong><br />
shelters were attached to each o<strong>the</strong>r, slightly<br />
displaced. In <strong>the</strong> open space between <strong>the</strong> groups<br />
three small sleeping platforms, units 6, 7 and 11<br />
served three young men.<br />
In this huge camp many different types <strong>of</strong><br />
platforms were utilised, simple ones with leaf<br />
layers and two-part platforms, arranged in line<br />
or at an angle to each o<strong>the</strong>r. Although a detailed<br />
inspection <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> site was not possible, <strong>the</strong> names<br />
<strong>of</strong> all <strong>the</strong> inhabitants, as well as pronunciation,<br />
were identified.<br />
Unit 1: Sen (6) with his wife Aet (= Baen, 7<br />
?)<br />
Unit 2: Dik (127) with his wife Sa' (126). At<br />
Pa Pon, just a few days earlier, Dik stayed alone<br />
Unit 3: Dschid (65) with his wife Jap (61)<br />
and her daughter Pa (128)<br />
Unit 4: Dam (72) with his wife Dschim (71)<br />
and children Dob (139) and Bonn (140)<br />
Unit 5: Dsched (69) with his wife Daeng<br />
(68) and children Dschaed (136), Dschom (138)<br />
and Pan (137). <strong>The</strong>re is a high probability that<br />
Pan stayed with his family in Pa Pon, unit 11,<br />
although he had not been named by Yao.<br />
Unit 6: Kai (male, 66)<br />
Unit 7: Kam (male, 70)<br />
Unit 8: Yao (58) with his wife Prang (57)<br />
Unit 9: Pon (male, 67)<br />
UnitlO: Qu'an (21) with his third wife Na'e<br />
(52) and son Loh (125)<br />
Unit 11: Ja (male, 56)<br />
Unit 12: Jat (20) and her son Pat (124)<br />
Unit 13: Yao (55) with his wife Thurn (54)<br />
Unit 14: old lady Bueng (3)<br />
Unit 15: Kwaan (27) with his wife Bau (26)<br />
Unit 16: Dschaem (= Som Priau, 22) with<br />
his wife Maen (51) and children Tui (59) and<br />
Piaen (60)<br />
Unit 17: Daeng (male, 62) and Dsched (69,<br />
temporarily ? see unit 5)<br />
Unit 18: Daen (male, 135)<br />
Unit 19: Kung (29) and her children Tom<br />
(83) and Loh (84)<br />
Unit 20: Si (129) with her husbands Dschaa<br />
(130) and Hoe (131)<br />
Unit 21: Kai (75) with his wife Jaa (76) arid<br />
children Puk (141) and Baen (142)<br />
Unit 22: Daeng (male, 62)<br />
<strong>The</strong> site was visited not more than ten days<br />
after <strong>the</strong> group settled <strong>the</strong>re, yet already <strong>the</strong><br />
Mani had collected all <strong>the</strong> food this forest had<br />
to <strong>of</strong>fer. <strong>The</strong> camp was too big and <strong>the</strong> Mani<br />
stayed too long. It appears that <strong>the</strong> Phatthalung<br />
Dam authorities were supporting <strong>the</strong> Mani group<br />
daily with rice and o<strong>the</strong>r food stuffs. <strong>The</strong> state<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> health in Nam Tok Mae Taeng was poor,<br />
with most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> children suffering from colds.<br />
L6 Forest Camp-06° 46' 25'' N; 1 ooo 09'<br />
13"E (Thale Ban, Figure 20)<br />
<strong>The</strong> site was visited on 7th February 1996. It is<br />
situated in <strong>the</strong> Thale Ban National Park near <strong>the</strong><br />
Malay border, east <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> city <strong>of</strong> Satun and is<br />
not located on Figure 1. <strong>The</strong> camp was inhabited<br />
from November 1995 up to our visit and<br />
mapping could only be roughly accomplished.<br />
<strong>The</strong> group was planning to leave shortly after<br />
our visit. This site had been inhabited for a long<br />
time. It was <strong>the</strong>refore not surprising to find <strong>the</strong><br />
shelters constructed in a more solid and complex<br />
fashion.<br />
<strong>The</strong> camp housed only one family. Unit 4<br />
was <strong>the</strong> shelter <strong>of</strong>Waa and her second husband<br />
Nam Ron and contained two platforms, one<br />
simple and <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r <strong>of</strong> two parts. Arranged in a<br />
semi-circle in front <strong>of</strong> unit 4 were <strong>the</strong> sleeping<br />
areas <strong>of</strong> Waa's unmarried children. Of <strong>the</strong>se,<br />
units 1, 3 and 5, were protected by sloping palm<br />
leaf ro<strong>of</strong>s, supported by posts in all four corners.<br />
This is quite different to <strong>the</strong> usual windscreen<br />
supported on only one side, resulting in <strong>the</strong>se<br />
shelters being open on all four sides. In unit 3, a<br />
woven fibre mat, possibly palm leaf, had been<br />
constructed to close in and protect one side <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> shelter.<br />
Units 2, 3 and 5 had simple platforms, unit 6<br />
had a platform and a leaf layer, and unit ~ was a<br />
large, two-part platform. Each unit served only<br />
one person. On account <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> length <strong>of</strong><br />
occupation <strong>the</strong> fireplaces were large, 60-80 em<br />
in diameter and showed intensive burning. From<br />
an ethno-archaeological perspective, <strong>the</strong> size <strong>of</strong><br />
fireplaces can help in estimating <strong>the</strong> duration <strong>of</strong><br />
occupation at a prehistoric site.<br />
<strong>The</strong> units at <strong>the</strong> L6 Camp were occupied as<br />
follows:<br />
188<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
Recent Mani settlements in Satun Province, Sou<strong>the</strong>rn Th ailand<br />
3<br />
entrance<br />
t<br />
N<br />
I<br />
c '.<br />
~<br />
150<br />
p ---- --~<br />
entrance -··><br />
··'( . """<br />
1!Xl<br />
·1'1,<br />
0 ~<br />
-<br />
24{)<br />
.. a-------- --'<br />
4<br />
ca. 0 5m<br />
--====---===--<br />
Figure 20 L6 forest camp<br />
1<br />
:o<br />
160<br />
I<br />
·~1[4~~:><br />
5<br />
6<br />
Unit 1: Dschena, a daughter <strong>of</strong>Waa and her<br />
first husband, <strong>the</strong> late Hejo<br />
Unit 2: Prang, a son <strong>of</strong> Waa and her second<br />
husband, Nam Ron<br />
Unit 3: Enui, a son <strong>of</strong> Waa and Nam Ron<br />
Unit 4: Waa with her husband Nam Ron;<br />
occasionally shared with <strong>the</strong>ir daughter Ej6 and<br />
her child Tscharia, visiting from a Thai village<br />
not far away<br />
Unit 5: Nam Ron, a son <strong>of</strong> Waa and Nam<br />
Ron<br />
Unit 6: L6, a son <strong>of</strong> Waa and Hejo, who<br />
call ed himself <strong>the</strong> leader <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> group<br />
In comparison to <strong>the</strong> Mani camps in <strong>the</strong><br />
Ban thad mountains, this site contain ed vastl y<br />
more commercial goods, obtained from Thai<br />
shops in <strong>the</strong> area: e.g. canned food, cookin g<br />
pots, knives, hoes, c loth (X2) and<br />
wristwatches. L6 explained this abundance<br />
<strong>of</strong> goods by <strong>the</strong> Mani selling wild honey and<br />
wi ld beans to Thai villagers. L6 receives credit<br />
from <strong>the</strong> Thai shop owners, <strong>of</strong> whi ch he is<br />
quite proud. L6 regularly travels to Hat Yai<br />
by bus twice per month to spend an evening<br />
with prostitutes.<br />
Of note was a tree in <strong>the</strong> middle <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
camp, that had been covered with engravings<br />
(Figure 21). A second tree, in front <strong>of</strong> L6's<br />
shelter, was fitted with fixed steps (Xl), and,<br />
according to L6 used to teach climbing<br />
techniques.<br />
Figure 21 Engraved tree, L6 camp<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, VoL 86, <strong>Part</strong>s I & 2 189
Gerd Albrecht and Johannes Moser<br />
Four blow guns were observed, but only <strong>the</strong><br />
one belonging to L6 was constructed <strong>of</strong> two<br />
bamboo sections, as seen with <strong>the</strong> Mani to <strong>the</strong><br />
north. <strong>The</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r three blow guns had <strong>the</strong> two<br />
long sections plus a third shorter section<br />
attached, IOcm to 30cm in length, which served<br />
as <strong>the</strong> mouth piece. <strong>The</strong> knives in <strong>the</strong> camp<br />
were <strong>the</strong> same as utilised by <strong>the</strong> Mani to <strong>the</strong><br />
north, having a bent handle.<br />
L6 related <strong>the</strong> recent history <strong>of</strong> this Mani<br />
group. Previous to L6, Loi was <strong>the</strong> head <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
group (see Mani Genealogy). Ten years ago,<br />
this group had been living in <strong>the</strong> mountains<br />
20krn to <strong>the</strong> north. Because <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> shortage <strong>of</strong><br />
wild yams, Loi decided to move <strong>the</strong> group to<br />
<strong>the</strong> south. <strong>The</strong> shortage had been caused from<br />
an increase in <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> mu din, which fed<br />
on <strong>the</strong> wild yams, and which, according to L6,<br />
this Mani group did not hunt because <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> mu<br />
din's intense unpleasant smell.<br />
<strong>The</strong> area surrounding <strong>the</strong> L6 group had been<br />
settled by Muslim farmers. To <strong>the</strong> Muslims <strong>of</strong><br />
sou<strong>the</strong>rn Thailand, <strong>the</strong> wild 'ground pig', mu<br />
din, is, along with pork, prohibited. For more<br />
than two generations, <strong>the</strong> Loi/L6 group has been<br />
in intimate contact with <strong>the</strong> Muslim farmers;<br />
three <strong>of</strong> L6's sisters have married into Muslim<br />
farming families and <strong>the</strong>mselves converted to<br />
Islam. It is interesting that, in L6's opinion, <strong>the</strong><br />
aversion to mu din is a Mani tradition.<br />
Camps <strong>of</strong> unknown groups<br />
No fur<strong>the</strong>r details, although recorded, are given<br />
here. <strong>The</strong> visited sites are just listed.<br />
Kai Ki Ma Forest Camp, inhabited January<br />
1995--07° 08' 18'' N; 100° 00' 12" E, (Figure<br />
1, Site 7).<br />
Kuan Din Dam Forest Camp, inhabited<br />
December 1995 or January 1996-07° 03' 35"<br />
N; 99° 59' 41" E, (Figure 1, Site 20).<br />
Naitra (Camps in <strong>the</strong> area <strong>of</strong> Naitra, Figure<br />
1, area at upper left)<br />
<strong>The</strong>re are many Mani stories about Naitra<br />
which is not so much a site, ra<strong>the</strong>r, a large<br />
basin, 4krn across, at an altitude <strong>of</strong> 250m. Within<br />
<strong>the</strong> basin are large limestone outcrops, many<br />
rivers and streams, and <strong>the</strong> soil is fertile. <strong>The</strong><br />
Mani stories portray this basin as lush, a rich<br />
source for food such as fish, honey, durian, and<br />
a preferred region in which to live. Yet locating<br />
<strong>the</strong> legendary basin was problematic; clues<br />
towards finding Naitra were contradictory. <strong>The</strong><br />
area was first visited on 6th and 7th February<br />
1996 5 •<br />
Plantations, predominantly rubber, were<br />
established over thirty years ago but this region<br />
has seen little fur<strong>the</strong>r development. With no<br />
roads to this remote basin, products and supplies<br />
are carried in and out by packs. Primary forest<br />
has been preserved only around <strong>the</strong> limestone<br />
outcrops and steep slopes <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> surrounding<br />
ridge, all o<strong>the</strong>r land is in some state <strong>of</strong><br />
cultivation. Regardless, traces <strong>of</strong> recent Mani<br />
sites were easy to find. <strong>The</strong> farmers were helpful<br />
in <strong>of</strong>fering what <strong>the</strong>y knew about <strong>the</strong> Mani. In<br />
our opinion, Naitra could serve as an excellent<br />
retreat area for <strong>the</strong> Mani. Especially, were <strong>the</strong><br />
marginal farming presence reduced, a remote<br />
sanctuary would easily and naturally emerge,<br />
protecting and preserving <strong>the</strong> traditional Mani<br />
way <strong>of</strong> live.<br />
Kao Noi Cave and Rock shelter (small<br />
mountain)--Or 14' 32" N; 99° 55' 38" E. This<br />
was inhabited between August and November<br />
1995 by a small Mani group<br />
Nai Ban Forest Camp--07° 13' 47" N; 99°<br />
55' 46'' E, inhabited in August 1995, possibly,<br />
by Re (24) and his family<br />
Kao Lam Lien Cave--07° 13' 00" N; 99°<br />
55' 16" E. <strong>The</strong> entrance facing <strong>the</strong> river was<br />
inhabited in August 1995, probably, by Sing<br />
(25) and his family, numbering seventeen<br />
persons<br />
Summary <strong>of</strong> ethnographic surveys<br />
Our field research <strong>of</strong> 1995 and 1996 in <strong>the</strong><br />
provinces <strong>of</strong> Trang, Satun and Phatthalung, is<br />
but a beginning. It is necessary to continue and<br />
expand this work, compiling more data for <strong>the</strong><br />
ethnography <strong>of</strong> Mani groups and ethnoarchaeology<br />
<strong>of</strong> hunters and ga<strong>the</strong>rers in<br />
Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asia in general.<br />
In addition to <strong>the</strong> basic information and<br />
occupational patterns presented in this paper,<br />
one o<strong>the</strong>r important discovery ought to be<br />
emphasised. When <strong>the</strong> fieldwork first began in<br />
Satun Province, <strong>the</strong> background information was<br />
on <strong>the</strong> Sang group, from data collected by Surin<br />
Pookajorn and Suwat Thonghom. One particular<br />
focus was on <strong>the</strong> mobility <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Mani, <strong>the</strong> initial<br />
model portraying each Mani group as utilising<br />
190<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
Recent Mani settlements in Satun Province, Sou<strong>the</strong>rn Thailand<br />
twenty to thirty different camps per year. After<br />
<strong>the</strong> research <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se two seasons, and many<br />
hours <strong>of</strong> interviews with <strong>the</strong> Mani, particularly<br />
with Yao (58), Re (24), Sing (25), <strong>the</strong> original<br />
model appears in need <strong>of</strong> modification.<br />
When one chronicles <strong>the</strong> sojourn <strong>of</strong> Yao and<br />
his wife, Prang (57), for thirty days, from <strong>the</strong> end<br />
<strong>of</strong> December 1995 to January 20, 1996, and <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
arrival in Nam Tok Mae Taeng (Figure 1, Site 9),<br />
a total <strong>of</strong> nine camps were utilised, with a stay at<br />
each camp <strong>of</strong> one to four nights. From <strong>the</strong> forest<br />
camp <strong>of</strong>Huai Sai, <strong>the</strong>y travelled south to Qu 'Ham<br />
Mo Biyae, <strong>the</strong>n southwest via La Sawaang' and<br />
Manang to Tam Jet Kot II ( Site 3). After a few .<br />
days, <strong>the</strong>y moved on to <strong>the</strong> east, via La Dschaem<br />
(Site 15) to Pa Pon (Site 18). <strong>The</strong>n, in <strong>the</strong> middle<br />
<strong>of</strong> January, <strong>the</strong>y continued east via three forest<br />
camps, Tam Lod (near Kuan Din Dam), Bo Ri<br />
Sat, and a third near <strong>the</strong> village <strong>of</strong> San Daeng,<br />
before returning to Nam Tok Mae Taeng (Site<br />
9). <strong>The</strong> individuals occupying each camp cb,anged<br />
nearly every time!<br />
Over one year, more than 100 camps appe~<br />
to be utilised by any one individual Mani.<br />
Whe<strong>the</strong>r this is traditional behaviour or <strong>the</strong> result<br />
<strong>of</strong> changing conditions, specifically <strong>the</strong> reduction<br />
<strong>of</strong> forest areas, remains to be determined.<br />
Mani Genealogy<br />
Working from <strong>the</strong> extensive data base collected<br />
by Suwat Thonghom from Trang, and from<br />
intensive fieldwork in 1995 and 1996, <strong>the</strong><br />
authors were able to construct complex kinship<br />
systems for <strong>the</strong> Mani in <strong>the</strong> provinces Trang<br />
and Satun 6 •<br />
<strong>The</strong> membership <strong>of</strong> six Mani groups is more<br />
or less completely identified: <strong>the</strong> Bueng, Si and<br />
L6 groups in Satun Province and <strong>the</strong> Ba, Kai<br />
and So groups in Trang Province. A seventh<br />
group, Yam, has been partially documented:<br />
only four names have been recorded, and <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
dwelling place is unknown.<br />
<strong>The</strong> L6 group has not been linked through<br />
intermarriage to <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>rs for two generations.<br />
In total, 179 persons, belonging to six<br />
generations, are known by name (see Tables 1<br />
and 2). <strong>The</strong>re is some question whe<strong>the</strong>r twenty<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se individuals are still alive, and according<br />
to Kleo Boonrung <strong>the</strong> old lady Bueng (3) died<br />
in <strong>the</strong> summer <strong>of</strong> 1997.<br />
Most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se groups still live in <strong>the</strong> forest,<br />
although for some time <strong>the</strong> Si group has been<br />
staying on <strong>the</strong> rubber plantation <strong>of</strong> Mr Wui,<br />
near Tschong Nap village, in Thung W a district.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Ba group is attempting to construct a<br />
permanent settlement, and has begun to plant<br />
crops. <strong>The</strong> L6 group still lives an independent<br />
life in <strong>the</strong> forest, but trades with local farmers.<br />
Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, <strong>the</strong>ir young women are engaged<br />
to Thai farmers.<br />
<strong>The</strong> genealogy diagrams require some<br />
comments.lt was confusing for <strong>the</strong> researchers<br />
to find that <strong>the</strong> Mani <strong>of</strong>ten have both Mani<br />
and Thai names, which <strong>the</strong>y sometimes alter.<br />
As an example, Som Priau (22) is now named<br />
Dschaem. Apparently his former name was<br />
Loi, from <strong>the</strong> time he was engaged with Na'e<br />
(52). Her name at that time may have been<br />
Ban. This information is based on having<br />
been given two different sets <strong>of</strong> parents for<br />
Dschid (65); one informant called <strong>the</strong>m<br />
'G'Loi 'li'Kim 'li'Sabu<br />
San<br />
(Viii~<br />
IL...-1_. h_u....,sb.-an_d_....JI '-1 _2_. h_u_sb.-a_nd_....JI<br />
'ii'Seng<br />
'li'Pa<br />
I<br />
I<br />
I<br />
'ii'Kiai 'ii'Hejo Waa Namron<br />
._,_I___<br />
1_. _hu_sb_a_nd________.l I 2. h~sband I<br />
~--~---r :<br />
~--~--~~~~~--~<br />
Moi Dschenna L6<br />
I<br />
Pimon Namron Enui Prang Ej6 Daeng Wang<br />
(Vill'--jg_er_) ----,---------''<br />
I I I<br />
Kame Musa Yussuf Sat6 Dscharia<br />
Table 1: Genealogy <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> L6 Group<br />
I<br />
'--'__<br />
10<br />
N<br />
Nokeo<br />
2<br />
Kung<br />
Bueng Group<br />
Bueng<br />
4<br />
Daed<br />
, I , 7<br />
Kial<br />
Sen Baen<br />
8<br />
Mahad<br />
' Cl<br />
:::<br />
;i<br />
f:?_<br />
~<br />
s-<br />
(1)<br />
V:l<br />
~ .,<br />
[<br />
~<br />
;:;:.<br />
V) "'<br />
5•<br />
3<br />
g><br />
~-<br />
S! "'<br />
<<br />
!2.<br />
00<br />
a,<br />
'U<br />
;::;.<br />
"'<br />
"'<br />
?:><br />
N<br />
---<br />
12 Nang<br />
13 rschu<br />
Ba Group<br />
36 1<br />
Sang<br />
89 I 90 I<br />
~,. Pin FaLtm Ju Baen Cem Loam<br />
H<br />
~7<br />
~ Tae<br />
14 15<br />
Na Saonui<br />
1<br />
38 1 39 I<br />
Kai Hleng<br />
Kai Group<br />
r ~<br />
4 o I -_;;-r.·,l<br />
Oaeng Kjflt le<br />
So Group<br />
:1<br />
43 1<br />
Am<br />
L<br />
16<br />
T"<br />
17<br />
I-:J<br />
I<br />
, I , 93 04 1 os I " I ~ ~ 97 1· 98 I " I 100 l 1o1 I,., I 103 I 104 1 1osl 1001 tori 1081 1091 110 I 111 I ml m I 114 I \ 1ts, _r;;;Tm T 1r8 T 1t9 1 L!<br />
1 1<br />
1 a W~ng Kea Pat Nu Yang Oschl Oschla Tong Hoo Sam Bou Ba _L Klao Wong Wal Kwaan Maen Lj"" Jr Peon J~rt<br />
"3 ~ , J 11 :.[ I Meo<br />
I ~~- .<br />
I<br />
147 148 149 I 150 1 151 I 152 I 153 ~ 155 15 .~<br />
Ong Li Watans Wandi Radri Sakda Ytg Dek Loa Ktano Yang<br />
L I .<br />
.___<br />
'(.am~ruppe<br />
Rung Yam<br />
l .<br />
,. r .. 1<br />
Biag<br />
Dschai<br />
::0<br />
""'<br />
"' :::s<br />
~<br />
., ~<br />
:::s<br />
"'<br />
~<br />
~<br />
~<br />
:::s<br />
Gerd Albrecht and Johannes Moser<br />
Dschaem (22) and Na'e (52), ano<strong>the</strong>r named<br />
<strong>the</strong>m Loi and Ban.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Mani, both men and women, are used to<br />
changing <strong>the</strong>ir partners several times during <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
lifetimes. <strong>The</strong> children <strong>the</strong>y identify as <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
own are sometimes not <strong>the</strong>ir biological ones.<br />
For example, Yao (58) is called son <strong>of</strong> Maen<br />
(51) and Ban= Na'e (52)!<br />
Mani women give birth to remarkably many<br />
children: Na'e (52) has seven children, all still<br />
living, while Dschai (79) and Yuun (50) each<br />
have six. Four children per woman are common.<br />
It is thought that this may be a development <strong>of</strong><br />
recent decades, and a result <strong>of</strong> more intensive<br />
contact with farmers, with concomitant changes<br />
in nutrition.<br />
<strong>The</strong> relationship between <strong>the</strong> families<br />
requires fur<strong>the</strong>r investigation. <strong>The</strong> information<br />
in this study will, hopefully provide a base for<br />
urgently needed ethnographic studies <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Mani. This work, which should be done by<br />
highly trained specialists, is rendered urgent by<br />
<strong>the</strong> precarious situation in which <strong>the</strong> Mani find<br />
<strong>the</strong>mselves.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Mani need assistance to find <strong>the</strong>ir place<br />
in <strong>the</strong> Thai landscape, without losing <strong>the</strong>ir ethnic<br />
identity.<br />
Archaeology<br />
During our research, we received fortuitous<br />
information about two neolithic burial sites<br />
in caves <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> region, Tam Yao (07° 07' 00''<br />
N; 99° 59' 50"E, Figure 1, Site 12) and Tam<br />
Hoi ( 07° 05' 39'' N; 99° 55' 05'' E, (Figure 1<br />
Site 11).<br />
Some very good cord-marked-vessels and<br />
bowls are kept in <strong>the</strong> nearby monastery <strong>of</strong>Baan<br />
Pathana. Remains <strong>of</strong> at least two burials can be<br />
seen, in a hidden small chamber, far back from<br />
<strong>the</strong> present-day cave entrance, close to <strong>the</strong><br />
opening to ano<strong>the</strong>r valley. <strong>The</strong> widely ramified<br />
cave system is not so far completely explored.<br />
No destructive intrusions, such as digging for<br />
fertiliser, could be observed. An archaeological<br />
excavation would be worth while. <strong>The</strong>re is even<br />
a chance <strong>of</strong> finding settlement structures, in <strong>the</strong><br />
deep, undisturbed, soils at <strong>the</strong> opening to <strong>the</strong><br />
o<strong>the</strong>r valley.<br />
Cord-marked potsherds, typical <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Neolithic period in Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asia, are kept in<br />
<strong>the</strong> monastery <strong>of</strong> Tam La Kang Tong. Many<br />
similar pieces can be found in an upper chamber<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Tam Hoi cave system, near an opening in<br />
a limestone cliff. <strong>The</strong> site is heavily disturbed<br />
by farmers, who have dug for fertiliser in that<br />
part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> cave. <strong>The</strong>re are no undisturbed layers<br />
remaining to provide any stratigraphical control.<br />
Scientific analysis can <strong>the</strong>refore only be based<br />
on <strong>the</strong> typology <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> findings. However, many<br />
archaeological objects are left in <strong>the</strong> cave and<br />
should be fully recorded and collected. Both<br />
<strong>the</strong>se sites, as well as <strong>the</strong> material preserved in<br />
monasteries, are worthy <strong>of</strong> attention by Thai<br />
archaeologists.<br />
<strong>The</strong> ceramics from Tam Hoi and Tam Yao<br />
caves are relatively coarse in texture and are<br />
typically decorated with cord markings, and can<br />
be related to known finds in sou<strong>the</strong>rn Thailand,<br />
and nor<strong>the</strong>rn Malaysia. Similar material is found<br />
in Lang Rongrien Cave (Anderson 1990) and<br />
Moh-Khiew Cave (Pookajorn 1991) near Krabi,<br />
as well as in <strong>the</strong> Sakai Cave (Pookajorn 1991),<br />
near Trang.<br />
Malaysian sites, which are noteworthy in<br />
this regard,. include Gua Musang Cave (Tweedie<br />
1953), Gua Cha Cave (Adi 1985), both in<br />
Kelantan, as well as <strong>the</strong> site Tengku Lembu in<br />
Pedis (Tweedie 1953), Ulu Jepai, Lenggong in<br />
Perak and Gua Barna Cave in Pahang (Tweedie<br />
1953). As <strong>the</strong>se sites are but a few hundred<br />
kilometres from <strong>the</strong> Thai finds in Satun province,<br />
<strong>the</strong> ornamental and formal correspondence<br />
between <strong>the</strong> two is hardly surprising. To what<br />
extent <strong>the</strong>re was actual personal contact between<br />
<strong>the</strong> prehistoric cultures <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> two localities must<br />
remain unknown.<br />
In addition to <strong>the</strong>se two sites near<br />
monasteries, two o<strong>the</strong>r prehistoric sites were<br />
found by <strong>the</strong> authors, more or less by chance<br />
and without systematic research, while <strong>the</strong>y were<br />
on <strong>the</strong>ir way to map Mani rock shelters in 1996.<br />
<strong>The</strong>y are situated along a cliff, and yielded only<br />
lithic material, without pottery.<br />
Tam Kleo 1-07° 06' 43" N; 99° 56' 98" E,<br />
(Figure 1 and 22, Site 17)<br />
This site was undisturbed. From two small<br />
pits dug by villagers for fertiliser, Hoabinhian<br />
tools like sumatraliths, could be observed<br />
(Figures 22 and 23). No pottery was visible.<br />
<strong>The</strong> site appears worthy <strong>of</strong> excavation.<br />
194<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
Recent Mani settlements in Satun Province, Sou<strong>the</strong>rn Thailand<br />
Tam Kleo 11-at <strong>the</strong> same cliff, around 50m to<br />
1OOm east <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> above.<br />
All <strong>of</strong> this rock shelter is heavily disturbed,<br />
and most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> original stratification has been<br />
destroyed by farmers digging for fertiliser. In<br />
some places, ash layers and fireplaces could be<br />
seen in <strong>the</strong> pr<strong>of</strong>iles. In <strong>the</strong> rubble, some<br />
Hoabinhian tools and a neolithic (?) adze (Figure<br />
24 ), along with bones from big animals, but no<br />
potsherds were found.<br />
<strong>The</strong> artefacts <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Tam Kleo I and II are all<br />
manufactured from black schist. Sumatraliths,<br />
short axes, and chopper-like tools were found.<br />
This inventory can be compared with lithic<br />
material from nearby sites in sou<strong>the</strong>rn Thailand<br />
(Moh-Khiew Cave) and in <strong>the</strong> province <strong>of</strong>Perlis<br />
in nor<strong>the</strong>rn Malaysia (Bukit Tengku Lembu and<br />
Gua Bintong: Bellwood 1985). <strong>The</strong>se sites are<br />
less than lOOkm away.<br />
It is particularly to be noted that <strong>the</strong> sites<br />
Tam Kleo I and II yielded only stone tools<br />
while Tam Hoi and Tam Yao yielded only<br />
ceramic findings and shell ornaments. Generally,<br />
though, an association (perhaps nei<strong>the</strong>r<br />
coexistent nor contemporary) is noticeable<br />
between lithic and ear<strong>the</strong>nware materials in<br />
caves and middens. Neolithic components are<br />
typically obtained from burials (Moh-Khiew,<br />
Sakai Cave, Gua Cha).<br />
A chronological framework with definite<br />
dates is so far not established for <strong>the</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>ast<br />
Asian region.<br />
Video documentation<br />
As during our fieldwork in <strong>the</strong> Sakai Cave<br />
1993, a camera team accompanied us in 1995<br />
and 1996, and produced video documentation<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Mani groups, and <strong>of</strong> our work. Three<br />
Mani groups, Bueng, Ba and Si, were visited in<br />
different environments, and <strong>the</strong> Mani were<br />
interviewed on camera. This film is now<br />
complete. Copies are available from <strong>the</strong> authors.<br />
Acknowledgements<br />
We would like to take this opportunity to<br />
express our gratitude to <strong>the</strong> Faculty <strong>of</strong><br />
Archaeology at Silpakorn University,<br />
especially Dr Surin Pookajorn and colleagues,<br />
for <strong>the</strong>ir generous assistance, to <strong>the</strong> National<br />
Research Council <strong>of</strong> Thailand, for all <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
help and to Archaeologica Venatoria for <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
financial support. Fur<strong>the</strong>r, we wish to thank<br />
Kleo Boonrung, a local farmer, Suwat<br />
Thonghom, a teacher in Trang, and Detlef<br />
Dirksen from Ko Samui. We would especially<br />
like to thank <strong>the</strong> Mani <strong>the</strong>mselves, without<br />
whose patience during <strong>the</strong> interviews,<br />
especially Yao, <strong>the</strong> head <strong>of</strong> a small group, this<br />
report would be less complete. Without <strong>the</strong><br />
help <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se people our campaigns <strong>of</strong> 1995<br />
and 1996 would not have been a success. We<br />
are also grateful to <strong>the</strong> local monasteries <strong>of</strong><br />
Baan Pathana and Tam La Kang Tong for<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir guidance to nearby prehistoric caves.<br />
Jeffery Parker and David Wood have spent a<br />
long time with <strong>the</strong> translation: <strong>The</strong>ir<br />
contribution is very much appreciated.<br />
Notes<br />
1 <strong>The</strong> research described in this article is part <strong>of</strong> a<br />
co-operative project between <strong>the</strong> University <strong>of</strong><br />
Tiibingen, Germany and Silpakorn University,<br />
Bangkok and was financed by <strong>the</strong> Scientific <strong>Society</strong><br />
Archaeologia Venatoria e. V. Tiibingen.<br />
2 <strong>The</strong> Expedition team in 1995 and 1996 comprised<br />
Gerd Albrecht (archaeologist and Leader), Prasit<br />
Auetrakulvit (student), Harald Beutel (social<br />
anthropologist and cameraman), Kurt Langguth<br />
(student), Johannes Moser (archaeologist). In 1995<br />
only, participants also included Katrin Fudicar<br />
(student), Bjoern Seif (student); and in 1996 only,<br />
Martin Porr (student) took part in <strong>the</strong> work.<br />
3 To determine <strong>the</strong> camp locations a Magellan GPS<br />
NAV5000 was used in 1993 and in 1996 a Garmin<br />
45 GPS was added as a control.<br />
4 <strong>The</strong> numbers in brackets after personal names<br />
refer to <strong>the</strong> genealogies in Tables 1 and 2.<br />
5 A Thai Forestry Office was located at <strong>the</strong> nor<strong>the</strong>rn<br />
entrance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> basin ( 07° 14' 32" N; 99o 55' 38'' E).<br />
<strong>The</strong>re are eighty houses for <strong>the</strong> fifty Thai farming<br />
families settled here.<br />
6 <strong>The</strong> use <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> real names in <strong>the</strong> genealogy is<br />
given with <strong>the</strong> concent <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Mani.<br />
References<br />
Adi, Haji Taha 1985. <strong>The</strong>re-excavation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> rock<br />
shelter <strong>of</strong> Gua Cha, Ulu Kelantan, West Malaysia.<br />
Kuala Lumpur: Museum Department<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2<br />
195
Cerci Albrecht and Johannes Moser<br />
.,<br />
E<br />
"'<br />
0<br />
t<br />
"' 0<br />
c<br />
..<br />
~<br />
c<br />
196<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s I & 2
~<br />
;::<br />
~<br />
~<br />
So<br />
<br />
r<br />
~<br />
C)<br />
ii;•<br />
9<br />
~<br />
00<br />
.a-<br />
~<br />
"'<br />
1<br />
N<br />
0 Scm<br />
~<br />
~<br />
::0<br />
<br />
~<br />
;:<br />
...<br />
~<br />
::.<br />
~<br />
~<br />
~<br />
~<br />
t:::'<br />
;;;·<br />
~<br />
§<br />
'"tl<br />
i:l<br />
~<br />
;;;·<br />
C)<br />
.<br />
~<br />
;::<br />
rt<br />
~<br />
~<br />
l:l<br />
[<br />
.....<br />
\0<br />
-...1<br />
"<br />
------:,<br />
·'<br />
Figure 23 Stone tools from Tam Kleo I : 1, sumatralith, unifacially completely retouched pebble; 2, chopper; 3, oval flake with pebble cortex, ventral circulating<br />
retouched; 4, short axe (?), fragmentary, ventral lateral retouched.
-\0<br />
00<br />
~<br />
1::<br />
l<br />
~<br />
s.<br />
<br />
~<br />
~-<br />
g<br />
~-<br />
~<br />
00<br />
.01<br />
~<br />
......<br />
!
Recent Mani settlements in Satun Province, Sou<strong>the</strong>rn Thailand<br />
Albrecht, G. 1994. Das Abri La Yuan Pueng-ein<br />
Siedlungsplatz der Mani in der Satun Provinz/<br />
Siidthailand. In: EAZ Ethnographisch<br />
Archiiologische Zeitschrift 35: 199-207.<br />
Heidelberg.<br />
Albrecht, G., Berke, H., Burger, D., Moser, J.,<br />
Mueller-Beck, H., Pookajorn, S., Raehle, W. &<br />
Urban, B. 1994 Sakai Cave, Trang Province<br />
Sou<strong>the</strong>rn Thailand. Report on <strong>the</strong> Field Work<br />
1993 to <strong>the</strong> NRCT, Bangkok.<br />
Anderson, D. D. 1990. Lang Rongrien Rockshelter:<br />
a Pleistocene-early Holocene Archaeological<br />
site from Krabi, Southwestern Thailand.<br />
Philadelphia: <strong>The</strong> University Museum<br />
Monograph 71.<br />
Bellwood, P. 1985. Prehistory <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Indo-Malaysian<br />
Archipelago. Sydney: Academic Press.<br />
Bernatzik, H.A. 1962. Die Geister der gelben Blatter.<br />
Giitersloh.<br />
Pookajorn, S. 1991. Preliminary report <strong>of</strong> excavation<br />
at Moh-Khiew Cave, Krabi province, Sakai Cave,<br />
Trang province and Ethnoarchaeological<br />
research <strong>of</strong> hunter-ga<strong>the</strong>rer group, so-called<br />
"Sakai" or "Semang" at Trang Province.<br />
Bangkok: Silpakorn University.<br />
Schebesta, P. 1925. <strong>The</strong> Semang <strong>of</strong> Patalung. Man<br />
1925: 23-6.<br />
Schebesta, P. 1952, 1954 & 1957. Die NegritoAsiens.<br />
<strong>Vol</strong>. 1-3. Moedling.<br />
Thonghom, S. 1995. Sakai. Trang: Provincial<br />
Authorities.<br />
Tweedie, M. W. F. 1953. <strong>The</strong> Stone Age in Malaya.<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Malayan Branch <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Royal<br />
Asiatic <strong>Society</strong> 26 (2): 1-90.<br />
KEY WORDS-THAILAND, FOREST<br />
HUNTERS, ETHNO-ARCHAEOLOGY,<br />
HUNTERS AND GATHERERS,<br />
PREHISTORY<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2<br />
199
A 10,600 YEAR POLLEN RECORD FROM<br />
NONG THALE SONG HONG, TRANG PROVINCE,<br />
SOUTH THAILAND<br />
Bernard K. Maloney*<br />
Abstract<br />
Although long occupancy <strong>of</strong> south Thailand has been recorded at Lang<br />
Rongrien rock shelter, little detailed palaeoenvironmental work has been<br />
published from <strong>the</strong> peninsula. This account begins to rectify <strong>the</strong> situation<br />
using palynology and micr<strong>of</strong>ossil charcoal analyses from a core extracted at<br />
Nong Thale Song Hong. Interpretation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> results is difficult, and <strong>the</strong>re are<br />
unresolved inconsistencies in <strong>the</strong> radiocarbon dates. <strong>The</strong> fire record is longer<br />
than expected, given <strong>the</strong> latitude <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> site, and <strong>the</strong> vegetation was never<br />
stable for long, probably due to hydrological changes, altering climate and<br />
soils, as well as human impact. <strong>The</strong> topography makes <strong>the</strong> site more useful for<br />
tracing local vegetation changes and lake level variations than oscillations in<br />
regional vegetation.<br />
Introduction: location and physical<br />
background<br />
Nong Thale Song Hong is a shallow bean-shaped<br />
lake located at 7° 52 N., 99° 28'50" E. (Figure<br />
1) north <strong>of</strong> Trang, south Thailand. <strong>The</strong> sediment<br />
core was collected by Dr Lisa Kealh<strong>of</strong>er (College<br />
<strong>of</strong> William & Mary, Virginia) and Dr Joyce<br />
White (University <strong>of</strong> Pennsylvania Museum) in<br />
December 1994. <strong>The</strong> site is at c. lOOm altitude<br />
and has no inflowing or outflowing streams and<br />
<strong>the</strong> core was extracted from <strong>the</strong> deepest part <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> lake, but borings were not made to determine<br />
<strong>the</strong> spatial variations <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> stratigraphy. <strong>The</strong><br />
highest point in <strong>the</strong> nearby region is at about<br />
400m altitude, around 14 km south west <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
lake. Nong Thale Song Hong is located in an<br />
area <strong>of</strong> acid to-moderately-acid shales,<br />
sandstones and sandy shales <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Kanchanaburi<br />
Series (Figure 2) which have <strong>of</strong>ten been<br />
metamorphosed to phyllites, argillites, quartzites<br />
and slates (National Resource Atlas 1969). <strong>The</strong><br />
Kanchanaburi Series ranges in age from <strong>the</strong><br />
Early Carboniferous to Devonian and Silurian.<br />
<strong>The</strong> soils near <strong>the</strong> site are red-yellow podzolics<br />
(Figure 1). Red yellow podzolics correlate<br />
roughly with <strong>the</strong> ferrugineous soils <strong>of</strong> French<br />
and Belgian soil classifications (Young 1976)<br />
and have some wea<strong>the</strong>rable minerals remaining,<br />
so <strong>the</strong>y are more chemically fertile than ferrallitic<br />
soils. <strong>The</strong>y form under seasonally dry climatic<br />
conditions, while ferrallitic soils develop under<br />
ever-wet conditions. Red-yellow podzolic soils<br />
commonly occur under various types <strong>of</strong> wooded<br />
savanna vegetation whereas ferrallitic soils are<br />
characteristic <strong>of</strong> humid tropical rainforest areas.<br />
<strong>The</strong> 1:50,000 soil map for <strong>the</strong> area shows <strong>the</strong><br />
site to be surrounded by <strong>the</strong> Fang Daeng soil<br />
series. To <strong>the</strong> north, in <strong>the</strong> hills, soils series 104,<br />
'slope complex' (colluvial soils) occurs, while<br />
<strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r soil series in <strong>the</strong> vicinity is <strong>the</strong> Kho<br />
Hong 'mottled association'. <strong>The</strong> fact that <strong>the</strong><br />
Kho Hong association is mottled confirms that<br />
<strong>the</strong>re has been drying out, with oxidising<br />
conditions replacing reducing conditions.<br />
• School <strong>of</strong> Archaeology and Palaeoecology. <strong>The</strong><br />
Queen's University, Belfast BTI INN, Nor<strong>the</strong>rn<br />
Ireland, UK<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2<br />
201
Bernard K. Ma loney<br />
- I I<br />
' \<br />
I - ' I ....<br />
I I<br />
\<br />
CJ 13<br />
m 26<br />
§ 36<br />
~ 104<br />
Soil series<br />
f'L Escarpment<br />
~ Lake<br />
0<br />
~<br />
Contour (m)<br />
1km<br />
Figure 1 Location map.<br />
D Quaternary alluvium + trace ~<br />
• Tertiary Krabi series ~<br />
~ Triassic + Jurassic Koral series \§<br />
§23 Carb.(?) + Permian Rachaburi limestone<br />
I£ J Silurian Kanchanaburi limestone<br />
jg Ordovician(?) Thong Song limestone<br />
t~ Phuket series<br />
f- ..-1<br />
lngeous, mostly Cretaceous granite<br />
Figure 2 Geology.<br />
202 <strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
A 10,600 year pollen record from Nong Thale Song Hong, Trang Province, South Thailand<br />
Table 1 Rainfall and temperature records <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Trang recording station:<br />
1931-60, temperature 22 years<br />
J<br />
Rainfall 38.6<br />
Temperature 26.7<br />
F<br />
25.5<br />
27.7<br />
M<br />
64.2<br />
28.7<br />
A<br />
176.9<br />
29.1<br />
M J J A s 0 N D<br />
214.2 216.8 238 254.9 282.2 303.4 255.1 106.2<br />
28.2 27.6 27.2 27.2 27 26.7 26.7 27.5<br />
(from Donner 1978)<br />
<strong>The</strong> present climate is characterised by mean<br />
annual temperatures ranging between 26-28°C,<br />
a mean annual relative humidity above 80 per<br />
cent, due to <strong>the</strong> surrounding seas (Trang has a<br />
mean <strong>of</strong> 88.6 per cent for October), and a mean<br />
annual evaporation <strong>of</strong> between 800-1,000mm<br />
(Donner 1978). This is a region with variable<br />
mean annual rainfall. <strong>The</strong> east <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> peninsula<br />
differs from <strong>the</strong> west, and extreme values have<br />
been recorded: Ranong, on <strong>the</strong> west coast, had<br />
6,699.5 mm in 1955 and Narathiwat, on <strong>the</strong> east<br />
coast, had 625.9 mm on <strong>the</strong> one day <strong>of</strong>2 January<br />
1995. Rain falls throughout <strong>the</strong> year and <strong>the</strong><br />
Trang area has a Koppen type Am climate with<br />
heavy annual rainfall and a short drier season<br />
from January to March, so most rain falls in<br />
summer, from <strong>the</strong> south west monsoon. Trang<br />
had a mean annual total <strong>of</strong> 2,177. 7 between<br />
1931-60 (Table 1). <strong>The</strong> south west monsoon<br />
starts in April and reaches a maximum in<br />
October. <strong>The</strong>reafter <strong>the</strong> north east monsoon<br />
begins to dominate. <strong>The</strong> east coast differs. It<br />
has moderate rainfall from January to September<br />
while most precipitation occurs during <strong>the</strong> period<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> north east Monsoon in early winter (from<br />
October-December). Additionally, rainfall<br />
amounts tend to be lower on <strong>the</strong> east than <strong>the</strong><br />
west coast. Higher west coast rainfall means<br />
lower losses through evaporation.<br />
<strong>The</strong> nearest hydrological station to <strong>the</strong> pollen<br />
site with long records is in <strong>the</strong> Trang-Satun<br />
catchment on <strong>the</strong> Khlong Na Ngu at Satun. This<br />
has its maximum discharge in November. A ten<br />
year record from <strong>the</strong> Mae Nam Trang at Ban<br />
Prude Tai also shows a November flow<br />
maximum and <strong>the</strong> difference between low and<br />
high water is 6m. Seasonal changes in lake<br />
levels have not been recorded.<br />
<strong>The</strong> natural vegetation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> area is said to<br />
be lowland tropical rainforest dominated by tall<br />
trees in <strong>the</strong> Dipterocarpaceae family (National<br />
Resource Atlas 1969; Donner 1978). Dominant<br />
species include Dipterocarpus alatus, D.<br />
gracilis, D. chartaceus, D. costatus, and D.<br />
grandiflorus, with Hopea odorata, various<br />
Shorea species, Lagerstroemia speciosa, Schima<br />
wallichii, etc. Lauraceae, Myrtaceae and<br />
Annonaceae are generally predominant in <strong>the</strong><br />
lower levels and Acanthaceae and Rubiaceae<br />
are well represented as undergrowth shrubs.<br />
Bamboos are rare, except for climbing forms,<br />
but palms, canes and o<strong>the</strong>r monocotyledons are<br />
abundant. However, <strong>the</strong> only ecological study<br />
from <strong>the</strong> region (Ogawa et al. 1965) from Khao<br />
Chong, twenty two km east <strong>of</strong> Trang, on <strong>the</strong><br />
western slopes <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> central mountain range,<br />
shows that when <strong>the</strong> Dipterocarps are removed<br />
o<strong>the</strong>r taxa take over as dominants, e.g. Eugenia<br />
clarkeana, Alstonia spathulata, Padbruggea<br />
pubescens, Sterculia spp., etc.<br />
Where swamp forest occurs (Donner 1978)<br />
it consists <strong>of</strong> Lagerstroemia speciosa,<br />
Elaeocarpus spp., Fagraea fragrans, Alstonia<br />
spathulata, Eugenia spp., Saraca spp., and many<br />
types <strong>of</strong> canes.<br />
Human occupancy and land use<br />
<strong>The</strong> oldest archaeological site in <strong>the</strong> region is<br />
<strong>the</strong> Lang Rongrien rock shelter (Anderson 1997)<br />
which ranges in age from 3500 BP to greater<br />
than 43,000 BP. This is located at go 13'N., 98°<br />
53'E. (Anderson 1988). <strong>The</strong> site seems to have<br />
been a hunter camp before <strong>the</strong> last glacial<br />
maximum and chipped stone tools (mainly<br />
flakes) and stone debitage, as well as faunal<br />
remains, were found, while <strong>the</strong>re were traces <strong>of</strong><br />
camp fires. <strong>The</strong> cultural remains above <strong>the</strong>se<br />
consisted <strong>of</strong> 1m <strong>of</strong> occupational midden, with<br />
implement assemblages resembling those<br />
labelled elsewhere as Hoabinhian, dating to <strong>the</strong><br />
early Holocene. During late prehistoric times<br />
<strong>the</strong> site was used as a short term shelter and,<br />
between 4000-2500 years a~o, as a burial site.<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2<br />
203
Bernard K. Maloney<br />
As at Hoabinhian sites in Peninsular Malaysia<br />
(Bellwood 1993), plant remains were absent, but<br />
Bulbeck (1985) suggested that teeth excavated<br />
from <strong>the</strong> Gua Cha, Kelantan, rock shelter<br />
indicated that <strong>the</strong> people had a well balanced<br />
diet with considerable fibrous, starchy vegetables,<br />
especially yams, and a relatively large proportion<br />
<strong>of</strong> sweet foods, e.g. fruits and honey. Phytolith<br />
analysis <strong>of</strong> sediments from Gua Chawas, ano<strong>the</strong>r<br />
limestone cave in Kelantan (Bowdery n.d.) partly<br />
substantiates this (phytoliths are microscopic<br />
pieces <strong>of</strong> biogenic silica which assume <strong>the</strong> shape<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> plant cells in which <strong>the</strong> silica is deposited).<br />
Unfortunately yam pollen has never been found<br />
as a fossil and that from fruit trees is not possible<br />
to identify to <strong>the</strong> species.<br />
O<strong>the</strong>r sites in <strong>the</strong> Trang-Krabi area, which<br />
may date from 6000-5000 BP, include Khao<br />
Khanab Nam, Na Ching and Tham Phi Huato.<br />
<strong>The</strong> occupation <strong>of</strong> Khao Khanab Nam appears<br />
to relate to <strong>the</strong> period <strong>of</strong> high sea level from<br />
around 6000-5000 BP. <strong>The</strong> middle Holocene<br />
sites contain pottery (absent from <strong>the</strong> early levels<br />
at Lang Rongrien) and ground stone tools,<br />
especially adze/axe blades. <strong>The</strong>se suggest that<br />
forest trees could be felled but whe<strong>the</strong>r or not<br />
<strong>the</strong>y could be used to cut down large dipterocarps<br />
needs to be tested through experiment. No edge<br />
wear analyses have been carried out on <strong>the</strong>se<br />
tools. Evans (1931) reported adze heads from<br />
Chong in <strong>the</strong> Trang-Phattalung hills. It is not<br />
clear from <strong>the</strong> literature if any lakeside<br />
occupation has been detected in <strong>the</strong> region.<br />
As for later times, Chinese sources indicate<br />
that several small coastal settlements in<br />
Peninsular Thailand had developed into<br />
something larger and more culturally elaborate<br />
by <strong>the</strong> third century AD (O'Connor (1986).<br />
However, <strong>the</strong> west coast has less natural<br />
harbours or rice plains than <strong>the</strong> east and <strong>the</strong><br />
only important early settlements found so far<br />
are at Amphur Takuapa, Phanga Province, and<br />
Khuan Luk Pat, Krabi Province. Both <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se<br />
sites are situated on river systems. Kuan Luk<br />
Pat, <strong>the</strong> less studied <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> two, is <strong>the</strong> older and<br />
has yielded finds <strong>of</strong> small seals similar to those<br />
from Oc-Eo, which may date to <strong>the</strong> first-third<br />
centuries AD. Old, but undated, tin workings<br />
(Bourke 1905) occur in <strong>the</strong> Trang-Phuket region.<br />
<strong>The</strong>se are largely in alluvial deposits. What are<br />
termed 'Indian' remains were also found,<br />
imprecisely dated, but probably from <strong>the</strong> 11th-<br />
12th century. Finds include unbaked clay tablets<br />
from <strong>the</strong> limestone caves <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Trang area,<br />
some with Buddhist texts in Sanskrit, which<br />
possibly also date to <strong>the</strong> eleventh century AD.<br />
<strong>The</strong>re appears to be little o<strong>the</strong>r historical<br />
information from <strong>the</strong> Trang Province, but <strong>the</strong><br />
Kra Isthmus was a very important trading point<br />
on <strong>the</strong> India-China route. Indian merchants<br />
(Donner 1978) used to call at Phuket to trade in<br />
tin (<strong>the</strong>re are several deposits in <strong>the</strong> Mae Nam<br />
Trang valley), gold and spices while Chinese<br />
junks served ports on <strong>the</strong> east coast. <strong>The</strong>re was<br />
a trade route from Trang across <strong>the</strong> peninsula to<br />
Phattalung in <strong>the</strong> east.<br />
<strong>The</strong> current occupants <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> area are<br />
ethnically Malay but <strong>the</strong> Chinese operate <strong>the</strong><br />
rubber plantations, plant pepper and mine tin.<br />
Mokens, Orang Laut, or sea gypsies, are found<br />
along <strong>the</strong> coast. <strong>The</strong>y used to use materials<br />
from <strong>the</strong> forest to build <strong>the</strong>ir boats and to make<br />
implements and utensils. Brandt ( 1961) reported<br />
that orang asli were present in <strong>the</strong> Trang<br />
Phattalung area. <strong>The</strong>y are commonly called <strong>the</strong><br />
sakai in south Thailand. <strong>The</strong> Tonga group living<br />
in <strong>the</strong> Khau Banthat Range between changwat<br />
Trang and Phattalung were said to include some<br />
who lived in caves, to have had blowpipes,<br />
quivers, Jews' harps, and pandanus baskets, and<br />
to have spoken a Mon-Khmer language. <strong>The</strong>y<br />
did not move erratically, but within a defined<br />
area, and only when food ran out. <strong>The</strong>ir<br />
constructions consisted <strong>of</strong> bamboo sleeping<br />
platforms and windscreens <strong>of</strong> bamboo and thatch<br />
O<strong>the</strong>r plant materials used by <strong>the</strong> orang asli<br />
include coconut shells for bowls, scrapers and<br />
belts <strong>of</strong> rattan, wooden cudgels, leaves as plates,<br />
bamboo to cook rice and vegetables and store<br />
water, bark cloth from an Artocarpus species<br />
and Antiaris toxic aria ( ipoh, also used to poison<br />
darts). No attempt was made to preserve food,<br />
e.g. by drying, or <strong>the</strong> use <strong>of</strong> salt.<br />
South Thailand is mainly an area <strong>of</strong> tree<br />
crops (Donner 1978), <strong>the</strong> foremost being rubber,<br />
which was introduced to Trang from Malaya in<br />
1901. Rice is <strong>the</strong> crop with <strong>the</strong> second largest<br />
cover in <strong>the</strong> province, followed by coconuts,<br />
maize, cassava and peanuts. Double cropping <strong>of</strong><br />
rice is rarely practised. <strong>The</strong> minor crops include<br />
mung beans, sweet potatoes and sugar. <strong>The</strong>re are<br />
<strong>the</strong> usual bananas, pineapples and water melons.<br />
204<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
A 10,600 year pollen record from Nong Thale Song Hong, Trang Province, South Thailand<br />
Perennial fruit trees are grown on upland soils<br />
more as forest than orchard, or <strong>the</strong>y are grown in<br />
gardens or farmyards. <strong>The</strong> largest numbers <strong>of</strong><br />
trees are various types <strong>of</strong> oranges, followed by<br />
<strong>the</strong> rambutan, limes and mango. <strong>The</strong>re are about<br />
nine million areca palms and about one million<br />
kapok trees in south Thailand.<br />
Forest products include rattans, e.g. Calamus<br />
caesius, which is used to make cane seats, with<br />
its core used for reed furniture, and C. scipionum<br />
which is used to make walking sticks.<br />
Dipterocarpus spp., Anisoptera spp. and Shorea<br />
hypocha contain resins employed to make<br />
varnish, while Garcinia hanburyi has a bright<br />
yellow gum, called gamboge, which is <strong>of</strong> much<br />
commercial value. Palaquium obovatum<br />
produces gutta-percha, an insulating material.<br />
Dipterocarpus spp. yield wood oil for torches,<br />
caulking boats, varnishing, and water-pro<strong>of</strong>ing<br />
basket ware. Cardamom is derived from <strong>the</strong><br />
fruits <strong>of</strong> Amomum crervanh,jelutong, a base for<br />
chewing gum, fromDyera costulae, and incense<br />
sticks from Mansonia gagei, Aquilaria crassna<br />
and A. agallocha. Hydnocarpus kurzii contains<br />
chaulmoogra oil which is used to counteract<br />
leprosy, corphya leaves from Corphya<br />
umbraculifera, an exotic palm (Smitinand 1980:<br />
94), are used to make hats and Phung-ta-lai<br />
fruits from (Scaphium macropodum) Sterculia<br />
lynchnophora are exported for confectionery . 1<br />
Evidence for past environmental changes<br />
from South Thailand<br />
<strong>The</strong> main evidence for past environmental<br />
changes in south Thailand comes from coastal<br />
geomorphology ( c.f. Tjia 1996). Much <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Sunda Shelf was dry land during <strong>the</strong> last glacial<br />
period, but sea level rose rapidly during <strong>the</strong><br />
early Holocene, and was 4m higher than present<br />
between 6000-4800 BP, about 2m higher around<br />
4000 BP, 2m about 2500 BP and 1.5m about<br />
2000 BP with regressions in between <strong>the</strong>se dates<br />
(Figure 3).<br />
Two pollen diagrams from <strong>the</strong> area have<br />
been published (Hastings 1983; Thanikaimoni,<br />
in Stargardt 1983, 1998) but both are from east<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> mountain divide and extend back to no<br />
•<br />
• •<br />
•<br />
]<br />
i<br />
•<br />
~<br />
Mean sea level •<br />
0<br />
9l<br />
c<br />
2 • •<br />
E<br />
lS<br />
.9<br />
•<br />
s • • •<br />
~<br />
•<br />
=-= 0 -5<br />
•<br />
~ -6<br />
• •<br />
.§<br />
-7<br />
•<br />
i -' -8<br />
•<br />
"'<br />
-9<br />
-10<br />
•<br />
• • SHELLS<br />
• • PEAT/WOOD<br />
Figure 3 Holocene sea-level curve.<br />
Time !Years B.P.)<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s I & 2 205
Bernard K. Maloney<br />
more than 4,000 BP. <strong>The</strong> Sathingphra core has<br />
not been directly dated, and as Allen (1988-89:<br />
169) has pointed out, <strong>the</strong> inferred age <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
basal sample is incorrectly calculated, so <strong>the</strong>re<br />
is no reason to accept <strong>the</strong> argument (Stargardt<br />
1983, repeated in Stargardt 1998) that forest<br />
clearance began 4000 years ago, while only one<br />
radiocarbon date (laboratory number not given)<br />
is available from Narathiwat.<br />
Where Borassus pollen is present in <strong>the</strong><br />
upper part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sathingphra diagram it is safe<br />
to assume that wet rice cultivation was taking<br />
place as this introduced sugar palm is typically<br />
planted on rice field bunds. However, we know<br />
from <strong>the</strong> Lang Rongrien, Krabi, dates on<br />
charcoal that people have been using fire on <strong>the</strong><br />
peninsula for at least 37,000 years and <strong>the</strong><br />
possibility that natural forest fires occurred<br />
during drier periods, e.g. El Nino events, cannot<br />
be ruled out, especially for glacial times.<br />
Only ten samples from <strong>the</strong> Narathiwat core<br />
have been analysed and no indication is given<br />
<strong>of</strong> how many pollen grains were counted and it<br />
is not clear which taxa were used to derive <strong>the</strong><br />
percentages. <strong>The</strong> lowermost sample was<br />
dominated by palm pollen, especially that <strong>of</strong><br />
Areca. Only three species <strong>of</strong> Areca appear to<br />
have been reported from Thailand: A. catechu,<br />
<strong>the</strong> cultivar, A. laosensis and A. triandra<br />
(Smitinand 1980). A. laosensis seems to have a<br />
local name solely in Trat, and may be confined<br />
<strong>the</strong>re, but A. catechu occurs widely. It is tempting<br />
to think that <strong>the</strong> Areca may have been cultivated,<br />
especially in view <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> late date for <strong>the</strong> deposit.<br />
Areca pollen is also present at Sathingphra<br />
(Thanikaimoni 1983), in core KL 2 from Khok<br />
Phanom Di (Maloney 1991), as well as at Nong<br />
Thale Song Hong. Grass pollen was fairly<br />
abundant too, as was <strong>the</strong> possible forest clearance<br />
indicator, Macaranga.<br />
Fur<strong>the</strong>r up <strong>the</strong> diagram, more mangrove and<br />
mangrove transition taxa occurred. <strong>The</strong> latter<br />
included Pandanus and Nipa. Hastings<br />
suggested that <strong>the</strong> conditions had become more<br />
brackish. This is certainly true, but well<br />
developed mangrove forest is not represented.<br />
Three possible explanations <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> changes were<br />
put forward: that a minor marine transgression<br />
took place; that tidal inlet patterns changed due<br />
to siltation or marine transgression; or, simply,<br />
as a result <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> mangroves moving landwards.<br />
It is difficult to disagree with any <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se<br />
alternatives, or to choose among <strong>the</strong>m.<br />
Continuing upwards, <strong>the</strong> variations are<br />
suggestive <strong>of</strong> vegetation succession within a<br />
freshwater swamp forest. Melaleuca in particular<br />
became better represented and Elaeocarpus, a<br />
taxon which can grow in a wide variety <strong>of</strong><br />
ecological conditions, had high percentages<br />
throughout, indicating that it probably grew near<br />
<strong>the</strong> pollen accumulation site. <strong>The</strong> percentages<br />
<strong>of</strong> some low pollen producers, e.g. Dysoxylum<br />
and Aglaia, were large enough to suggest that<br />
<strong>the</strong>y too were to be found locally. A reemergence<br />
<strong>of</strong> Hibiscus, a minor pollen taxon<br />
lower down, in <strong>the</strong> upper part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> diagram is<br />
also notable. This plant produces very large,<br />
distinctive, pollen grains which are unlikely to<br />
travel far. More important though is <strong>the</strong><br />
appearance <strong>of</strong> Trema, a weed tree, which may<br />
indicate disturbance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> vegetation. A rise in<br />
palm pollen also took place, but closer<br />
identification <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> palm pollen is needed to<br />
deduce what this means. Hastings interpreted<br />
this part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> diagram in terms <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> first<br />
impact <strong>of</strong> man, using Trema and Lycopodium to<br />
do so, but Lycopodium can be a common wetland<br />
plant and has spores which are almost certainly<br />
only locally dispersed. <strong>The</strong> taxon may<br />
sometimes be identifiable to <strong>the</strong> species level,<br />
e.g. L. cemuum ( cf. Knox 1950; Huang 1972).<br />
<strong>The</strong> disappearance <strong>of</strong> Dipterocarpaceae is far<br />
more significant as <strong>the</strong> family includes taxa<br />
which yield excellent timber and because <strong>the</strong><br />
pollen is usually under-represented in <strong>the</strong> pollen<br />
record. This is a better indicator <strong>of</strong> disturbance.<br />
Nong Thale Song Hong: field and laboratory<br />
methods<br />
<strong>The</strong> pollen core was extracted using a modified<br />
Livingstone piston sampler. This type <strong>of</strong> borer<br />
uses <strong>the</strong> barrel <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> corer as <strong>the</strong> tube in which<br />
<strong>the</strong> sample is retained. Once a core section has<br />
been extracted, <strong>the</strong> top and shoe <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> borer are<br />
removed, <strong>the</strong> barrel is stoppered at its top and<br />
bottom, labelled, and stored for transport back<br />
to <strong>the</strong> laboratory. It is <strong>the</strong>n replaced by ano<strong>the</strong>r<br />
barrel, and <strong>the</strong> process begins again. <strong>The</strong><br />
disadvantage <strong>of</strong> this method is that it is only<br />
possible to know what type <strong>of</strong> sediment you are<br />
coring through by looking at what adheres to<br />
206<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
A 10,600 year pollen record from Nong Thale Song Hong, Trang Province, South Thailand<br />
<strong>the</strong> outside <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> barrel, and to <strong>the</strong> shoe.<br />
Sediment characteristics cannot be recorded until<br />
<strong>the</strong> core is extruded in <strong>the</strong> laboratory.<br />
<strong>The</strong> samples upon which this research is<br />
based comprised two cubic centimetre subsamples<br />
taken at 5 em. intervals from <strong>the</strong> 5.5 to<br />
145.5 em levels <strong>of</strong> a 3m core. <strong>The</strong> material was<br />
all fine grained: clay, silt, to medium sized sand<br />
with clay predominating. Standard laboratory<br />
techniques were used in processing except that<br />
samples were left to disaggregate in cold<br />
hydr<strong>of</strong>luoric acid for a week to gently destroy<br />
as much silica as possible, <strong>the</strong>n <strong>the</strong> process was<br />
speeded up by heating in a water bath for about<br />
five minutes. <strong>The</strong> subsequent preparation<br />
involved treatment with Calgon to deflocculate<br />
and disperse <strong>the</strong> clays. Five tablets containing a<br />
known number <strong>of</strong> marker Lycopodium clavatum<br />
spores (cf Stockrfl.arr 1971) were added to each<br />
sample to derive pollen-and rillcr<strong>of</strong>ossil charcoal<br />
concentration fig~es. <strong>The</strong> pollen spectra have<br />
been interpreted using information concerning ·<br />
<strong>the</strong> topography 0~ <strong>the</strong> . site, ecological and<br />
botanical literature and field work experience in<br />
o<strong>the</strong>r parts <strong>of</strong> Thailand. <strong>The</strong> author has not<br />
visited Nong Thale Song Hong.<br />
Radiocarbon dating<br />
Five AMS radiocarbon dates have been obtained<br />
from <strong>the</strong> core (Table 2). All <strong>the</strong> samples were<br />
pre-treated at <strong>the</strong> Beta Analytic laboratory and<br />
measured using <strong>the</strong> Oxford University<br />
accelerator. <strong>The</strong> dates from core sections 2TS 1,<br />
2TS2 and 2TS3 (Table 1), are consistent, but<br />
<strong>the</strong> two dates from section 2TS4, while<br />
consistent for that section <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> core, do not fit<br />
in with <strong>the</strong> overlying sequence.<br />
It has been assumed here that <strong>the</strong> dates from<br />
2TS 1-3 are in a reliable sequence and that <strong>the</strong><br />
base <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> core is about 22,000 years old. This<br />
is being tested by measuring <strong>the</strong> 0 13 C values for<br />
several o<strong>the</strong>r samples from <strong>the</strong> cores and through<br />
phytolith analysis. Only one sample from 2TS4<br />
contained enough pollen to be countable and<br />
this suggested a duplication <strong>of</strong> core 2TS3. <strong>The</strong><br />
pollen record from c. 10,650 upwards shows a<br />
coherent set <strong>of</strong> vegetation changes and it is<br />
difficult to see how ei<strong>the</strong>r tectonic activity or<br />
inwash <strong>of</strong> old carbon from <strong>the</strong> slopes could<br />
explain <strong>the</strong> inversions and <strong>the</strong> lack <strong>of</strong> countable<br />
pollen in <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r samples.<br />
<strong>The</strong> pollen and pteridophyte spore record<br />
Only core sections 2TS 1 and 2 will be considered<br />
here. Firstly, looking at <strong>the</strong> general changes in<br />
<strong>the</strong> pollen and pteridophyte concentrations<br />
(Figure 4), it appears as if <strong>the</strong>re was greater<br />
deposition in <strong>the</strong> early period but <strong>the</strong>se figures<br />
have been deri¥ed using just two radiocarbon<br />
dates and sedimentation rates may have varied<br />
quite considerably at different times during <strong>the</strong><br />
Holocene. Using those same two dates to<br />
calculate pollen deposition/cc/yr indicates that<br />
<strong>the</strong> high pollen and pteridophyte concentration<br />
rate is more apparent than real (Figure 5) but<br />
<strong>the</strong> concentrations/cc and concentrations/cc/yr<br />
run largely parallel for <strong>the</strong> middle to later<br />
Holocene. <strong>The</strong> same is true for micr<strong>of</strong>ossil<br />
charcoal particle concentrations. <strong>The</strong> high value<br />
for <strong>the</strong> c. 10,300 BP level may not be real, but<br />
all <strong>the</strong> later ones are. A greater pollen and<br />
pteridophyte spore deposition in <strong>the</strong> early<br />
Holocene would imply wetter conditions than<br />
at present due to an intensification <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> south<br />
west monsoon rainfall as <strong>the</strong> airmass passed<br />
over a larger expanse <strong>of</strong> sea as sea level<br />
continued to rise and was able to pick up more<br />
moisture. At this time <strong>the</strong> watertable may have<br />
Table 2 AMS dates from Nong Thale Song Hong, Trang<br />
Core Depth Radiocarbon age Laboratory 0 13 C, parts/mil Sediment-ation<br />
number (em) (uncalibr.) number rate (cm/yr)<br />
2TSI 84-90 6330±50 Beta-106539 -26.0 0.014<br />
2TS2 50-60 10,820±50 Beta-1 06537 -25.4 0,015<br />
2TS3 36-40 21,170±90 Beta-106538 -22.3 0.007<br />
2TS4 25-31 9,420±50 Beta-1 06540 -27.4 0.004<br />
2TS4 16,490±120 Beta-10 1966 -27.9<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s I & 2 207
G 715 1 Sj.ll3d '98 "]Of\ 'Ni71:JOS U/D1S dLfJfO f1JU.1110 {<br />
80Z<br />
~<br />
ciQ"<br />
= '1<br />
Pollen and pteridophyte spores/cc.<br />
~<br />
...... ...... ......<br />
"""<br />
z<br />
0<br />
::l<br />
(JQ 0<br />
-l<br />
;:::r<br />
"' (b<br />
UJ<br />
0<br />
::l<br />
(/Q<br />
:r:<br />
0<br />
::l<br />
(!~<br />
'0<br />
~<br />
(b<br />
::l<br />
::l<br />
"'<br />
400<br />
764<br />
1128<br />
1492<br />
0.<br />
'0 1855<br />
~<br />
0.: 2219<br />
0<br />
'0<br />
~ 2583<br />
~<br />
V><br />
-o 2917<br />
0<br />
(ti<br />
3311<br />
(")<br />
0<br />
::l<br />
(")<br />
3674<br />
(1)<br />
::l<br />
c;<br />
E. ~ 4038<br />
0 ~<br />
::l<br />
V> ;· 4402<br />
"'<br />
~<br />
"'<br />
§,.,<br />
.,<br />
()<br />
0 [<br />
4766<br />
"' 5130<br />
~<br />
'-<<br />
5493<br />
t:= 5857<br />
"o<br />
-:_..,<br />
6221<br />
6568<br />
6908<br />
7588<br />
7928<br />
8268<br />
8608<br />
8948<br />
9288<br />
9629<br />
9968<br />
10308<br />
10648<br />
"""<br />
1\)<br />
(j) OJ 0 1\)<br />
(j) OJ<br />
0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0<br />
0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0<br />
0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0<br />
0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0<br />
"""<br />
liJUOJIJf!V ")f p.1DU.Ii7[j
60Z:<br />
z: 7?1 I Sj.!Bd '98 "IOJ\ '!(J;J1:JOS WD?S 3tf1]0 JDU./110[<br />
"'l<br />
~·<br />
= ..,<br />
(!><br />
til<br />
z<br />
0<br />
:::J<br />
(/Q<br />
>-3<br />
:r<br />
!:?.<br />
("0<br />
01<br />
0<br />
0 0<br />
0<br />
0<br />
0<br />
Palynomorphs and charcoal!cclyr<br />
1\:) 1\:) w w<br />
01 0 01 0 01<br />
0 0 0 0 0<br />
0 0 0 0 0<br />
~<br />
0<br />
0<br />
0<br />
~<br />
01<br />
0<br />
0<br />
(/)<br />
0<br />
?o<br />
::r:<br />
0<br />
:::J<br />
(JQ<br />
"0<br />
-< "'<br />
:::J<br />
0<br />
3<br />
0 ...,<br />
"0<br />
:r<br />
"'<br />
:0<br />
0<br />
("0<br />
:::J<br />
"'<br />
:::J<br />
0.<br />
"0<br />
..., 0<br />
0.:<br />
0<br />
"0<br />
:r<br />
'<<br />
0 tfl<br />
"0 "' ~<br />
~ §"<br />
("0 Ill<br />
~<br />
[<br />
"' g_<br />
Ill<br />
l1
Bernard K. Maloney<br />
been rising rapidly, and <strong>the</strong> rivers grading to<br />
new, higher, base levels as sea level rose.<br />
Vander Kaars (1990) attributed increases in<br />
pteridophyte spore frequencies in deep sea cores<br />
from eastern Indonesia to wetter conditions, and<br />
<strong>the</strong>refore an increase in fluvial transport. Fern<br />
spore concentrations at Nong Thale Song Hong<br />
are above 10,000/cc. around 10,300 BP, from c.<br />
7600-3300 BP and between c. 1900-760 BP.<br />
However, most types that could be identified<br />
with any precision are taxa <strong>of</strong> dry slopes<br />
(Tagawa and Iwatsuki 1979 a,b,c,d,e, 1985,<br />
1989) and <strong>the</strong> spores are likely to be <strong>of</strong> local<br />
origin. So, conditions in <strong>the</strong> lake basin may<br />
have been drier, not wetter, at <strong>the</strong>se time periods.<br />
<strong>The</strong> highest pteridophyte spore concentrations<br />
occurred around 5100-4800 BP and in <strong>the</strong> recent<br />
period. <strong>The</strong> peaks do not show a consistent<br />
relationship with those for micr<strong>of</strong>ossil charcoal<br />
concentrations and <strong>the</strong> charcoal increases before<br />
c. 2900 BP, especially, appear to relate to<br />
edaphic conditions and not to regional climatic<br />
variations. With edaphic dryness on <strong>the</strong> slopes,<br />
a rise in <strong>the</strong> concentrations <strong>of</strong> tree taxa<br />
characteristic <strong>of</strong> mixed Dipterocarp forest might<br />
be expected. This does indeed occur, particularly<br />
between 7600-3300 BP but, again, <strong>the</strong><br />
concentrations are not completely consistent<br />
with those for <strong>the</strong> pteridophytes. That <strong>the</strong> figures<br />
are much lower is not a surprise as <strong>the</strong> taxa<br />
concerned: Acacia/Albizzia, Combretaceae/<br />
Melastomataceae and Lagerstroemia are poor<br />
pollen producers and <strong>the</strong> pollen is not likely to<br />
be well dispersed. <strong>The</strong> Dipterocarpaceae pollen<br />
concentrations (Dipterocarpus, Shorea and<br />
Hopea types) follow <strong>the</strong> general trend <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
dry forest elements suggesting that mixed<br />
Dipterocarpaceae forest was represented on <strong>the</strong><br />
slopes (Figure 6).<br />
Interpretation is fur<strong>the</strong>r complicated by two<br />
factors: <strong>the</strong> strong fire record, which may be<br />
both <strong>of</strong> natural and human origin, and <strong>the</strong><br />
possibility that <strong>the</strong> lake was surrounded by<br />
fringing forest. Trees which could occur in such<br />
a forest include <strong>the</strong> Fagaceae ( Castanopsisl<br />
Lithocarpus and Quercus), Elaeocarpus,<br />
Calophyllum, Carallia brachiata, Eugenia and<br />
flex. Unfortunately Carallia brachiata is <strong>the</strong><br />
only one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se that has pollen which can be<br />
identified to <strong>the</strong> species. Ding Hou (1970: 13)<br />
indicates that this is a tree <strong>of</strong> evergreen or mixed<br />
forests but is sometimes found at <strong>the</strong> edges <strong>of</strong><br />
freshwater swamp forests.<br />
It is possible that swamp forest existed for<br />
all <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 10,650 year continuous record and<br />
that grass dominated <strong>the</strong> water front vegetation.<br />
This grass could have included wild rice as<br />
pollen within <strong>the</strong> size range <strong>of</strong> rice occurs<br />
consistently throughout <strong>the</strong> record.<br />
Vegetation disturbance indicators<br />
Turning to <strong>the</strong> record <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> disturbance<br />
indicators (Figure 7), <strong>the</strong>se include Macaranga/<br />
Mallotus, Celtis timorensis type, Myrica,<br />
Ardisia, Maesa, Trema, Urticaceae/Moraceae,<br />
and, possibly, Schima wallichii. <strong>The</strong> grasses<br />
cannot be regarded as completely reliable<br />
disturbance indicators since <strong>the</strong>y can grow in<br />
such a wide range <strong>of</strong> ecological situations: on<br />
peats, dry land, and in <strong>the</strong> forests. <strong>The</strong> strongest<br />
records are those <strong>of</strong> Macaranga/Mallotus,<br />
Urticaceae/Moraceae and Schima wallichii<br />
which is <strong>the</strong> only taxon with pollen identifiable<br />
to <strong>the</strong> species. However, it can grow over a<br />
wide altitudinal range and in various ecological<br />
conditions. Its highest pollen concentrations<br />
occurred after <strong>the</strong> palm Borassodendron<br />
machadonis faded from <strong>the</strong> record around 4000<br />
BP and it persisted until c. 2900 BP suggesting<br />
that it might have been a regrowth tree. It was<br />
also important in a sample dating to c. 1100 BP.<br />
Borassodendron machadonis is very rare in<br />
Thailand and peninsular Malaysia today, but<br />
has a large, very distinctive pollen, cf. Ferguson<br />
et al. (1987), and could be a useful indicator<br />
type if more was known <strong>of</strong> its present day<br />
ecology.Smitinand(1976)founditat120-160m<br />
altitude in <strong>the</strong> Surin Islands, similar heights to<br />
those <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> study region.<br />
Macaranga and Mallotus can grow in a wide<br />
variety <strong>of</strong> ecological situations, including<br />
fringing forest and evergreen rainforest, but are<br />
characteristic small trees <strong>of</strong> regrowth following<br />
natural and anthropogenic vegetation<br />
disturbance. <strong>The</strong>ir record is surprisingly almost<br />
continuous over time, with absences only from<br />
two samples which may date to c. 10,650 and<br />
8600 BP. <strong>The</strong>re is a peak at c. 10,000 BP which<br />
corresponds to one in <strong>the</strong> micr<strong>of</strong>ossil charcoal<br />
record and <strong>the</strong> dry forest concentration record<br />
and suggests that <strong>the</strong> vegetation on <strong>the</strong> slopes<br />
210<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
liZ:<br />
Z "if [ S1.!Bd '98 ·ro A ' AJ31 :JOS WV?S 3lf1 jo ]1JU.1110[<br />
"'l<br />
liQ"<br />
= "i<br />
...<br />
Q'l<br />
z<br />
0<br />
:::><br />
(]Q<br />
.....,<br />
;::,-<br />
(> ""<br />
(/)<br />
0<br />
~<br />
::r:<br />
0<br />
:::><br />
0'!<br />
v<br />
.a·<br />
.... <br />
~<br />
'0<br />
S2..<br />
(><br />
:::><br />
~<br />
><<br />
?'<br />
400<br />
764<br />
1128<br />
1492<br />
1855<br />
2219<br />
2583<br />
2917<br />
3311<br />
3674<br />
4038<br />
fi<br />
§" 4402<br />
I»<br />
it<br />
0..<br />
4766<br />
I»<br />
(]Q<br />
...<br />
5130<br />
=<br />
::s ,.,<br />
5493<br />
~<br />
'<<br />
"i<br />
o=<br />
5857<br />
0<br />
Ul<br />
0<br />
0<br />
0<br />
0<br />
0<br />
Pollen grains/cc<br />
Ul<br />
0<br />
0<br />
1\.)<br />
0<br />
0<br />
0<br />
1\.)<br />
Ul<br />
0<br />
0<br />
w<br />
0<br />
0<br />
0<br />
w<br />
Ul<br />
0<br />
0<br />
~ 622 1<br />
6568<br />
6908<br />
7588<br />
7928<br />
8268<br />
8608<br />
8948<br />
9288<br />
9629<br />
9968<br />
10308<br />
10648<br />
puvpmfL tf1110S 'a:J U!t\O.ld iluV.IL 'iJUOH iluos 37VtfL iJUON wo.ljp.iO:Ja.l uanod .mat( 009'0! V
z 78 1 SJ.iUd '98 ·1oi\ 't0a1:JOS WV1S attJ ]o tou.mor<br />
Z1Z<br />
~<br />
liej'<br />
c<br />
Pollen grains/cc.<br />
.,<br />
II> ......<br />
-....! (]1 0 (]1<br />
z<br />
0<br />
0<br />
0<br />
0<br />
0<br />
0<br />
0 0<br />
0 0 0<br />
~<br />
>-l<br />
[<br />
(1><br />
[/)<br />
0<br />
::0 4 00<br />
OQ<br />
::r::<br />
0 764<br />
::0<br />
OQ<br />
..<br />
1128<br />
0..<br />
c;;·<br />
2 ..., 1492<br />
0'<br />
"' ::0<br />
(') 1855<br />
(1><br />
5<br />
0.. 2219<br />
;:;<br />
"' 0 2583<br />
~<br />
2917<br />
3311<br />
3674<br />
trl 4038<br />
"'<br />
~ 4402<br />
llO<br />
....<br />
8.. 4766<br />
llO<br />
(JQ<br />
(!)<br />
Q'<br />
...<br />
5130<br />
t:C<br />
5493<br />
:-c<br />
..,<br />
= ::s 5857<br />
~<br />
-:_.,<br />
6221<br />
1\) 1\)<br />
0 (]1<br />
0 0<br />
0 0<br />
0 0<br />
w<br />
0<br />
0<br />
0<br />
0<br />
6568<br />
6908<br />
7588<br />
7928<br />
8268<br />
8608<br />
8948<br />
9288<br />
9629<br />
9968<br />
10308<br />
10648<br />
~iJUOJVW ')J p .IVWiJ[j
A 10,600 year pollen record from Nong Thale Song Hong, Trang Province, South Thailand<br />
around <strong>the</strong> site was disturbed, presumably by<br />
natural vegetation burning, but <strong>the</strong> possibility<br />
that human activities were responsible can<br />
nei<strong>the</strong>r be excluded or proven. Large trees in<br />
<strong>the</strong> Dipterocarpaceae family did not disappear,<br />
however. Urticaceae/Moraceae pollen<br />
concentrations were also high at this time period,<br />
particularly around 10,300 BP. It is tempting to<br />
think that a Younger Dryas climatic flip back to<br />
cooler, drier conditions might be represented<br />
but <strong>the</strong> pollen record becomes even more<br />
intriguing because grass pollen has some <strong>of</strong> its<br />
highest concentrations between 10,000-9600 BP<br />
while weedAlteman<strong>the</strong>ra and Chenopodiaceae/<br />
Amaranthaceae enter <strong>the</strong> record at c. 9600 BP.<br />
Alternan<strong>the</strong>ra occurred continuously until<br />
around 8300 BP <strong>the</strong>n disappeared entirely from<br />
<strong>the</strong> record. <strong>The</strong>se occurrences could lead to<br />
speculation that some form <strong>of</strong> cultivation was<br />
practised. Such taxa can be weeds <strong>of</strong> lowland<br />
rice cultivation and <strong>of</strong> root crop cultivation, but<br />
<strong>the</strong> evidence is too tenuous for any support<br />
without detailed archaeological information<br />
from <strong>the</strong> region. Charcoal concentrations<br />
reached ano<strong>the</strong>r peak around 8600 BP.<br />
Macaranga/Mallotus had concentrations<br />
above 4,000/cc. again between c. 5500-4800<br />
BP and Chenopodiaceae/ Amaranthaceae pollen<br />
was present, but not significant. Gramineae<br />
pollen had quite high concentrations but only<br />
those for a sample about 6200 years old<br />
approached those for <strong>the</strong> opening <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Holocene. <strong>The</strong> forest edge seemed to be nearby<br />
between 6900-6200 BP as Calamus, a climbing,<br />
rattan palm, entered <strong>the</strong> record for <strong>the</strong> first time.<br />
Urticaceae/Moraceae concentrations were<br />
moderate, but weed Smithia pollen appeared for<br />
<strong>the</strong> first time around 6200 BP. <strong>The</strong>re was also a<br />
peak in charcoal concentration <strong>the</strong>n, but it was<br />
not as high as earlier ones.<br />
Artocarpus type pollen entered <strong>the</strong> record<br />
for <strong>the</strong> ftrst time at c. 4000 BP and remained<br />
<strong>the</strong>re until c. 3000 BP. <strong>The</strong>re was ano<strong>the</strong>r rise in<br />
Macaranga/Mallotus pollen concentrations at<br />
c. 3700 BP, matched by one <strong>of</strong> Urticaceae/<br />
Moraceae, but grass pollen concentrations were<br />
moderate. However, Dipterocarpaceae had <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
highest concentrations so far (1,100/cc.) in <strong>the</strong><br />
diagram. Piperaceae pollen similar to that <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Peperomia spp. illustrated on Pl. 115: 3,4 <strong>of</strong><br />
Huang (1972) entered for <strong>the</strong> ftrst time. This is<br />
unlikely to be from Peperomia, an ornamental<br />
plant <strong>of</strong> tropical South American origin<br />
(Purseglove 1974), but probably from a Piper<br />
species. Historical sources indicate that pepper<br />
was grown in <strong>the</strong> area in <strong>the</strong> past and it would<br />
seem that people might have been responsible<br />
for <strong>the</strong>se vegetation changes but could not, or<br />
did not want to, remove <strong>the</strong> large trees. Garcinia<br />
pollen made its only appearance at c. 3700 BP<br />
but my pollen reference collection does not<br />
include G. mangostana. <strong>The</strong> single pollen grain<br />
is triporate with upstanding pores and reticulate.<br />
It does not match any type illustrated in<br />
Seetharam (1987).<br />
Macaranga/Mallotus, Maesa and Saurauia<br />
(sometimes a forest edge tree) were significant<br />
around 3300 BP. <strong>The</strong>re was also some weed<br />
Compositae pollen is <strong>the</strong> sample. <strong>The</strong> c. 2900<br />
BP level saw ano<strong>the</strong>r peak in Macaranga/<br />
Mallotus pollen concentration, and Mimosa<br />
pudica (<strong>the</strong> sensitive plant) occurred for <strong>the</strong> only<br />
time in <strong>the</strong> sequence, but Urticaceae/ Moraceae<br />
pollen concentrations were considerably lower<br />
than at c. 3700 BP, although <strong>the</strong>y increased<br />
greatly in <strong>the</strong> sample dating to around 2600 BP<br />
where <strong>the</strong> Peperomia type pollen appeared again.<br />
Grass pollen concentrations remained moderate<br />
but regrowth Trema had its highest concentration<br />
in <strong>the</strong> diagram. Micr<strong>of</strong>ossil charcoal<br />
concentrations were high from c. 3700 BP until<br />
<strong>the</strong> top <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> diagram. <strong>The</strong> decline in <strong>the</strong><br />
pteridophyte spore concentrations between about<br />
2900-2200 BP suggest that <strong>the</strong> slopes around<br />
<strong>the</strong> lake were burnt. <strong>The</strong>re is no indication <strong>of</strong><br />
what, if anything, was cultivated but parallels<br />
with present day nor<strong>the</strong>rn Thailand suggest that<br />
it was probably dry land rice. Macaranga regrew<br />
between 1900-1500 BP.<br />
<strong>The</strong> upper part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> diagram is also difficult<br />
to interpret but <strong>the</strong> frequency <strong>of</strong> charcoal suggests<br />
that some form <strong>of</strong> shifting cultivation could have<br />
been practised, although useful trees were<br />
probably conserved, e.g. Palaquium from c. 1100<br />
BP when charcoal concentrations decreased<br />
markedly from <strong>the</strong> very high values <strong>of</strong> 98-<br />
200,000/cc. which occurred between c. 1900-<br />
1100 BP. Indeed, Dipterocarpaceae<br />
concentrations reached <strong>the</strong>ir peak (3,300/cc.) in<br />
<strong>the</strong> diagram at c. 1500 BP. It seems possible that<br />
<strong>the</strong> frequency <strong>of</strong> shifting cultivation became less<br />
in <strong>the</strong> last few hundred years. Artocarpus type<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2<br />
213
Bernard K. Maloney<br />
pollen reappeared around 760 BP, Peperomia<br />
type pollen was present in <strong>the</strong> c. 1100 and 760<br />
BP samples, Macaranga/ Mallotus was also<br />
common and Urticaceae/Moraceae had <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
highest concentration in <strong>the</strong> diagram at 760 BP.<br />
<strong>The</strong>re was an isolated peak <strong>of</strong> Piper at 1500 BP<br />
and Areca, which was present in <strong>the</strong> c. 10,300<br />
BP sample, occurred more continuously from c.<br />
6600-4,000 BP, but had its peak in <strong>the</strong> uppermost<br />
two samples. It seems safe to assume that it was<br />
being planted by <strong>the</strong>n, so too probably were<br />
Caryota, a sugar palm or ornamental, depending<br />
upon <strong>the</strong> species, and Corypha. Mangifera was<br />
present in <strong>the</strong> most recent sample.<br />
<strong>The</strong> pteridophyte spore record<br />
O<strong>the</strong>r than indicating when <strong>the</strong> slopes were dry,<br />
<strong>the</strong> record <strong>of</strong> individual pteridophytes adds little<br />
to <strong>the</strong> story. Cya<strong>the</strong>aceae (tree ferns) and<br />
Dicranopteris can be regrowth taxa and <strong>the</strong>y<br />
occur sporadically between 5500-2600 BP.<br />
Dicranopteris is <strong>of</strong>ten among <strong>the</strong> ftrst weeds to<br />
re-enter following dry rice cultivation, as it<br />
regenerates from underground rootstocks, but<br />
<strong>the</strong> spore concentration ftgures and <strong>the</strong> frequency<br />
<strong>of</strong> occurrence would need to be greater to use<br />
its presence to argue for shifting cultivation <strong>of</strong><br />
dry land rice.<br />
'flle forest epiphyte, Asplenium nidus, <strong>the</strong><br />
bird' s nest fern, was only present once, around<br />
7900 BP, Selaginella, ano<strong>the</strong>r everwet forest<br />
indicator occurred at c. 8900 BP, but <strong>the</strong>re were<br />
no spores <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ftlmy ferns (Hymenophyllaceae)<br />
which are found exclusively under very wet<br />
forested conditions. Unfortunately a significant<br />
number <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> pteridophytes could not be<br />
determined very closely as <strong>the</strong>y had lost <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
outer coating, <strong>the</strong> perine, which is sometimes<br />
distinctive to <strong>the</strong> species level.<br />
Wet Land taxa<br />
<strong>The</strong> Lycopodiales are <strong>of</strong>ten indicative <strong>of</strong> wet<br />
conditions and Lycopodium cemuum, which has<br />
a very distinctive spore type, cf. Knox (1950)<br />
can grow on very wet bogs. If it was not growing<br />
on <strong>the</strong> dry slopes, it might be an indicator <strong>of</strong><br />
locally wetter conditions between c. 6600--5500<br />
BP, around 3300 BP and 2600 BP and from<br />
1900 BP onwards. However, this conclusion is<br />
not supported by <strong>the</strong> records for <strong>the</strong> more<br />
certainly wet-indicating taxa (Figure 8).<br />
Cyperaceae had <strong>the</strong>ir highest concentration at c.<br />
10,300 BP and between 9600--8600 BP, aquatic<br />
Potamogeton between c. 10,000--9300 BP and<br />
floating leaved Nymphoides between 10,300--<br />
7,600 BP when sea level and, presumably<br />
groundwater table level, was rising, at c. 6600<br />
BP, 4000 BP, 3300--1900 BP and around 760<br />
BP. Given that <strong>the</strong>re are only two radiocarbon<br />
dates covering <strong>the</strong> last 11,000 years, that more<br />
are needed to establish <strong>the</strong> ages <strong>of</strong> samples<br />
reliably, and more samples would need to be<br />
counted to increase <strong>the</strong> resolution <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> pollen<br />
diagram, <strong>the</strong>re is a reasonable correlation<br />
between <strong>the</strong> Nymphoides data and <strong>the</strong> sea level<br />
curve but <strong>the</strong> later sea-level rises (Bishop pers.<br />
comm.) are a likely response to isostatic<br />
readjustment <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> land ra<strong>the</strong>r than changing<br />
global sea levels. It is difficult to draw any ftrrn<br />
conclusions about regional climatic changes at<br />
this preliminary stage in <strong>the</strong> interpretation.<br />
Conclusions<br />
Evidence for climatic change is difficult to detect<br />
from <strong>the</strong> pollen diagram <strong>of</strong> which selected taxa<br />
are shown in Figures 4-8, but use <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> TILIA<br />
computer program with its associated statistical<br />
package may lead to conclusions not apparent<br />
from visual inspection. <strong>The</strong> topography <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
site is such that most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> pollen grains, and<br />
probably all <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> pteridophyte spores, derive<br />
from within <strong>the</strong> lake basin. This leads to <strong>the</strong><br />
conclusion that Nong Thale Song Hong is a<br />
superb site to use in trying to detect small,<br />
localised, vegetation changes, but <strong>the</strong> likely<br />
incidence <strong>of</strong> natural, dry season, ftres makes it<br />
difficult to unravel <strong>the</strong> impact <strong>of</strong> human usage<br />
<strong>of</strong> ftre from its natural occurrence.<br />
What is clear is that <strong>the</strong> vegetation has never<br />
been stable over <strong>the</strong> last 10,600 years. <strong>The</strong>re are<br />
a series <strong>of</strong> possible forest destruction phases<br />
that predate 4000 BP. <strong>The</strong>reafter <strong>the</strong> demise <strong>of</strong><br />
Borassodendron machadonis could be due to<br />
human impact, changing soil conditions, climatic<br />
change or a combination <strong>of</strong> all <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se factors,<br />
while <strong>the</strong> rise <strong>of</strong> Artocarpus type pollen could<br />
be used to argue that horticulture was practised,<br />
possibly associated with local scale shifting<br />
cultivation <strong>of</strong> dry land rice. Also, large trees<br />
214<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s I & 2
~TZ:<br />
z: "iJ 1 su ed '98 ·1oA 't:.Japos wms aLfJfo 1uu.mor<br />
.,<br />
a'Q"<br />
c: ....,<br />
~<br />
00<br />
z<br />
0<br />
::l<br />
ao<br />
>-l<br />
::;,-<br />
!::.<br />
(1)<br />
en<br />
0<br />
::l<br />
ao<br />
::r::<br />
0<br />
::l<br />
()Q<br />
5'-<br />
(1)<br />
3<br />
~.<br />
::l<br />
~<br />
~<br />
::l<br />
"' 0..<br />
50<br />
><<br />
"'<br />
400<br />
1128<br />
1855<br />
2583<br />
3311<br />
m<br />
Ul<br />
-3" 4038<br />
Ill<br />
-(D<br />
c..<br />
Ill 4766<br />
(Q<br />
(D<br />
:< ....<br />
OJ 5493<br />
:-a<br />
c:<br />
:::J<br />
6221<br />
0<br />
!!!..<br />
.....<br />
6908<br />
.....<br />
0<br />
0<br />
0<br />
0 0<br />
1\)<br />
0<br />
0<br />
0<br />
0<br />
w<br />
0<br />
0<br />
0<br />
0<br />
Pollen grains/cc.<br />
.j:.<br />
0<br />
0<br />
0<br />
0<br />
(.]1<br />
0<br />
0<br />
0<br />
0<br />
0> -..J CD<br />
0 0 0<br />
0 0 0<br />
0 0 0<br />
0 0 0<br />
z<br />
0<br />
z<br />
0<br />
~<br />
~<br />
tr:l<br />
r.n<br />
0<br />
z<br />
0<br />
:I:<br />
0<br />
z<br />
0<br />
7928<br />
8608<br />
9288<br />
9968<br />
10648<br />
0.<br />
z<br />
Q G)<br />
-o :0 '<<br />
m ~ -5<br />
()~ z 6<br />
~ ~ ~<br />
pUVJ1DLf.L LfJ110S 'a:JU!tiO.Id ?JuU.l.L '8UOH ?Juos ;) ]IJLf.L 8UON UIO.t/ p.IO:Ja.t U;)I/Od .mal 009 '0[ \i
Bernard K. Maloney<br />
may have been conserved. <strong>The</strong> latest part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
diagram certainly suggests that some<br />
conservation was occurring and that useful<br />
plants, such as Areca, were being planted, but<br />
this is hardly surprising news. However, it is<br />
dangerous to use a palaeoecological record as<br />
proxy archaeology, particularly as <strong>the</strong> pollen <strong>of</strong><br />
crop plants cannot be determined, and <strong>the</strong>se<br />
conclusions must remain speculative. <strong>The</strong><br />
situation at Khok Phanom Di was entirely<br />
different, and preferable, because<br />
palaeocological and archaeological findings<br />
could be correlated.<br />
<strong>The</strong> lack <strong>of</strong> Hymenophyllaceae (filmy fern)<br />
spores shows that <strong>the</strong> forest was never very wet<br />
but a number <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> tree taxa which have been<br />
attributed here to swamp forest can also grow in<br />
tropical evergreen rainforest. <strong>The</strong>re are<br />
indications <strong>of</strong>local hydrological changes which<br />
may relate to a rising watertable when rivers<br />
graded to a higher sea level but more radiocarbon<br />
dating and better sample resolution is necessary<br />
to correlate lake level and sea level changes.<br />
What has been demonstrated is that <strong>the</strong><br />
vegetation <strong>of</strong> this part <strong>of</strong> sou<strong>the</strong>rn Thailand has<br />
been long affected by fire and this is <strong>the</strong> first<br />
continuous record <strong>of</strong> Holocene vegetation<br />
change from a site between south Thailand and<br />
those (Maloney 1996) in <strong>the</strong> highlands <strong>of</strong> North<br />
Sumatra, one <strong>of</strong> which, Pea Bullok, extends<br />
back 30,000 years.<br />
Acknowledgements<br />
This research was funded by National<br />
Geographic and fieldwork was conducted under<br />
<strong>the</strong> auspices <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> National Research Council<br />
<strong>of</strong> Thailand. <strong>The</strong> author was unable to be<br />
involved in fieldwork for logistic reasons but<br />
thanks Dr Lisa Kealh<strong>of</strong>er, College <strong>of</strong> William<br />
and Mary, Williamsburg, Virginia, and Dr Joyce<br />
White, University <strong>of</strong> Pennsylvania Museum, for<br />
collecting <strong>the</strong> core and providing valuable<br />
background information, particularly Dr<br />
Kealh<strong>of</strong>er who has kept in constant touch by e<br />
mail during <strong>the</strong> course <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> analyses. Research<br />
on <strong>the</strong> o 13 C record <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> site is being carried out<br />
at <strong>the</strong> Palaeoecology Centre, <strong>The</strong> Queen's<br />
University, Belfast, under <strong>the</strong> direction <strong>of</strong> Dr<br />
F.G. McCormac. <strong>The</strong> comment on interpretation<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> sea level curve was made by Pr<strong>of</strong>. Paul<br />
Bishop, University <strong>of</strong> Glasgow, when <strong>the</strong><br />
original version <strong>of</strong> this paper was delivered at<br />
<strong>the</strong> 16th Indo-Pacific Association Congress in<br />
Melaka, Malaysia, during July 1998.<br />
Note<br />
1 Some plant names have been mis-spelled in<br />
Donner (1978). <strong>The</strong> names used here follow<br />
Smitinand (1980).<br />
References<br />
Allen, J. 1988-89. Agriculture, hydraulics, and<br />
urbanism at Satingpra. Asian Perspectives 28 (2):<br />
163-77.<br />
Anderson, D.D. 1988. Excavations <strong>of</strong> a Pleistocene<br />
rockshelter in Krabi and <strong>the</strong> prehistory <strong>of</strong> sou<strong>the</strong>rn<br />
Thailand. In P. Charoengwongsa and B. Bronson<br />
(eds), Prehistoric Studies: <strong>The</strong> Stone and Metal<br />
Ages in Thailand. Papers in Thai Antiquity, vol.<br />
1, pp. 43-57. Bangkok: Amarin Printing Group.<br />
Anderson, D.D. 1997. Cave archaeology in Sou<strong>the</strong>ast<br />
Asia. Geoarchaeology 12: 607-38.<br />
Bellwood, P. 1993. Cultural and biological<br />
differentiation in Peninsular Malaysia. Asian<br />
Perspectives 32 (1): 37-60.<br />
Bourke, W.W. 1905. Some archaeological notes on<br />
Monthon Phuket. <strong>The</strong> <strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong><br />
2(1): 49-62 (reprinted in O'Connor 1986).<br />
Bowdery, D. n.d .. Preliminary phytolith analysis from<br />
excavations in Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asia and Papua New<br />
Guinea. Paper read at <strong>the</strong> 16th Indo-Pacific<br />
Prehistory Association Congress, Melaka,<br />
Malaysia, July 1998<br />
Bulbeck, D. 1985. <strong>The</strong> 1979 Gua Cha skeletal<br />
material. Adi Haji Taha 96-97 (cited in Bellwood<br />
1993).<br />
Brandt, J.H. 1961. <strong>The</strong> Negri to <strong>of</strong> peninsular Thailand.<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong> 49 (2): 123-58.<br />
Ding Hou 1970. Rhizophoraceae. Flora <strong>of</strong> Thailand<br />
2 (1): 5-15.<br />
Donner, W. 1978. <strong>The</strong> Five Faces <strong>of</strong> Thailand: an<br />
economic geography. London: Hurst & Co.<br />
Evans, I. H. N. 1931. Stone objects from Surat,<br />
peninsular <strong>Siam</strong>. <strong>The</strong> <strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>,<br />
24 (2): 203-5 (reprinted in O'Connor 1986).<br />
Ferguson, I. K., Harvard, A.J. and Dransfield, J. 1987.<br />
<strong>The</strong> pollen morphology <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> tribe Borasseae<br />
(Palmae: Coryphoideae). Kew Bulletin 42( 2):<br />
405-22.<br />
216<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
A 10,600 year pollen record from Nong Thale Song Hong, Trang Province, South Thailand<br />
Hastings, P. 1983. Palynology and <strong>the</strong> vegetation<br />
development <strong>of</strong> a lowland peat swamp in<br />
Narathiwat, Thailand. InT. Thanasutipitak (ed.),<br />
Proceedings <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Annual Technical Meeting,<br />
1982. Chiang Mai, Chiang Mai University,<br />
Department <strong>of</strong> Geological Sciences, Special<br />
Publication No.4, 122-31.<br />
Huang, T- C. 1972. Pollen Flora <strong>of</strong>Taiwan. Taiwan:<br />
National Taiwan University Department <strong>of</strong><br />
Botany.<br />
Knox, E. M. 1950. <strong>The</strong> spores <strong>of</strong> Lycopodium,<br />
Phylloglossum, Selaginella and 1soetes, and <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
value in <strong>the</strong> study <strong>of</strong> micr<strong>of</strong>ossils <strong>of</strong> Palaeozoic<br />
age. Transactions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Botanical <strong>Society</strong>,<br />
Edinburgh 35: 211-347.<br />
Maloney, B.K. 1991. Palaeoenvironments <strong>of</strong> Khok<br />
Phanom Di: <strong>the</strong> pollen, pteridophyte spore and<br />
microscopic charcoal record. In C.F.W. Higham<br />
and R. Bannanurag (eds), Excavation <strong>of</strong> Khok<br />
Phanom Di, <strong>Vol</strong>. 2 (<strong>Part</strong> 1) <strong>The</strong> Biological<br />
Remains, <strong>Society</strong> <strong>of</strong> Antiquaries <strong>of</strong> London,<br />
London, pp. 7-134.<br />
Maloney, B.K. 1996. Possible early dry-land and<br />
wet-land rice cultivation in highland North<br />
Sumatra. Asian Perspectives 35 (2): 165-92.<br />
O'Connor, S.J. 1986. Introduction. In S.J. O'Connor,<br />
<strong>The</strong> Archaeology <strong>of</strong> Peninsular <strong>Siam</strong>: collected<br />
articles from <strong>The</strong> <strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong> 1905-<br />
1983, pp. 1-10. <strong>The</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, Bangkok.<br />
Ogawa, H., Yoda, K., Kira, T., Ogino, K., Shidei, T.,<br />
Ratanawongse, D. and Apasutaya, C. 1965.<br />
Comparative ecological study on three main types<br />
<strong>of</strong> forest vegetation in Tailand. I. Structure and<br />
floristic composition. Nature and Life in SE Asia<br />
4: 13-48.<br />
Purseglove, J.W. 1974. Tropical Crops: Dicotyledons.<br />
London: Longman.<br />
Royal Survey Department 1969. Thailand: National<br />
Resources Atlas. Bangkok.<br />
Seetharam, Y.N. 1987. Clusiaceae: Palynology and<br />
Systematics. Travaux de Ia Section Scientifique et<br />
Technique, Institut Francais de Pondichery, t. 21.<br />
Smitinand, T. 1976. A preliminary study <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
vegetation <strong>of</strong> Surin Islands. Natural History<br />
Bulletin <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong> 26: 227-46.<br />
Smitinand, T. 1980. Thai Plant Names (Botanical<br />
Names-Vernacular Names). Bangkok: Royal<br />
ForestHerbarium.<br />
Oxford: British Archaeological Reports<br />
International Series 158, B.A.R.<br />
Stargardt, J. 1998. Earth, rice, water: 'reading <strong>the</strong><br />
landscape' as a record <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> history <strong>of</strong> Satingpra,<br />
south Thailand. In Grove, R. H., Damodaran, V.<br />
and Sangwan, S. (eds), Nature and <strong>the</strong> Orient: <strong>the</strong><br />
environmental history <strong>of</strong> South and Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asia,<br />
pp. 127-83. New Delhi: Oxford University Press.<br />
Stewart, L. 1994. A Guide to Palms and Cycads <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> World. London: Cassell.<br />
Stockmarr, J. 1971. Tablets with spores used in<br />
absolute pollen analysis. Pollen et Spores 13:<br />
615-621.<br />
Tagawa, M. and lwatsuki, K. 1979a. Lycopodiaceae.<br />
Flora <strong>of</strong> Thailand 3 (1): 7-13.<br />
Tagawa, M. and Iwatsuki, K. 1979b. Gleicheniaceae.<br />
Flora <strong>of</strong> Thailand 3 (1): 49-58.<br />
Tagawa, M. and Iwatsuki, K. 1979c. Schizeaceae.<br />
Flora <strong>of</strong> Thailand 3 (1): 59-66.<br />
Tagawa, M. and Iwatsuki, K. 1979d. Cya<strong>the</strong>aceae.<br />
Flora <strong>of</strong> Thailand 3 (1): 101-7.<br />
Tagawa, M. and Iwatsuki, K. 1979e.<br />
Dennstaedtiaceae. Flora <strong>of</strong> Thailand (1): 111-<br />
27.<br />
Tagawa, M. and Iwatsuki, K. 1985. Pteridaceae. Flora<br />
<strong>of</strong>Thailand 3 (2): 231-60.<br />
Tagawa, M. and Iwatsuki, K. 1989. Polypodiaceae.<br />
Flora <strong>of</strong> Thailand 3 (4): 486-90.<br />
Thanikaimoni, G. 1983. Pollen analysis. In Stargardt,<br />
J., Satingpra, I. <strong>The</strong> environmental and economic<br />
archaeology <strong>of</strong> South Thailand. British<br />
Archaeological Reports International Series 158,<br />
B.A.R., Oxford, pp. 51-8 and Appendix A.<br />
Tjia, H. D. 1996. Sea-level changes in <strong>the</strong> tectonically<br />
stable Malay-Thai Peninsula. Quaternary<br />
lntemational31: 95-101.<br />
van der Kaars, W. A. 1990. Late Quaternary<br />
vegetation and climate <strong>of</strong> Autralasia as reflected<br />
by <strong>the</strong> palynology <strong>of</strong> eastern Indonesian deepsea<br />
piston-cores. Unpublished PhD <strong>the</strong>sis, University<br />
<strong>of</strong> Amsterdam.<br />
Whitmore, T.C. 1978. Palms <strong>of</strong> Malaya. Kuala<br />
Lumpur: Oxford University Press.<br />
Young, A. 1976. Tropical Soils and Soil Survey.<br />
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.<br />
KEYWORDS: HOLOCENE, POLLEN,<br />
PALYNOLOGY, CHARCOAL, HUMAN<br />
Stargardt, J. 1983. Satingpra, I. <strong>The</strong> environmental IMPACT, THAILAND, CLIMATE<br />
and economic archaeology <strong>of</strong> South Thailand. CHANGE<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2 217
THAI LITERATURE<br />
AS REFLECTED IN WESTERN REPORTS DURING<br />
THE 17TH TO THE 19TH CENTURIES<br />
Klaus Wenk*<br />
Abstract<br />
<strong>The</strong> paper explores <strong>the</strong> relative neglect <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> many Thai literary forms by<br />
early visitors and scholars who were <strong>of</strong>ten perceptive recorders <strong>of</strong> many<br />
aspects <strong>of</strong> pre-modem culture. <strong>The</strong> relative brief stays in <strong>the</strong> kingdom by<br />
many <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> visitors, lack <strong>of</strong> linguistic facility and sometimes <strong>the</strong> prejudiced<br />
nature <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se travellers led <strong>the</strong>m, for <strong>the</strong> most part to give a very superficial<br />
account <strong>of</strong> Thai literature.<br />
Introduction<br />
Of all forms <strong>of</strong> artistic expression, Thai literature<br />
has, for obvious reasons, been a field little<br />
opened up by research in <strong>the</strong> West. <strong>The</strong> socalled<br />
plastic arts such as painting, sculpture<br />
and architecture immediately disclose <strong>the</strong><br />
content and meaning <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> object represented<br />
to <strong>the</strong> receptive and trained eye. Appreciation<br />
<strong>of</strong> Thai literature, however, is possible only by<br />
a careful study <strong>of</strong> literary texts which quite<br />
<strong>of</strong>ten are difficult to comprehend for native and<br />
foreign speakers <strong>of</strong> Thai alike. It is, perhaps,<br />
surprising that, never<strong>the</strong>less, attempts have been<br />
made again and again to comment on or evaluate<br />
Thai literature in works describing <strong>the</strong> country<br />
in general.<br />
<strong>The</strong> following excerpts do not claim to be<br />
exhaustive. <strong>The</strong>re may well be o<strong>the</strong>r remarks<br />
on <strong>the</strong> subject here and <strong>the</strong>re, hidden in places<br />
unknown to me.<br />
LaLoubere<br />
In his voluminous, and in many respects detailed<br />
work, Du Royaume de <strong>Siam</strong>, La Loubere (1691:<br />
177 ff.) makes <strong>the</strong> following remarks in <strong>the</strong> first<br />
volume dealing with <strong>the</strong> description <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
country<br />
L'un fut une Comedie Chinoise que j'eusse<br />
volontiers vOe jusqu' a Ia fin, mais on Ia fit cesser<br />
apres quelques Scenes, pour aller diner. Les<br />
Comediens Chinoise, que les <strong>Siam</strong>ois aiment<br />
sans Ies entendre, s'egosillent en recitant. Tous<br />
leurs mots sont monosyllables, et je ne leur en<br />
ay pas entendu prononcer un seul, qu'avec un<br />
nouvel effort de poitrine: on diroit qu'on les<br />
egorge.<br />
Remotely connected with literature are also<br />
his remarks on page 179:<br />
Les Marionettes sont muettes a <strong>Siam</strong>, et celles<br />
qui viennent du Pais de Laos, sont encore plus<br />
estimees que les <strong>Siam</strong>oises. Ny les unes ny Ies<br />
autres n'ont rien, qui ne soit fort commun en ce<br />
Pais-cy.-Mais Ies Saltinbanques-<strong>Siam</strong>ois sont<br />
excellens, et Ia Cour de <strong>Siam</strong> en donne souvent<br />
le divertissement au Roi, quand il arrive a Louvo.<br />
Elien [<strong>the</strong> Greek historian] rapporte<br />
qu' Alexandre eOt a ses Noces des Saltinbanques<br />
Indiens, et qu'ils fOrent estimez plus adroits que<br />
ceux des autres Nations ...<br />
' Chinesisches Seminar, Universitii.t Hamburg, Von<br />
Melle Park 6, Hamburg 20146, Germany<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s I & 2<br />
219
Klaus Wenk<br />
It can be assumed that <strong>the</strong> aforementioned<br />
puppet and juggler shows were based probably<br />
on popular literary texts. What is to be<br />
understood by La Loubere's reference to<br />
'Chinese Comedy' is open to conjecture.<br />
J, Leyden<br />
A lengthy contribution was made by J, Leyden in<br />
1812 under <strong>the</strong> title, On <strong>the</strong> Languages and<br />
Literature <strong>of</strong> Indochinese Nations (1979: 158 tT.).<br />
<strong>The</strong> author, a medical doctor, remarks that '<strong>the</strong><br />
materials <strong>of</strong> this imperfect sketch were chiefly<br />
collected in <strong>the</strong> course <strong>of</strong> a voyage, which <strong>the</strong><br />
state <strong>of</strong> my health caused me to take to <strong>the</strong> eastern<br />
islands in 1805 ••• '<br />
Under reference Number 'X. Thay' a few<br />
remarks follow on pages 240 to 254 concerning<br />
<strong>the</strong> Thai language and literature. Obviously<br />
Leyden was a well-read traveller, for he quotes<br />
La Loubere at <strong>the</strong> head <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> chapter.<br />
Remarks in this chapter which are <strong>of</strong><br />
importance for literary history are quoted<br />
hereinafter. Leyden, whose diction and style<br />
are distinct from those <strong>of</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r reporters, puts<br />
his words as follows:<br />
All <strong>the</strong> intelligent <strong>Siam</strong>ese, whom I have met<br />
... agree in asserting that <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>ese nation,<br />
properly so called, consists <strong>of</strong> two tribes, <strong>the</strong><br />
Thay and <strong>the</strong> Thai-j'hay [= Thai Yai] ... <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong>se <strong>the</strong> most ancient are <strong>the</strong> Thay-j'hay,<br />
formerly famous for <strong>the</strong>ir learning ... Many<br />
monuments <strong>of</strong> this ancient race exist in <strong>the</strong><br />
kingdom <strong>of</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>, and I was informed, in<br />
particular, that in <strong>the</strong> vicinity <strong>of</strong>Ligor ... <strong>the</strong>re<br />
are various ancient inscriptions, on stone ...<br />
which are attributed to <strong>the</strong> Thay-j 'hay, but which<br />
no person among <strong>the</strong> modern Thay is able to<br />
decipher.<br />
Leyden continues at some length with<br />
remarks about <strong>the</strong> Thai language, differentiating<br />
between Thai and <strong>the</strong> languages spoken by<br />
neighbouring peoples (Burmese, Malay). He<br />
goes on (ibid. 247),<br />
<strong>The</strong> first European who attempted to study <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>Siam</strong>ese literature, was <strong>the</strong> learned Gervaise,<br />
but his lubrications have never been published.<br />
<strong>The</strong>ir [<strong>Siam</strong>ese] poems and songs are very<br />
numerous, as are <strong>the</strong>ir Cheritras, or historical<br />
and mythological fables. Many <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>ese<br />
princes have been celebrated for <strong>the</strong>ir poetical<br />
powers, and several <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir historical and moral<br />
compositions, are still preserved. In all <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
compositions, <strong>the</strong>y ei<strong>the</strong>r affect a plain simple<br />
narrative, or an unconnected and abrupt style <strong>of</strong><br />
short, pithy sentences, <strong>of</strong> much meaning ...<br />
Both in sciences and poetry those who affect<br />
learning and elegance <strong>of</strong> compositions, sprinkle<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir style copiously with Bali ... <strong>The</strong> laws <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>Siam</strong> are celebrated all over <strong>the</strong> east ... <strong>The</strong><br />
<strong>Siam</strong>ese histories <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Thay dynasty, detail<br />
with much minuteness, and great exaggeration,<br />
<strong>the</strong> events which have occurred in <strong>Siam</strong> ...<br />
(ibid. 248).<br />
It is <strong>of</strong> special literary and historical interest<br />
that he goes on to mention individual titles (ibid.<br />
248 ff.)<br />
<strong>The</strong> Cheritras, or romantic fictions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>Siam</strong>ese, are very numerous ... <strong>The</strong> following<br />
are some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> most popular among <strong>the</strong> Thay,<br />
several <strong>of</strong> which contain <strong>the</strong> same stories and<br />
incidents as those which are current among <strong>the</strong><br />
Rukheng, Barma, and Malayu nations.<br />
<strong>The</strong> forty-one titles mentioned by Leyden<br />
are listed below in full. Low (1839) fully refers<br />
to <strong>the</strong>se titles and his annotations are included<br />
in <strong>the</strong> list.<br />
1. Rama-kien.<br />
2. Radin (Raden), possibly an allusion to<br />
Inau. Likewise Low (1839: 339).<br />
3. Sum-mut-ta-ko-dom, concerning<br />
which see p. 250: 'S. is <strong>the</strong> history <strong>of</strong><br />
Samanakodom abriged from Bali.'<br />
Low: 'S. is <strong>the</strong> history <strong>of</strong> Buddha in<br />
mortal shape. It is also termed<br />
Wetsandon, in Bali, Wessantara.' Low<br />
enumerates in detail <strong>the</strong> individual parts<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Vessantara Jiitaka (ibid. 339 ff).<br />
4. Wet-ja-sun-don. This can only be a<br />
corruption <strong>of</strong> Wetsandon; see 3 above.<br />
5. Worawong, possibly an allusion to <strong>the</strong><br />
Worawong chiidok; see p. 250:<br />
'Worawong is <strong>the</strong> history <strong>of</strong> an<br />
unfortunate Rajah, who fell in love with<br />
a lady, and was slain by an enchanted<br />
spear which guarded her, one night as<br />
220<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
Thai literature as reflected in Western reports during <strong>the</strong> 17th to <strong>the</strong> 19th Centuries<br />
he was climbing to <strong>the</strong> window <strong>of</strong> his<br />
mistress. This is also a subject <strong>of</strong><br />
dramatic representation.' See Low (ibid.<br />
340) 'W. is a history in verse <strong>of</strong> a person<br />
<strong>of</strong> that name, and <strong>of</strong> a princess Nang<br />
Kharawi. His elder bro<strong>the</strong>r was Chetta<br />
Singhaha Rachasi .. .'<br />
6. Un-narut. See Pluang Na Nakhon,<br />
Prawat wanakhadi thai, pp. 240, 267,<br />
275. Low here adds a fairly long<br />
summary <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> contents (ibid. 341).<br />
7. Mahosot, presumably a reference to a<br />
literary elaboration <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Mahiisot<br />
chiidok, Maha Ummagga Jiitaka No.<br />
546. (Likewise Low pp. 340 ff.).<br />
8. Melay, possibly Malai, alluding to <strong>the</strong><br />
Malai-sut or Phra Malai kham luang<br />
<strong>of</strong> Cau Fa Thammathibet. (Likewise<br />
Low, p. 342).<br />
9. Chatri. About this see Low, p. 342: 'A<br />
drama in <strong>the</strong> rang Lakhan [possibly:<br />
rong lakhon] or Ligonean strain.'<br />
10. Chalawan. Certainly scenes from <strong>the</strong><br />
bot lakhon Kraithong (Likewise Low,<br />
p. 342).<br />
11. Phum-hom. 'P. is <strong>the</strong> history <strong>of</strong> a<br />
princess <strong>of</strong> whom an elephant was<br />
enamoured, and her rescue.' On this<br />
see Low (1839: 342), '<strong>The</strong> story <strong>of</strong><br />
Phum-Haam or 'she with <strong>the</strong> fragrant<br />
locks,' <strong>the</strong> daughter <strong>of</strong> an elephant. She<br />
cuts <strong>of</strong>f one <strong>of</strong> her ringlets and gives it<br />
to <strong>the</strong> winds. It is wafted across <strong>the</strong><br />
ocean to <strong>the</strong> country <strong>of</strong> a certain king<br />
who finds it while bathing-being<br />
directed to where it lay by <strong>the</strong> perfume<br />
it spreads around. He consults<br />
soothsayers regarding <strong>the</strong> original<br />
wearer <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> precious ringlet, and is<br />
directed by <strong>the</strong>m to <strong>the</strong> residence <strong>of</strong><br />
Phum-Haam. With her he elopes,<br />
followed by <strong>the</strong> elephant, which<br />
subsequently dies <strong>of</strong> grief, bequesting<br />
his tusks to Phum-Haam.'<br />
12. Pra-Thom. 'P. is a mythological<br />
account <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> origin <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> universe,<br />
according to <strong>the</strong> principles <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Buddhist sect.' See Low, p. 343: 'I find<br />
on examination that it is nearly a<br />
transcript <strong>of</strong> a Bali work. <strong>The</strong> contents<br />
may be briefly described .... ' <strong>The</strong><br />
description that follows fills about one<br />
page.<br />
13. Suthon, possibly an allusion to <strong>the</strong><br />
Suthon chiidok, a Panyiisa chiidok.<br />
14. Pok'ha-wa-di, concerning which<br />
Leyden remarks on page 250: 'P. is <strong>the</strong><br />
history <strong>of</strong> Bhagavati.' (Likewise Low,<br />
p. 344).<br />
15. Teng-on. A little known bot lakhon<br />
about which see Worawet Phisit,<br />
Wannakhadi Thai, pp. 90 ff.<br />
16. Lin Thong. Bot lakhon Lin Thong; on<br />
this see Worawat Phisit, loc. cit.<br />
17. Hok k'hum. On this Leyden [1812]<br />
remarks on p. 250: 'N. is <strong>the</strong><br />
mythological account <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> celebrated<br />
hamsa.' (Low ibid. 344 merely refers<br />
to Leyden).<br />
18. P'ha-non-son-paya. See Leyden, p.<br />
250: 'P. contains <strong>the</strong> instructions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
sagacious ape P'hon.' Without doubt<br />
this refers to a version <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> poem<br />
Phali son nong (Wenk 1980).<br />
19. Mak-kali-p'hon. See Leyden, p. 250:<br />
'M., <strong>the</strong> adventures <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> son <strong>of</strong> a chief,<br />
who possessed a wonderful cow,<br />
resembling <strong>the</strong> Sanscrit Kamad'hem.'<br />
(Low endorses this, ibid. 345).<br />
20. Sum-p'hansit. Certainly a corrupted<br />
form <strong>of</strong> suphiisit no matter to which<br />
text it actually refers.<br />
21. Suan-na-hong. Corruption <strong>of</strong><br />
Suvanahong, bot lakhon nok. On this<br />
see Damrong, Tamnan bot lakhon lnau<br />
(p.104).<br />
22. Prang-t'hong. About this Leyden<br />
remarks, p. 251: 'P. relates <strong>the</strong><br />
adventures <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> persons who went to<br />
<strong>the</strong> land <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Rakshasas in search <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> fruit prang t'hong, for which a<br />
certain princess had longed when<br />
pregnant, <strong>the</strong> obtaining <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> fruit on<br />
condition that <strong>the</strong> child <strong>of</strong> which <strong>the</strong><br />
princess was pregnant should be<br />
presented to <strong>the</strong> Rakshsasa, <strong>the</strong> carrying<br />
<strong>of</strong>f <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> child by <strong>the</strong> Rakshasa and<br />
her return to her parents when grown<br />
up.'<br />
23. Nang-sip-song. See Low, p. 345: '<strong>The</strong><br />
twelve ladies. It is related in this book<br />
that twelve children were exposed and<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2<br />
221
Klaus Wenk<br />
left in <strong>the</strong> forest to perish by <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
parents who were pressed by famine. A<br />
Yak finds <strong>the</strong>m and educates <strong>the</strong>m ...<br />
When grown up <strong>the</strong>re those his proteges<br />
elope, and being pursued by him <strong>the</strong>y<br />
enter <strong>the</strong> skin <strong>of</strong> a huge buffalo and lie<br />
concealed . . . and after various<br />
adventures reach <strong>the</strong> kingdom <strong>of</strong> Phra<br />
Tottasen-who takes <strong>the</strong> liberty <strong>of</strong><br />
making all <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m his wives ... ' A<br />
detailed summary <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> contents <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> story is given on <strong>the</strong> subsequent<br />
two pages (ibid. 346 ff).<br />
24. Rama. Which <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> numerous texts<br />
from <strong>the</strong> corpus <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Riimakien is<br />
meant must be left open.<br />
25. Chumpa-t'hong.<br />
26. Luk-sua-ko. Presumably Sua Kho kham<br />
chan by Maha Ratchakhrii.<br />
27. Phim-swan. A bot lakhon nok,<br />
unprinted. On this see Worawet Phisit,<br />
and Rosenberg (1981: 40 ff.)<br />
28. Paja-p'hali. Possibly Phraya Phali,<br />
concerning <strong>the</strong> poems about <strong>the</strong> monkey<br />
ruler Phali. See W enk 1980<br />
29. T' haw-krung-son.<br />
30. Khun-p'hen. Bot lakhon Khun Chang<br />
KhunPhaen.<br />
31. Trai-wong. See Low, p. 349: '<strong>The</strong><br />
history <strong>of</strong> a prince who caught a white<br />
elephant.'<br />
32. Chin-narat.<br />
33. P'howit'hat.<br />
34. Su-t'hin. <strong>The</strong> Suthon or Subin Jiitaka?<br />
35. Hoi-sang. See Leyden, p. 251: 'H.<br />
relates <strong>the</strong> adventures <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> prince who<br />
was born in a shank shell, and remained<br />
in it till he arrived at maturity,' to which<br />
Low refers on p. 349: '<strong>The</strong> prince,<br />
however, came into <strong>the</strong> world, only<br />
along with a shank shell. He is exposed<br />
in <strong>the</strong> forest, is miraculously preserved,<br />
is adopted by a chief <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Nagas ...<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>The</strong>vadas ... send him afterwards<br />
in a gold ship into <strong>the</strong> regions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
rakshas, a seven days passage beneath<br />
a mountain. He returns and goes<br />
through many adventures.'<br />
36. Sang-sin-chay. A little-known bot<br />
lakhon nok (see Worawet Phisit, loc.<br />
cit).<br />
37. Woranut. See Leyden, p. 251: 'W.<br />
relates <strong>the</strong> adventures <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> twin<br />
bro<strong>the</strong>rs Woranut and Woranat.'<br />
38. Chitra-kan.<br />
39. Nang-u'thay. See Leyden, p. 251: 'N.<br />
relates <strong>the</strong> adventures <strong>of</strong> a Naga<br />
princess, who was carried <strong>of</strong>f by a<br />
Rajah.'<br />
40. Maha-chinok. See Low, p. 350: 'M. is<br />
derived from <strong>the</strong> Bali history <strong>of</strong> a prince,<br />
one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Avatars <strong>of</strong> Buddha.'<br />
41. Mlek-t'hong. See Low, p. 350: 'A<br />
history <strong>of</strong> a Yak princess.'<br />
Leyden's remarks on this enumerative list<br />
are on p. 349,<br />
In <strong>the</strong> general characteristics <strong>of</strong> style and manner,<br />
<strong>the</strong>se Cheritras resemble those <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ruken,<br />
Barma, and Malayu tribes, and exhibit <strong>the</strong><br />
peculiar manners <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Indo-Chinese nations,<br />
as well as <strong>the</strong> peculiar features <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
mythology.<br />
Leyden's comment on <strong>the</strong> prosody <strong>of</strong> Thai<br />
literature is incomplete. On p. 251 he writes,<br />
<strong>The</strong> Thay exhibits considerable variety <strong>of</strong><br />
measures, and frequently introduces several <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong>m in <strong>the</strong> same work ... <strong>The</strong> most frequent<br />
measure, however, among <strong>the</strong> Thay ... seems<br />
to be that denominated rap, which consists <strong>of</strong><br />
four long syllables, but admits occasionally <strong>of</strong><br />
one or more intercalary short ones: <strong>the</strong> Ja-ni<br />
which consists <strong>of</strong> five syllables, <strong>the</strong> Cho-bang<br />
<strong>of</strong> six, <strong>the</strong> Pat'hamang <strong>of</strong> seven, <strong>the</strong> Jesunta <strong>of</strong><br />
eight are also frequently employed.<br />
It can be assumed that by rap reference is<br />
made in a very wide sense to kham rap, i.e. <strong>the</strong><br />
rhyme-bearing word in Thai verse. <strong>The</strong> Jani<br />
(yiini) and Cho-bang (chabang) mentioned<br />
fur<strong>the</strong>r on are kiip metres. <strong>The</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r two metres<br />
referred to are unknown to me.<br />
John Crawford<br />
Crawford's journal [1828] occupies a special<br />
place. As has been remarked elsewhere (W enk<br />
1980) in connection with his comments on <strong>the</strong><br />
Thai legal system, his report is notorious for its<br />
222<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
Thai literature as reflected in Western reports during <strong>the</strong> 17th to <strong>the</strong> 19th Centuries<br />
phraseology. On p. 335 ff. he phrases his ideas<br />
as follows:<br />
<strong>The</strong> literature <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>ese is from all accounts<br />
meagre and uninteresting; and in point <strong>of</strong><br />
imagination, invention, force, or correctness, is<br />
much below that <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Arabs, <strong>the</strong> Persians, or<br />
even [sic!] <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Hindoos. <strong>The</strong>ir efforts seem<br />
scarcely indeed to rise beyond <strong>the</strong> rank <strong>of</strong> those<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> tribes <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Indian islands; and judging<br />
from a few translations <strong>of</strong> what were said to be<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir best works, I have no hesitation in<br />
pronouncing <strong>the</strong>m singularly puerile and jejune.<br />
In fact, things are not as simple as Crawfurd<br />
evidently believed <strong>the</strong>m to be. He goes (ibid.<br />
337) on to expatiate on <strong>the</strong> subject matter in a<br />
few more pages <strong>of</strong> his report. <strong>The</strong> more<br />
remarkable <strong>of</strong> his findings are as follows:<br />
<strong>Siam</strong>ese literature is divided into two groups,<br />
one pr<strong>of</strong>ane, <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r religious, <strong>the</strong> former<br />
composed in Thai, <strong>the</strong> latter in Pali.<br />
A great variety <strong>of</strong> different measures are said to<br />
be in use ... <strong>The</strong> style <strong>of</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>ese composition<br />
is simple, and destitute <strong>of</strong> those strong metaphors<br />
and hyperbolical forms <strong>of</strong> expression which are<br />
commonly ascribed to Eastern languages. Brevity<br />
is affected by <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>ese ... but by no means<br />
precision or perspicuity ... <strong>The</strong>ir ambition, in<br />
fact, is to mystify <strong>the</strong>ir ideas . . . <strong>Siam</strong>ese<br />
compositions consist <strong>of</strong> songs, romances, and a<br />
few histories, or chronicles ... <strong>The</strong> romances<br />
are stated to be upon an equality with <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
efforts <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>ese intellect, destitute <strong>of</strong><br />
ingenuity .. .'<br />
Among o<strong>the</strong>r titles Crawford mentions '<strong>the</strong><br />
history <strong>of</strong>Rama.' He rightly observes on p. 337<br />
that '<strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>ese have no dramatic<br />
compositions.'<br />
As his report continues he seizes every<br />
opportunity to comment disparagingly on <strong>the</strong><br />
Thai people and <strong>the</strong>ir literature. '<strong>The</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>ese<br />
are said to have some historical compositions<br />
... but it cannot for a moment be imagined<br />
that <strong>the</strong>y are capable, any more than o<strong>the</strong>r rude<br />
people, <strong>of</strong> writing a rational and connected<br />
narrative <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir national story' (ibid. 337).<br />
With regard to religious literature Crawfurd<br />
is partially right in saying 'It is to sacred<br />
literature only that <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>ese attach any<br />
importance' (ibid 338). In his conclusion he<br />
writes on p. 339 that '<strong>the</strong>y [<strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>ese] can<br />
read and write awkwardly and imperfectly.'<br />
Mgr. Bruyere<br />
In a letter addressed to his superior (vicairegeneral)<br />
Mgr. Bruyere (1831) describes <strong>the</strong><br />
country and <strong>the</strong> customs <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Thai.<br />
A <strong>Siam</strong>, les sciences ne sont pas plus florissantes<br />
que les arts ... Aucun <strong>Siam</strong>ois, pas meme Ies<br />
talapoins, ne s' occupent de literature ni<br />
d'histoire. Le seul ouvrage qui existe en ce genre,<br />
ce sont le Annales du Royaume .. .' (ibid.<br />
167-9).<br />
<strong>The</strong> Chinese Repository<br />
Cordier (1835: 505-10 and col. 860) published<br />
in <strong>the</strong> journal, <strong>The</strong> Chinese Repository, a<br />
'<strong>Siam</strong>ese Romance, translated from <strong>the</strong> original<br />
<strong>Siam</strong>ese by Mrs Gutzlaff while residing at<br />
Bangkok, <strong>the</strong> capital <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> kingdom <strong>of</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>.'<br />
In <strong>the</strong> introduction to <strong>the</strong> English version it<br />
is said that <strong>the</strong> text is <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> kind as usually read<br />
by monks to lay audiences. <strong>The</strong> story keeps<br />
well within <strong>the</strong> frame <strong>of</strong> Thai fairy tale literature.<br />
<strong>The</strong> glory <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> kingdom Chambauk, ruled by<br />
Chambauk Ratchareteret, is described in<br />
fantastic language. Chambauk' s most beautiful<br />
wife, by name Cantahatawee, gives birth to a<br />
son named Chow-tee-ah-woo-ka-man who is<br />
endowed with <strong>the</strong> most outstanding virtues. At<br />
<strong>the</strong> same time <strong>the</strong>re is a second kingdom named<br />
Bunchal ruled by King Bunchalrat and Queen<br />
Nunthatawi. <strong>The</strong>y had many beautiful daughters<br />
before <strong>the</strong> queen became pregnant once again<br />
and gave birth to a daughter <strong>of</strong> indescribable<br />
beauty. <strong>The</strong> tidings <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> birth were brought to<br />
King Chambauk Ratchareteret by hunters. He<br />
ordered <strong>the</strong>m to try to get in touch with <strong>the</strong><br />
princess. <strong>The</strong>y eventually succeeded in <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
mission when <strong>the</strong> princess was taking a bath.<br />
<strong>The</strong> princess (whose name is not mentioned)<br />
has a vision <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> prince <strong>of</strong> Chambauk in a<br />
dream. Here <strong>the</strong> translation comes to an abrupt<br />
end.<br />
May it be added here that <strong>the</strong> image <strong>of</strong> Thai<br />
literature is not improved by reprinting a text <strong>of</strong><br />
such shallow quality.<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s I & 2<br />
223
Klaus Wenk<br />
James Low<br />
Captain James Low's observations on Thai<br />
literature [1839] are <strong>of</strong> far greater weight. He<br />
published a 54 page survey <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> literature which,<br />
was <strong>the</strong> most comprehensive study up to date. At<br />
<strong>the</strong> beginning <strong>of</strong> his study Low expressly refers<br />
to <strong>the</strong> article by Leyden (see above under 2) and<br />
proceeds to state his opinion about <strong>the</strong> forty-one<br />
titles listed by Leyden as was mentioned earlier<br />
in <strong>the</strong> present paper. Apart from <strong>the</strong> titles<br />
enumerated by Leyden, Low does not add any<br />
more. His study can be summarized as follows,<br />
Prose is amongst <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>ese confined almost<br />
entirely to treaties on law and physic, and to<br />
writings connected with <strong>the</strong> common detail <strong>of</strong><br />
business ... <strong>The</strong>y have a few fables in prose<br />
... (ibid. 350).<br />
On <strong>the</strong> subject <strong>of</strong> 'poetry and music,' Low<br />
correctly writes that owing to <strong>the</strong> monosyllabic<br />
structure <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Thai language <strong>the</strong> Thai had to<br />
modify <strong>the</strong> prosody adopted from India (ibid.<br />
350 ff). On p. 352 he continues that '<strong>The</strong> Thai<br />
poetry is so supplied with rhythm that it might<br />
and frequently does exist without rhyme.'<br />
Low distinguishes between 'two prominent<br />
styles in <strong>the</strong> poetic works [<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Thai]-<strong>the</strong><br />
epic and <strong>the</strong> dramatic.' Concerning 'epic,' he<br />
observes that <strong>the</strong>y are 'called Nithan or Niyai<br />
and ru-ang rau.' He finally mentions Nangsusowt<br />
or 'heroic poems which resemble <strong>the</strong><br />
Cheritras <strong>of</strong> India' (ibid. 352).<br />
<strong>The</strong> term Nangsu-sowt used by Low is, as<br />
far as I know, not used anywhere else in Thai<br />
literary studies. In my opinion <strong>the</strong>re are two<br />
possible interpretations for sowt, namely suot<br />
or sawat (a). However, since Low has given to<br />
his term <strong>the</strong> meaning he thinks right, we can<br />
leave it at that.<br />
In ano<strong>the</strong>r chapter <strong>of</strong> some 20 pages (ibid.<br />
353 ff.), Low deals with 'drama,' which he<br />
refers to as bot rang. This term is also unknown<br />
today. Bot rang should almost certainly read<br />
bot rong. Low translates it as 'a melodramatic<br />
opera' whose subjects are taken from <strong>the</strong><br />
romantic. <strong>The</strong>y are acted on many occasions <strong>of</strong><br />
ceremony and at <strong>the</strong> great festivals ... '<br />
<strong>The</strong> institutions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>atre, <strong>the</strong> players,<br />
speakers and musicians, are extensively dealt<br />
with. Low appears to be keen on getting below<br />
<strong>the</strong> surface <strong>of</strong> Thai poetry<br />
<strong>The</strong> bot rang employs every variety <strong>of</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>ese<br />
measure and <strong>the</strong> greatest attention has been paid<br />
to suit <strong>the</strong> language to <strong>the</strong> actions, feeling or<br />
subjects displayed. To each style also distinct<br />
and apposite musical airs are appropriate ...<br />
<strong>The</strong>y have likewise Phleng or lyric verses and<br />
songs, namely Phleng na, pastorals, Phlengo, or<br />
elegiac verses and Phlenggot or lamentations.<br />
Low <strong>the</strong>n proceeds to examine <strong>the</strong> prosody<br />
<strong>of</strong> some selected Thai literary texts which are<br />
unknown today. <strong>The</strong>se texts are composed in<br />
kham klon, in kiip suriing khaniing, as well as<br />
kiip chabang metres. Low attempts here-under<br />
erroneous assumptions-to compare Thai<br />
prosody with European long and short vowel<br />
quantification <strong>of</strong> syllables. <strong>The</strong> attempted<br />
comparison may have been <strong>of</strong> some interest to<br />
nineteenth century readers. For <strong>the</strong> present-day<br />
reader, however, such comparison is erroneous<br />
and obsolete as, consequently, is <strong>the</strong> major part<br />
<strong>of</strong> Low's essay, (ibid. 345-73). <strong>The</strong> second part<br />
<strong>of</strong> his essay (ibid. 374-92), deals exclusively<br />
with 'Entertainment, Games and Amusements,'<br />
hence it is outside <strong>the</strong> frame <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> present study.<br />
Mgr. Pallegoix<br />
A ra<strong>the</strong>r cursory contribution is contained in <strong>the</strong><br />
work by Pallegoix [1854]. Basically Pallegoix<br />
merely enumerates facts in cue-word fashion,<br />
La collection des livres sacres des Thai s'appelle<br />
Trai pidok.(ibid. 399); Quant aux ouvrages de<br />
litterature pr<strong>of</strong>ane, il y eu au environ deux cent<br />
cinquante dont plusieurs sont d'une haute<br />
importance . . . Les autres ouvrages sont des<br />
histoires, contes, romans, comedies, tragedies,<br />
poemes, epiques, chansons, etc. Les romans sont<br />
presque toujours en vers ... (ibid. 400).<br />
Under various, even non-literary, cuewords,<br />
Pallegoix gives a few short examples <strong>of</strong><br />
texts: proverbes populaires, fable, petition<br />
adressee au roi, Acte d'accusation, Ecrit<br />
d'emprunt ... etc. Pallegoix winds up his short<br />
and meagre enumeration, quite unnecessarily,<br />
with a Thai version <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Lord's Prayer.<br />
224<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
Thai literature as reflected in Western reports during <strong>the</strong> 17th to <strong>the</strong> 19th Centuries<br />
Sir John Bowring<br />
Not very much can be ga<strong>the</strong>red ei<strong>the</strong>r from<br />
Bowring's o<strong>the</strong>rwise comprehensive book<br />
(1857). '<strong>The</strong> first literary work in <strong>Siam</strong>ese <strong>of</strong><br />
which we have any knowledge is a book on war<br />
and military tactics, written in . . . AD<br />
1498 ... ' . For <strong>the</strong> rest Bowring fully refers to<br />
Pallegoix without making a fur<strong>the</strong>r personal<br />
contribution to Thai literary studies.<br />
Adolf Bastian<br />
Bastian (1867) in a book o<strong>the</strong>rwise renowned<br />
as a first class source <strong>of</strong> information, contributes<br />
only indirectly to our knowledge <strong>of</strong> Thai<br />
literature. He does not deal with <strong>the</strong> matter in a<br />
separate chapter but intersperses his views in<br />
various places <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> report on his 'sojourn in<br />
Bangkok.' On <strong>the</strong> occasion <strong>of</strong> his visit to an<br />
unspecified Phra Alak (Royal Scribe), Bastian<br />
comments,<br />
... die Biicherschiitze ... Da waren die dicken<br />
Biinde der Geschichte Ayuthayas in eleganten<br />
und reinlichen Schriftziigen hingemalt, die alten<br />
Chroniken, so viele ihrer noch vorhanden, die<br />
iibersetzungen von Epen and Dramen, Romane,<br />
Miirchen und Fabeln ... (ibid. 86)<br />
Nur ging Ieider die Zeit meines Aufenthaltes<br />
rasch zu Ende, urn die so reichlich sprudelnden<br />
Quellen zu erschOpfen ... ' (ibid. 87). Bei den<br />
gelehrten Neigungen des Konigs herrscht im<br />
Palast vie! literarische Tiitigkeit ... Die<br />
siamesische Belletristik hat verschiedene<br />
iibersetzungen aus dem Chinesischen<br />
aufgenommen und zeigt auch in ihrem Stil von<br />
dorthin gekommene Einfliisse. Der ... Samkok<br />
ist mehrfach ins <strong>Siam</strong>esische iibertragen,<br />
besonders durch den chinesischen Gelehrten<br />
Hongsen ... Urn die BUcher der H<strong>of</strong>astrologen<br />
kennen zu Iemen, besuchte ich den Hora-Thibod<br />
... (ibid. 89).<br />
In various places Bastian points to Buddhist<br />
literature.<br />
Encyclopedia Britannica<br />
<strong>The</strong> relevant entry in <strong>the</strong> Encyclopedia<br />
Britannica 1875 (vol. 21: 855 ff.) does not give<br />
more comprehensive information than that<br />
already contained in <strong>the</strong> sources mentioned<br />
above. <strong>The</strong> entry, however, does mention '<strong>The</strong><br />
inscription at Sukhothai' (presumably <strong>of</strong> Khun<br />
Ram Karnhaeng).<br />
... <strong>the</strong> few manuscript annals mentioned by<br />
Pallegoix have not yet been critically examined;<br />
but metrical compositions, containing legendary<br />
tales and romances abound ... <strong>The</strong> subjects<br />
are mostly taken from <strong>the</strong> Indian epics, as in <strong>the</strong><br />
case <strong>of</strong> Rama-kiun, more rarely from Malay or<br />
Javanese legend, such as <strong>the</strong> drama I-nau. <strong>The</strong>re<br />
is a great variety <strong>of</strong> metres ... In <strong>the</strong>ir romantic<br />
poetry <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>ese have a greater tendency to<br />
describe than to relate ... <strong>The</strong> great blemish <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong>ir poetry consists in tedious embellishments<br />
and a hankering after indecent and <strong>of</strong>ten gross<br />
allusions ...<br />
<strong>The</strong> entry also mentions <strong>the</strong> titles already<br />
contained in <strong>the</strong> Leyden essay. It goes on,<br />
<strong>The</strong> most popular <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> religious books ... is<br />
called Somanakhodom ... which is identical<br />
with <strong>the</strong> Wessantara Jataka. In miscellaneous<br />
literature may be mentioned Suphasit, consisting<br />
<strong>of</strong> 222 elegant sayings in <strong>the</strong> accented metre<br />
called Klang ... <strong>The</strong> fable literature is <strong>of</strong> course<br />
largely represented ...<br />
Summary<br />
In order to become thoroughly familiar with<br />
Thai literature, an intensive study over several<br />
years is required. Even <strong>the</strong>n, one feels like a<br />
mere beginner. <strong>The</strong> travellers in former times<br />
were keen to acquire scientific knowledge or to<br />
acquit <strong>the</strong>mselves with diplomatic missions. In<br />
most cases <strong>the</strong>y lacked <strong>the</strong> time and leisure<br />
necessary for an intensive study <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> palmleaf<br />
or samut khoi manuscripts. It is, however,<br />
striking that even such authors as sojourned in<br />
Thailand for a prolonged period <strong>of</strong> time did not,<br />
in fact, get beyond certain isolated and, for us<br />
for <strong>the</strong> most part superficial, observations about<br />
<strong>the</strong> literature <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Thai.<br />
In none <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> studies is mention made <strong>of</strong><br />
one or <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r Thai poets <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> seventeenth,<br />
eighteenth, or nineteenth centuries who are<br />
so well known today. Almost all <strong>of</strong> what is<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s l & 2<br />
225
Klaus Wenk<br />
known today <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 'classical' period <strong>of</strong> Thai<br />
poetry goes unmentioned. Nei<strong>the</strong>r are<br />
mentioned <strong>the</strong> kiip nem rua <strong>of</strong> Cau Fa<br />
Thammathibet, nor a single niriit <strong>of</strong> Sunthon<br />
Phi:i or Nem Klan, nor Si Mahosot or Maha<br />
Montri or Khun Phum. It is true that mention<br />
is made <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Riimakien and <strong>the</strong> bot lakhon<br />
Inau in various places. Khun Chiing Khun<br />
Phaen is also mentioned once marginally.<br />
None <strong>of</strong> those poems, <strong>the</strong> Riimakien in<br />
particular, is adequately appreciated, nor <strong>the</strong><br />
influence recognized which <strong>the</strong>y had on <strong>the</strong><br />
fur<strong>the</strong>r development <strong>of</strong> Thai literature. Quite<br />
obviously <strong>the</strong> literary informants <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
aforementioned authors were <strong>the</strong>mselves<br />
insufficiently acquainted with <strong>the</strong>ir own<br />
literature. What <strong>the</strong>y brought to <strong>the</strong> knowledge<br />
<strong>of</strong> foreigners eager to acquire information<br />
were stones instead <strong>of</strong> bread; instead <strong>of</strong><br />
existing classical texts <strong>the</strong>y produced<br />
unimportant pieces <strong>of</strong> fairy tale narratives<br />
which are not known to present-day literary<br />
experts, not even by title.<br />
It cannot easily be assumed that <strong>the</strong><br />
informants <strong>the</strong>mselves believed that <strong>the</strong> pieces<br />
<strong>the</strong>y <strong>of</strong>fered belonged to <strong>the</strong> height <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
literature. If <strong>the</strong>y did, one would have to<br />
conclude that <strong>the</strong> renown <strong>of</strong> a poet already<br />
known well during his life time, as e.g., Sunthon<br />
Phii, was exclusively limited to a small circle<br />
within <strong>the</strong> sphere <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> royal court without<br />
actually reaching a wider public. At <strong>the</strong> present<br />
time we are not yet in a position to assess <strong>the</strong><br />
situation conclusively. For my part, I am inclined<br />
to assume that personal lack <strong>of</strong> competence <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> informants accounts for <strong>the</strong> fact that <strong>the</strong><br />
poems and poets famous in our day were <strong>the</strong>n<br />
not mentioned, for we have pro<strong>of</strong> today that<br />
already in <strong>the</strong> nineteenth century one poet knew<br />
<strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r (Wenk 1980).<br />
It is remarkable, however, that <strong>the</strong> area <strong>of</strong><br />
research defined by Leyden was not extended<br />
by subsequent authors. <strong>The</strong> titles <strong>of</strong> second and<br />
third class literary productions, once mentioned<br />
by Leyden, have been adhered to and reproduced<br />
by all subsequent authors. All <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m explicitly<br />
refer to Leyden and Low. Apparently such<br />
authors as Bowring and Pallegoix did not even<br />
endeavour personally to elicit new information<br />
about Thai literature. From <strong>the</strong> outset, <strong>the</strong>y were<br />
content to refer to <strong>the</strong> works <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir forerunners.<br />
In view <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> foregoing facts, one is justified<br />
to suppose that no o<strong>the</strong>r pieces <strong>of</strong> literature had<br />
come to <strong>the</strong> knowledge <strong>of</strong> Crawfurd than those<br />
with which Leyden and Low were acquainted.<br />
In this case, it is <strong>of</strong> course partially<br />
understandable how Crawfurd came to<br />
pronounce such a devastating criticism <strong>of</strong> Thai<br />
literature.<br />
References<br />
Bastian, A. 1867. Reisen in <strong>Siam</strong> im Jahre 1863,<br />
Jena.<br />
Bowring, Sir John 1857. <strong>The</strong> Kingdom and <strong>the</strong> People<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> . . . in 1855 , vol. I, London (Repr.<br />
London & New York 1969)<br />
Bruyere, Mgr. 1831. (No title) In Annates de<br />
['Association de la Propagation de la Foi. Tome<br />
ve Lyon et Paris, pp. 169-72.<br />
Cordier, 1835. <strong>The</strong> Chinese Repository, vol. ill, May<br />
1834 to Apri11835: 505-10, Canton.<br />
Crawfurd, J. [1828]. <strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> an Embassy to <strong>the</strong><br />
Courts <strong>of</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> and Cochin China, London: (Repr.<br />
New York 1967).<br />
Leyden, J. [1812]. On <strong>the</strong> Languages and Literature<br />
<strong>of</strong> Indochinese Nations in Asiatic Researches,<br />
<strong>Vol</strong>. 10 (Reprinted by Cosmo Publications, New<br />
Delhi 1979).<br />
La Loubere, S.de 1691. Du Royaume de <strong>Siam</strong>, Tome<br />
1e, Paris.<br />
Low, J. 1839. On <strong>Siam</strong>ese literature. Asiatic<br />
Researches 23 (Reprinted New Delhi, pp. 388-<br />
92).<br />
Pallegoix, Mgr. 1854. Description du Royaume Thai<br />
ou <strong>Siam</strong>, Tome premier, Paris.<br />
Rosenberg, K.1981. Neun unver<strong>of</strong>fent Iichte<br />
<strong>The</strong>aterstii.cke (bot lakhon) aus dem alten<br />
Thailand, Nachrichten der Des. f. Natu- und<br />
<strong>Vol</strong>kerkunde Ostasiens, Hamburg, pp.40 ff.<br />
Wenk, H. 1980. Phali Teaches <strong>the</strong> Young, A Literary<br />
and Sociological Analysis <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Thai Poem Phali<br />
sqn nong, Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asia Paper No. 18, University<br />
<strong>of</strong> Hawaii.<br />
Wenk, H. 1987. Studien zur Literatur der Thai, Band<br />
/1/, Texte und lnterpretationen zur Literatur des<br />
19. Jahrhunderts, Nachrichten der Ges. f. Natuund<br />
<strong>Vol</strong>kerkunde Ostasiens, Hamburg.<br />
KEYWORDS-THAILAND, SIAM,<br />
POETRY, LITERATURE, LANGUAGE,<br />
EARLY TRAVELLERS<br />
226<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
ROUND-NUMBER RECKONING IN THAI FOR<br />
THE 5000 YEARS OF THE BUDDHA<br />
J C Eade*<br />
Abstract<br />
In <strong>the</strong> Thai record two distinct forms <strong>of</strong> reckoning can be found: civil dates<br />
reckoned in secular mode according to <strong>the</strong> luni-solar year; and religious dates<br />
elapsed reckoned in religious mode and according to <strong>the</strong> 5000 years <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Buddha. A variety <strong>of</strong> anomalies and variations in convention can be detected<br />
in this latter form <strong>of</strong> reckoning, though its use <strong>of</strong> round-number reckoning<br />
may be accounted for satisfactorily.<br />
<strong>The</strong>re is a class <strong>of</strong> Thai inscription that not only<br />
presents <strong>the</strong> date being celebrated in luni-solar,<br />
secular, terms but also as so many years - month<br />
- days passed since <strong>the</strong> Buddha attained<br />
Enlightenment with so many years - month -<br />
days still to go, where <strong>the</strong> two sets <strong>of</strong> figures<br />
sum to 5000 years. It is easy to establish by<br />
inspection <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se figures that <strong>the</strong> reckoning<br />
employs years <strong>of</strong> 12 months and months <strong>of</strong> 30<br />
days (i.e. years <strong>of</strong> 360 days). When calculating,<br />
relative to a particular calendar date, <strong>the</strong><br />
equivalent past and future time in <strong>the</strong> 5000 years<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Era <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Buddha it was <strong>the</strong> Thai practice<br />
always to employ years <strong>of</strong> 12 months and months<br />
<strong>of</strong> 30 days (i.e. years <strong>of</strong> 360 days).<br />
Consider, for instance, <strong>the</strong> elaborate<br />
calculations <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Wat Phra Dhatu Chre Hreng<br />
inscription, dating to AD 1846. Here <strong>the</strong> time<br />
remaining in <strong>the</strong> Era <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Buddha at <strong>the</strong> date<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> inscription is given as:<br />
Future 2610 years, 7830 seasons, 30320 months,<br />
60640 uposatha, 909600 days, 7276800 yam,<br />
436608000 nadi. (Prasert 2534: 80-l)<br />
Although <strong>the</strong>re are some errors in <strong>the</strong> calculation,<br />
it is clear that <strong>the</strong> 360-day year is in operation. 1<br />
On <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand, for secular purposes Thai<br />
astronomers, expert in <strong>the</strong>ir craft, always adopted<br />
a year length with a realistic astronomical value<br />
<strong>of</strong>365.25875 days and <strong>the</strong>y have generated over<br />
many centuries very precise and accurate<br />
horoscopes and o<strong>the</strong>r astronomically-based<br />
records deriving from this value.<br />
One's reaction to <strong>the</strong> rounding <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> year<br />
value to 360 days might be to suppose that in a<br />
religious context and by <strong>the</strong> authority <strong>of</strong> such<br />
works as <strong>The</strong> Three Worlds, a more harmonious<br />
number was felt to be appropriate. <strong>The</strong> circle as<br />
360 degrees, <strong>the</strong> circle as a symbol <strong>of</strong><br />
perfection-<strong>the</strong> year as 360 days in order to be<br />
in harmony with <strong>the</strong> cosmos.<br />
However, a work produced in a very different<br />
context, Albiruni' s account <strong>of</strong> India in <strong>the</strong> 11th<br />
century, <strong>of</strong>fers a precedent for this 'whole<br />
number' mode <strong>of</strong> reckoning. Albiruni remarks:<br />
A month has 30 lunar days, for this number is<br />
canonical, as <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> 360 is canonical for<br />
<strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> days <strong>of</strong> a year. (Sachau 1910: i.<br />
350)<br />
In a forest <strong>of</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r numbers in which, for<br />
instance, <strong>the</strong> 'month' <strong>of</strong> Brahman consists <strong>of</strong> 60<br />
'kalpas' but extends in days to 14 digits<br />
(94,674,987,000,000 days) and <strong>the</strong> 'month' <strong>of</strong><br />
Kha extends to 31 digits, we see in operation<br />
<strong>the</strong> curious Indian penchant for ma<strong>the</strong>matically<br />
huge reckoning. No wonder <strong>the</strong> SouthEast Asian<br />
• Asian History Centre, Australian National<br />
University, Canberra, ACT 0200, Australia<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s l & 2<br />
227
JC Eade<br />
system reduced <strong>the</strong> Indian yuga <strong>of</strong> 4,320,000<br />
years by a factor <strong>of</strong> 5400 and reckoned merely<br />
in cycles <strong>of</strong> 800 years.<br />
Having defined <strong>the</strong> canonical year as<br />
consisting <strong>of</strong> 360 days, Albiruni <strong>the</strong>n makes his<br />
framework <strong>of</strong> reference clear. He <strong>the</strong>n says that<br />
'<strong>the</strong> solar year has 365 [and] 827 13200 civil<br />
days [in it]', which is to say that <strong>the</strong> Indian<br />
Solar year <strong>of</strong> 360 days was in fact 365.25843475<br />
civil days long. Had Albiruni added only one<br />
more 32-thousandths <strong>of</strong> a day to his dividend<br />
and made it 828 parts, he would have given us<br />
828 I 3200 parts <strong>of</strong> a day, which would yield<br />
365.25875 days to a year-precisely <strong>the</strong> value<br />
that Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asia adopted.<br />
<strong>The</strong> key to reading <strong>the</strong> Indian 360-system as<br />
recorded by Albiruni is to see that any calendrical<br />
quantity can be declared to have 360 parts in it<br />
when regarded in its own right, but that each <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong>se quantities also permits conversion to a base<br />
determined by a different mode <strong>of</strong> reckoning.<br />
When <strong>the</strong> Thai adopted a 360-day year for<br />
<strong>the</strong> purposes <strong>of</strong> Buddha Era reckoning, <strong>the</strong>y<br />
applied this 'round-number' thinking to a<br />
different purpose and in a different manner. For<br />
<strong>the</strong> Thai, <strong>the</strong> issue was to establish an efficient<br />
way <strong>of</strong> mapping <strong>the</strong> secular calendar against <strong>the</strong><br />
religious one; i.e. to determine for any given<br />
secular calendrical date its equivalent in <strong>the</strong><br />
5000 years <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Buddha Era. To this end, <strong>the</strong><br />
first point <strong>of</strong> procedure was to determine <strong>the</strong><br />
starting point in <strong>the</strong> Buddhist year <strong>of</strong> 360 days.<br />
This proves from many examples to have been<br />
Vaisakha Full Moon, <strong>the</strong> date on which<br />
traditionally all <strong>the</strong> main events <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Buddha's<br />
life took place. An inscription from Burma or<br />
from Central Thailand would notate this as<br />
falling on <strong>the</strong> 15th day <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 6th month <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
year, as is implicit in <strong>the</strong> inscription on <strong>the</strong><br />
Kyaikthanlan Bell:<br />
Two thousand and seventy years six months and<br />
twenty-two days after <strong>the</strong> demise <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Lord <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> three worlds, on Friday <strong>the</strong> 7th waxing <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> month <strong>of</strong> Nadaw ['mrikkasuiw']. (RSASB<br />
1939-40: 24)<br />
<strong>The</strong> calculation runs as follows:<br />
month 6 day 15 = Vaisakha 15<br />
plus 6 months 22 days elapsed from <strong>the</strong>n:<br />
date = month 1 day 7<br />
which equates with Nadaw I Margasirsha 7<br />
waxing, as required. Here only <strong>the</strong> elapsed time<br />
from <strong>the</strong> demise <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Buddha is specified, but<br />
it was common to specify both halves <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
equation, as did <strong>the</strong> author <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 1789 inscription<br />
<strong>of</strong> Wat Chae Haeng:<br />
CS 1151 .. mikasiramasa purnami . .. month<br />
3, Full Moon ... 2332y 8m 15d gone including<br />
today, and 2667y 3m 15d to go. (Prasert 2534:<br />
91)<br />
This gives a count:<br />
past, to date: 2332 y 8 m 15 d<br />
plus 2667 3 15<br />
equals 5000 0 0<br />
Here <strong>the</strong> total reaches <strong>the</strong> anticipated 5000 years,<br />
but one would have expected <strong>the</strong> fractional part<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> reckoning, <strong>the</strong> period from Vaisakha Full<br />
Moon to Margasirsha Full Moon to have run as<br />
follows: 2 months days<br />
Vaisakha Full Moon<br />
15 waning<br />
Jyestha 1<br />
Ashadha 2<br />
Sravana 3<br />
Bhadrapada 4<br />
Asvina 5<br />
Karttika 6<br />
Margasirsha<br />
15 waxing<br />
total: 7 0<br />
<strong>The</strong> interval to Margasirsha Full Moon is only<br />
7 months even, not 8 months 15 days: a new<br />
point <strong>of</strong> departure has to be found. This point is<br />
easily determined by counting backwards<br />
through <strong>the</strong> year:<br />
months days<br />
Margasirsha Full Moon 15<br />
Karttika New Moon 8<br />
Asvina 7<br />
Bhadrapada 6<br />
Sravana 5<br />
Ashadha 4<br />
Jyestha 3<br />
Vaisakha 2<br />
Caitra New Moon<br />
In order to tally, <strong>the</strong> reckoning has here to take<br />
its origin at <strong>the</strong> start <strong>of</strong> Caitra. One can see a<br />
ready explanation for this heterodox, secular<br />
reckoning. Experts who drew up long-term<br />
calendars wished to avoid <strong>the</strong> complication <strong>of</strong><br />
228<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
Round-number reckoning in Thai for <strong>the</strong> 5000 years <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Buddha<br />
beginning a new page, a new 'year', with<br />
precisely <strong>the</strong> day <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> astronomical New Year,<br />
since this could fluctuate between Caitra 6<br />
waxing and Vaisakha 5 waxing. To stay clear<br />
<strong>of</strong> this complication, <strong>the</strong>y <strong>the</strong>refore began a<br />
new page always with Caitra 1 waxing, though<br />
<strong>the</strong>re might be up to ano<strong>the</strong>r 34 days before <strong>the</strong><br />
New Year proper began. 3 Clearly <strong>the</strong> author <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Nan inscription had just such a document in<br />
mind.<br />
Some o<strong>the</strong>r Thai records also perform ra<strong>the</strong>r<br />
differently from what one would predict <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong>m, even when <strong>the</strong>ir reckoning is plainly<br />
intended to originate in V aisakha Full Moon.<br />
An inscription from Phitsanulok (FAD inscr.<br />
98 <strong>of</strong> 1514 AD) records <strong>the</strong> date as 'month 1<br />
[Margasirsha] waxing 7' and also as '2057, 7<br />
months, 22 days'.<br />
How is this reckoning constituted ? A table<br />
will again assist in our assessment:<br />
months:<br />
Vaisakha<br />
Jyestha<br />
Ashadha<br />
Sravana<br />
Bhadrapada<br />
Asvina<br />
Karttika<br />
Margasirsha<br />
total:<br />
1<br />
2<br />
3<br />
4<br />
5<br />
6<br />
days:<br />
15<br />
7<br />
22<br />
6<br />
Since <strong>the</strong> count begins from Vaisakha Full<br />
Moon, <strong>the</strong>re must be 15 days left in that month.<br />
And <strong>the</strong> day 7 waxing <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> target month will<br />
<strong>the</strong>n bring <strong>the</strong> day total to 22 days, as given. By<br />
non-inclusive counting, however, <strong>the</strong> month<br />
interval is only 6 months, not 7 months. But<br />
from many o<strong>the</strong>r similar instances one finds<br />
that <strong>the</strong> practice <strong>of</strong> some experts was to count<br />
inclusively, so that <strong>the</strong> interval Vaisakha to<br />
Margasirsha, when told <strong>of</strong>f on <strong>the</strong> fingers,<br />
yields 7 months, not 6.<br />
One o<strong>the</strong>r possibility suggests itself here,<br />
though it is one that creates a much greater<br />
difficulty than <strong>the</strong> one it might at first be thought<br />
to resolve. <strong>The</strong> year in question, CS 876, was<br />
in fact an adhikamasa year: one might <strong>the</strong>refore<br />
be tempted into supposing that <strong>the</strong> person doing<br />
<strong>the</strong> calculations over-conscientiously allowed<br />
<strong>the</strong> month <strong>of</strong> Ashadha to be counted twice as<br />
indeed it was in <strong>the</strong> secular I astronomical<br />
calendar. But if this had been <strong>the</strong> case, <strong>the</strong><br />
author would have been doing no one a service.<br />
Inscriptions were intended to last in perpetuity<br />
(or at least until <strong>the</strong> 5000 years were completed)<br />
and those in subsequent generations would<br />
expect that no Buddha Era year would have 13<br />
months in it. Although this secular year had<br />
384 lunar days in it, it would in fact have been<br />
an utter solecism to allow an extra month to <strong>the</strong><br />
religious year and would have brought its entire<br />
round-number reckoning to a halt. If any one<br />
Buddha Era year was allowed to have an extra<br />
month in it, <strong>the</strong>n it would be necessary to<br />
establish which <strong>of</strong> all <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r 4999 years also<br />
had extra months-<strong>the</strong> system would collapse<br />
in disarray.<br />
An inscription from Wat Thaen Phra <strong>of</strong> 1814<br />
reads:<br />
CS 1176 . . . Karttika month new moon, Friday<br />
. . . in Thai . . . month two new moon . . . 2357<br />
years, 6 months, 15 days; and 2642 years, 5<br />
months, 15 days. (Eade 1996:131)<br />
past, to date: 2357 y 6 m 15 d<br />
future: 2642 5 15<br />
total: 5000 0 0<br />
Here (in a year that was not adhikamasa) <strong>the</strong><br />
month reckoning is again one in excess <strong>of</strong> what<br />
one would anticipate by non-inclusive<br />
reckoning:<br />
months days<br />
Vaisakha Full Moon 15<br />
Jyestha 1<br />
Ashadha 2<br />
Sravana 3<br />
Bhadrapada 4<br />
Asvina 5<br />
Karttika New Moon 0<br />
total: 5 15<br />
<strong>The</strong> interval is <strong>of</strong> 5 months 15, not <strong>of</strong> 6 months<br />
15.<br />
Against this one may set an inscription<br />
dating to 1852 at Wat Pha Phrao. Here <strong>the</strong><br />
reckoning is not in excess, but is in arrears. <strong>The</strong><br />
text reads:<br />
CS 1214 . . . Pha1guna month Full Moon . . .<br />
month 6 Full Moon, . . . 2396 years, 9 months<br />
15 days. (Eade 1996: 142)<br />
Here again <strong>the</strong> interval is clear if tabulated:<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2<br />
229
JC Eade<br />
months: days:<br />
Vaisakha Full Moon 15<br />
Jyestha<br />
Ashadha 2<br />
Sravana 3<br />
Bhadrapada 4<br />
Asvina 5<br />
Kartikka 6<br />
Margasirsha 7<br />
Pausha 8<br />
Magha 9<br />
Phalguna Full Moon 15<br />
total: 10 0<br />
This date is corrupt in certain respects that need<br />
not concern us here, <strong>the</strong> immediate point is that<br />
if an inscription's date falls on a Full Moon and<br />
<strong>the</strong> desired interval also originates in a Full<br />
Moon, <strong>the</strong>re cannot be fifteen days needing to<br />
be made up. <strong>The</strong> interval consists <strong>of</strong> a dark half<br />
(Vaisakha), a light half (here Phalguna), plus<br />
<strong>the</strong> intervening months whose secular day-total<br />
is immaterial.<br />
Yet ano<strong>the</strong>r Nan inscription, dating to 1906<br />
(Wat Phra Dhatu Khao Noi), merits some<br />
attention. It is seriously at odds with itself in a<br />
number <strong>of</strong> respects, but its Buddha Era count<br />
(with due correction as to <strong>the</strong> future years) can<br />
be treated independently <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> astronomical<br />
detail exhibited:<br />
past:<br />
future<br />
total:<br />
If one lays<br />
follows:<br />
6 waning<br />
sub-total<br />
remaining in month<br />
Pausha<br />
Magha<br />
Phalguna<br />
Caitra<br />
Vaisakha<br />
sub total<br />
total: [1 yr]<br />
7<br />
2<br />
3<br />
4<br />
4<br />
Om<br />
21<br />
6<br />
9<br />
15<br />
24<br />
Od<br />
<strong>The</strong> fractional tally one would expect here is<br />
made up <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> V aisakha dark half at <strong>the</strong> start,<br />
<strong>the</strong> Margasirsha light half at <strong>the</strong> end, plus a<br />
fur<strong>the</strong>r 6 waning days. To this sum six<br />
intervening months (measuring from Jyestha to<br />
Karttika) have to be added, giving 7 months<br />
and 6 days in all. 4<br />
One notes that <strong>the</strong> author's day-total supplies<br />
him with only 29 days, not 30 days. 5 And it is<br />
indeed <strong>the</strong> case that in secular terms <strong>the</strong> lunar<br />
month Margasirsha has only and always 29<br />
days. But as a 'month' in religious reckoning it<br />
is required to have 30 days. To avoid confusion<br />
<strong>the</strong> author should not have counted forwards<br />
from his date in <strong>the</strong> secular calendar; he should<br />
have subtracted his elapsed total from 12 months<br />
0 days, or better, from 11 months 30 days.<br />
It will appear somewhat disconcerting that<br />
in a matter as important as <strong>the</strong> reckoning <strong>of</strong> a<br />
CS 1268 ... mikasira month tithi 21 . . waning particular time in <strong>the</strong> 5000 years <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Buddha<br />
6 ... 2449 years gone, seven months complete, <strong>the</strong>re are so many anomalies and<br />
7 months, twenty-one days complete . . . 2560 inconsistencies. All <strong>the</strong> evidence suggests that<br />
[read: 2550] years to go, four months complete, although calendrical and astronomical<br />
4 months, eight days complete, 8 days. (Prasert reckoning lay in <strong>the</strong> hands <strong>of</strong> religious experts,<br />
2534: 95) secular I civil reckoning was considerably more<br />
familiar to <strong>the</strong>m than religious reckoning. We<br />
2449 y 7 m 21 d note, moreover, that when <strong>the</strong> religious count<br />
2550 4<br />
8 fails to match <strong>the</strong> secular date, <strong>the</strong> former has a<br />
4999 11 29 tendency to be in excess. <strong>The</strong> reason would<br />
Vaisakha Full Moon<br />
Jyestha<br />
Ashadha<br />
Sravana<br />
Bhadrapada<br />
Asvina<br />
Kartikka<br />
Margasirsha<br />
out an entire year, one finds as<br />
months:<br />
1<br />
2<br />
3<br />
4<br />
5<br />
6<br />
days:<br />
15<br />
seem to be that those making <strong>the</strong> calculation<br />
began by reckoning up <strong>the</strong> month interval before<br />
<strong>the</strong> day interval, and <strong>the</strong>n favoured <strong>the</strong> use <strong>of</strong><br />
inclusive counting. Consequently it was felt<br />
reasonable or natural that Vaisakha should be<br />
reckoned as ' 1 month . . .' , witJlyestha as '2<br />
months', Ashadha as '3 months .. .' , etc. And<br />
if no subsequent adjustment was made when<br />
attention was turned to <strong>the</strong> days elapsed, <strong>the</strong><br />
day-count would necessarily be 15 days too<br />
large.<br />
230<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
Round-number reckoning in Thai for <strong>the</strong> 5000 years <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Buddha<br />
It is worth noting, too, that <strong>the</strong> difference<br />
between <strong>the</strong> modes is reflected even in <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
notation. A secular date is routinely expressed<br />
as 'year x, month y, day z' (or ra<strong>the</strong>r as 'waxing<br />
I waning z nights'), where <strong>the</strong> implied origin <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> count is not material to <strong>the</strong> reckoning. But a<br />
religious date reverses <strong>the</strong> ordering <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
components and is expressed as 'x years, y<br />
months, z days', where <strong>the</strong> origin <strong>of</strong> both <strong>the</strong><br />
month count and <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> day count is vital to <strong>the</strong><br />
accuracy <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> reckoning.<br />
<strong>The</strong> transference from civil reckoning to<br />
religious reckoning required more attention than<br />
sometimes it received.<br />
References<br />
Eade, J. C. 1996. <strong>The</strong> Thai Historical Record: A<br />
Computer Analysis. Tokyo: Centre for East Asian<br />
Cultural Studies for UNESCO.<br />
FAD 1924-93. Prachum silacharuk, 7 vols, Bangkok:<br />
Fine Arts Department.<br />
Prasert na Nagara et. al., 2534. Lanna Inscriptions,<br />
<strong>Part</strong> I, <strong>Vol</strong>. I (Text), <strong>Vol</strong>. II (Plates). Bangkok:<br />
James Thompson Foundation.<br />
RSASB 1939-40 Report <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Superintendent,<br />
Archaeological Survey, Burma .. Rangoon:<br />
Government Printing.<br />
Sachau, E. C. (ed.) 1910. Alberuni's India. 2 vols,<br />
London: Trubner. (Sachau's spelling <strong>of</strong> Albiruni's<br />
name is not standard.)<br />
Biodata Affiliation I Research<br />
J. C. Eade (chris.eade@anu.edu.au) is an<br />
Honorary Visiting Fellow in <strong>the</strong> Asian History<br />
Centre at <strong>the</strong> Australian National University.<br />
He has been studying <strong>the</strong> inscriptional and<br />
documentary record <strong>of</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asia and<br />
latterly <strong>of</strong> Indonesia, particularly by developing<br />
computer programs to replicate <strong>the</strong> data.<br />
Notes<br />
1 2610 years times 12 months equals 31320 months,<br />
not 30320; and 2160 years times 360 days equals<br />
939600 days, not 909600. <strong>The</strong> errors appear to be at<br />
source, not to lie with <strong>the</strong> engraver or with <strong>the</strong><br />
inscription's editors.<br />
Note that 2610 years times <strong>the</strong> astronomical year<br />
<strong>of</strong> 365.25875 days would have generated a daynumber<br />
in excess <strong>of</strong> 950000. It is <strong>the</strong>refore evident<br />
that <strong>the</strong> number on <strong>the</strong> inscription (however read)<br />
relates to a 360-day year, not to an astronomical year.<br />
2 Where possible I adopt lunar month names in<br />
preference to <strong>the</strong> more common lunar month<br />
numerals-not least as a way <strong>of</strong> avoiding confusion<br />
between <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> months that may have elapsed<br />
at a given date and <strong>the</strong> numbers assigned to <strong>the</strong><br />
months that have elapsed, which can in any case take<br />
three different forms. Caitra is called month 5 in <strong>the</strong><br />
South and ei<strong>the</strong>r month 6 or month 7 in <strong>the</strong> North.<br />
Where it is necessary to use only numerals, I<br />
distinguish between 'month 6, day 15' (Vaisakha<br />
Full Moon by Sou<strong>the</strong>rn reckoning) and '6 months 15<br />
days' (an interval, here equating with Margasirsha<br />
New Moon).<br />
3 To compensate, some calendrists headed each<br />
new page with details <strong>of</strong> when Songkran would take<br />
place.<br />
4 <strong>The</strong> author's practice <strong>of</strong> reckoning in effect from<br />
Vaisakha New Moon is confirmed by <strong>the</strong> second<br />
date (face 2), where his date current <strong>of</strong> Vaisakha 8<br />
waning leaves him with a fractional future count <strong>of</strong><br />
11 months and 7 days.<br />
5 It is likely that <strong>the</strong> intention here was to say that<br />
<strong>the</strong>re had been 21 days elapsed up to <strong>the</strong> stan <strong>of</strong><br />
'today' and that <strong>the</strong>re were 8 days remaining after <strong>the</strong><br />
end <strong>of</strong> 'today'. But <strong>of</strong> course in that case 'today'<br />
would have to be <strong>the</strong> 7th waning, not <strong>the</strong> 6th waning<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> month: 21 days gone (counts to 6 waning)<br />
today (counts as 7 waning)-8 days to go (counts<br />
from 8 waning to 15 waning).<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2<br />
231
A TRANG CAVE TEXT OF 1614 AD<br />
Anthony Diller•<br />
On <strong>the</strong> first day <strong>of</strong> June, 1902, Prince<br />
Narisranuvattivongse visited a cave near <strong>the</strong><br />
town <strong>of</strong> Trang, having been informed by a local<br />
headman that an inscription-or more<br />
accurately, a painted text-was to be found high<br />
on <strong>the</strong> cave wall. <strong>The</strong> Prince's travel notes show<br />
that he spent an hour and fifteen minutes at <strong>the</strong><br />
site, called Khao Sam Bat, during which time<br />
he transcribed what he could read <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> cave<br />
text and noticed some statuary fragments. Nearly<br />
a century has passed since <strong>the</strong> Prince's visit and<br />
local wasps have recently been observed<br />
establishing <strong>the</strong>ir nests adjacent to <strong>the</strong> text on<br />
<strong>the</strong> cave wall. Accordingly, it seems prudent to<br />
preserve a current record <strong>of</strong> this important<br />
historical source lest its condition fur<strong>the</strong>r<br />
deteriorate. That is <strong>the</strong> purpose <strong>of</strong> this brief note<br />
and accompanying plate. A fuller study <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
significance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> text and <strong>of</strong> its site would be<br />
an important future project.<br />
Prince Narisranuvattivongse made <strong>the</strong> cave<br />
excursion while on an inspection tour <strong>of</strong><br />
telegraph lines and facilities, for which he was<br />
responsible. As <strong>the</strong> cave hill is situated some<br />
120 meters east <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Trang River, he was able<br />
to approach <strong>the</strong> site by boat. <strong>The</strong> nearby area<br />
was described as thinly settled with scattered<br />
houses and plantations <strong>of</strong> coconut and taro, a<br />
description that would hold today, although<br />
rubber trees and overgrown pepper gardens are<br />
now in evidence immediately adjacent to <strong>the</strong><br />
cave. Beyond to <strong>the</strong> east is Wat Phrai Son. <strong>The</strong><br />
hill itself is a modest outcrop <strong>of</strong> limestone karst<br />
rising about 25 meters from <strong>the</strong> flat river plain.<br />
Thick overgrowth <strong>of</strong> vines and thorny bushes<br />
now hinders entrance to <strong>the</strong> cave, which may<br />
have been easier to enter in former times.<br />
Artifacts found in <strong>the</strong> cave support <strong>the</strong><br />
conclusion that it has been inhabited during<br />
several periods: in remote prehistoric stone-tool<br />
using times, in a pottery-using period and again<br />
more recently in <strong>the</strong> Ayudhian era, accounting<br />
for <strong>the</strong> plaster statuary fragments noticed by <strong>the</strong><br />
Prince-and <strong>the</strong> wall text.<br />
<strong>The</strong> cave is <strong>of</strong> modest proportions, less than<br />
a hundred meters in total length, with <strong>the</strong> main<br />
opening facing west and a narrow chimney-like<br />
opening to <strong>the</strong> east. It consists <strong>of</strong> three chambers,<br />
<strong>the</strong> outer two <strong>of</strong> which have a comparatively<br />
flat floor. <strong>The</strong> front chamber is relatively welllit<br />
and airy but <strong>the</strong> Prince reported that <strong>the</strong><br />
stench <strong>of</strong> guano prevented him from venturing<br />
into <strong>the</strong> more remote chambers. In this inner<br />
area <strong>the</strong>re is a niche, perhaps partly natural,<br />
where an image may have been installed. It was<br />
near <strong>the</strong> cave's mouth that <strong>the</strong> Prince saw on <strong>the</strong><br />
concave wall overhead twelve lines <strong>of</strong> reddish<br />
ochre lettering, parts <strong>of</strong> which had been<br />
obliterated (Figure 1).<br />
Unfortunately, since <strong>the</strong> Prince's visit <strong>the</strong><br />
text has undergone fur<strong>the</strong>r deterioration and in<br />
its current degraded state a complete translation<br />
would not be feasible. However, by relying on<br />
<strong>the</strong> Prince's transcription, a good sense <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
text can be ascertained: <strong>the</strong> text was produced<br />
(line 1) by a Buddhist community, with several<br />
senior monks, who are named (lines 1-2), and a<br />
number <strong>of</strong> novices (line 3), who inhabited <strong>the</strong><br />
cave or at least its immediate environs. <strong>The</strong><br />
community was established at <strong>the</strong> site, referred<br />
to as Khao Sa Bap, to uphold or restore <strong>the</strong><br />
religion (lines 3-4; <strong>the</strong> familiar inscriptional<br />
phrase loek sasana is used). Male and female<br />
laity are also mentioned, including local leaders,<br />
<strong>of</strong>ficials and o<strong>the</strong>r lay supporters (lines 6-7;<br />
items read as khun nang, krommakan, and<br />
sapparut), who join in upholding <strong>the</strong> religion<br />
with <strong>the</strong> hope <strong>of</strong> obtaining merit and release<br />
from suffering (lines 7-9).<br />
<strong>The</strong> remainder <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> text commemorates<br />
<strong>the</strong> installation <strong>of</strong> an image in a year which<br />
' Faculty <strong>of</strong> Asian Studies, Australian National<br />
University, Canberra, ACT 0200, Australia<br />
232<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s l & 2
A Trang cave text <strong>of</strong> 1614 AD<br />
Figure 1 Text on <strong>the</strong> cave wall in <strong>the</strong> mid 1990s<br />
Prince Narisranuvattivongse was able to construe<br />
as equivalent to 1614 AD, i.e. (Buddhist Era)<br />
2157, although little <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> year designation,<br />
which is spelled out in words (lines 9-1 0) ra<strong>the</strong>r<br />
than given in numerals, remains for us to read<br />
confidently at present. More legible is <strong>the</strong><br />
reference to Friday, <strong>the</strong> second day <strong>of</strong> waxing<br />
moon <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> seventh lunar month (lines 10-11 ).<br />
Regarding <strong>the</strong> year, it is worth taking note <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> letter cho ', apparently in <strong>the</strong> expression cho '<br />
sok (line 11) which is still legible. This<br />
expression normally refers to a Chulasakarat<br />
date ending in <strong>the</strong> digit - 6. Note that <strong>the</strong><br />
Chulasakarat equivalent <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> year above is<br />
976, providing good confirmation for <strong>the</strong> reading<br />
that Prince Narisranuvattivongse was able to<br />
make in 1902. Such a reading would represent<br />
<strong>the</strong> earliest dated Thai language text from <strong>the</strong><br />
Trang area and, it would seem, from <strong>the</strong> west<br />
coast <strong>of</strong> sou<strong>the</strong>rn Thailand generally. <strong>The</strong> date<br />
would also nicely coincide with <strong>the</strong> period <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> first Thai manuscript texts known from east<br />
coast sites such as Nakhon Si Thammarat and<br />
Phatthalung.<br />
A curious issue arises at this point in <strong>the</strong><br />
Prince's travel notes: he draws attention to<br />
similarities between <strong>the</strong> writing he saw in <strong>the</strong> in<br />
<strong>the</strong> cave and late-Ayudhian Thai script as written<br />
at Wat Pa Mok during <strong>the</strong> reign <strong>of</strong> King Thai Sa<br />
(r. 1709-1733), a century afterwards. He did<br />
not go on to imply-given his reading <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
date as above-that <strong>the</strong> cave text had been<br />
backdated by a century. Such a conjecture would<br />
be highly improbable: comparison with sou<strong>the</strong>rn<br />
Thai handwriting <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> early seventeenth<br />
century reveals strong similarities and suggests<br />
contemporary composition. In fact, in <strong>the</strong><br />
opposite chronological direction, a good<br />
comparison could be made with <strong>the</strong> writing<br />
system used on <strong>the</strong> base <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Shiva <strong>of</strong><br />
Kamphaeng Phet, firmly dated to <strong>the</strong> equivalent<br />
<strong>of</strong> 1510 AD (Inscription 13), even though <strong>the</strong><br />
two texts are separated by time, location and<br />
written medium. Similarly, <strong>the</strong> cave text shows<br />
spelling conventions found in <strong>the</strong> Wat Phra Sadet<br />
text <strong>of</strong> Sukhothai (Inscription 15), dated to 1525<br />
AD, as well as some similar mid-Ayudhian<br />
lexical usages, such as cognates <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> word<br />
sappurut used to designate <strong>the</strong> lay Buddhist<br />
community.<br />
<strong>The</strong> fact that Trang is mentioned as a locus<br />
<strong>of</strong> Buddhist activity in seventeenth-century westcoast<br />
texts helps to provide some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> wider<br />
context to <strong>the</strong> Khao Sam Bat cave community.<br />
<strong>The</strong> chronicles <strong>of</strong> Nakhon Si Thammarat<br />
represent Trang as among <strong>the</strong> twelve towns<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2<br />
233
Anthony Diller•<br />
supporting <strong>the</strong> great reliquary <strong>of</strong> Nakhon: Trang<br />
is assigned to <strong>the</strong> Year <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Horse. Similarly,<br />
local literature referring to <strong>the</strong> noted Buddhist<br />
patron Lady White Blood, mentions her elephant<br />
journey to Trang, which was also her point <strong>of</strong><br />
departure en route to Sri Lanka, where <strong>the</strong> Sihing<br />
Buddha was acquired. Filling out <strong>the</strong> picture<br />
are o<strong>the</strong>r early Buddhist sites in <strong>the</strong> Trang area,<br />
such as Khao Phra Phut, apparently on an old<br />
trans-isthmus route between <strong>the</strong> Trang River<br />
and navigable eastcoast watercourses.<br />
Finally, it remains to clarify <strong>the</strong> name <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
cave hill. <strong>The</strong> cave text indicates that <strong>the</strong> name<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> hill currently known as Khao Sam Bat<br />
(perhaps 'Hill <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Three Foot[prints]',<br />
although none are in evidence) was formerly<br />
called Khao Sa Bap ("Hill <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Cleansing <strong>of</strong><br />
Sin"). <strong>The</strong> expression sa bap in this sense is<br />
known from o<strong>the</strong>r texts <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> period, e.g. from<br />
<strong>the</strong> inscription <strong>of</strong> Wat Phrathat Sri Song Rak<br />
(1560 AD), and accords well with cave text's<br />
general message relating to a Buddhist<br />
establishment.<br />
Notes<br />
1 I would like to thank <strong>the</strong> Reverend Phra Samunam<br />
Yasodharo, Abbot <strong>of</strong> Wat Phrai Son, Trang, for kindly<br />
permitting <strong>the</strong> photograph seen here, taken by Jaroon<br />
Kanachapen under threat <strong>of</strong> wasp attacks. Gratitude<br />
rill;lLrie:JW':i~tJl~L-;ij'l'V'I':i~L'I'l~<br />
'1-l':i~~;~~w':i~'V'I':i~W':i~~~n~l<br />
" '<br />
LL~L'Oil1L-.i.~Yl.:IVI~1~~1L~n~l~<br />
~~l'V'I':i::;L-.;)1 L~L'lllfl~lULL~'V'I~L~lib~<br />
15-:i':i~ltu.':il~~l ..... LL~1LL~'V'I':i~l'Yl L-;ijl~l LU~<br />
W':i::; ..... LLn ....
THE WORK OF GEORGE C
Frederic Maurel<br />
In fact, <strong>the</strong> work <strong>of</strong> Credes appears extraordinarily<br />
trailblazing.<br />
More generally, this achievement shows that<br />
it is very important to understand languages <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> investigated country if we want to understand<br />
a large part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> philology, history, art, thought,<br />
cultural background, etc. <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> geographic area<br />
that we study. Thus, if we want to understand a<br />
region, we should start by learning <strong>the</strong> languages<br />
<strong>of</strong> this region. That is <strong>the</strong> tool inhabitants <strong>of</strong><br />
Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asia <strong>the</strong>mselves 'use to give meaning<br />
to <strong>the</strong>ir surroundings and <strong>the</strong>ir actions. We are<br />
able to understand <strong>the</strong>ir culture, as this is<br />
constructed in it' (Arps 1995: 35).<br />
In Credes' s view, for a researcher in <strong>the</strong><br />
Khmero-Thai world (and later, in Sou<strong>the</strong>ast<br />
Asia), it is very important to study as many<br />
linguistic aspects <strong>of</strong> this region as possible.<br />
Talking <strong>of</strong> this, Credes recommended his<br />
students begin by learning <strong>the</strong> languages. He<br />
himself emphasized that <strong>the</strong> discovery <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se<br />
primary sources provided <strong>the</strong> basis for his works<br />
<strong>of</strong> syn<strong>the</strong>sis which were published later.<br />
<strong>The</strong> first work <strong>of</strong> syn<strong>the</strong>sis<br />
After this period, George Credes helped to<br />
provide an understanding <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> history <strong>of</strong><br />
Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asia, to dissipate darkness and to<br />
cast light on historiography <strong>of</strong> this region.<br />
This tour de force appears at first in Les Etats<br />
hindouises d 'Indochine et d 'lndonesie (Credes<br />
1948). In this study, for <strong>the</strong> first time a scholar<br />
proposed a global vision <strong>of</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asian<br />
history from <strong>the</strong> origins until <strong>the</strong> beginning <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> sixteenth century-with <strong>the</strong> taking <strong>of</strong><br />
Malacca by <strong>the</strong> Portugese in 1511. This<br />
empirical work rests on immense erudition.<br />
Using primary sources in Khmer, Thai,<br />
Burmese, Chinese, Pali and Sanskrit Credes<br />
succeeds in drawing a new 'map' <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> region.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> words <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> British historian D.G.E.<br />
Hall, this book <strong>of</strong> syn<strong>the</strong>sis is one 'to which<br />
<strong>the</strong> highesttribute must be paid' (Credes 1968:<br />
cover).<br />
Moreover, in this book Credes tries to clarify<br />
<strong>the</strong> nature <strong>of</strong> peoples <strong>of</strong> Indochina and Indonesia<br />
with <strong>the</strong> two great Asian civilizations-<strong>the</strong><br />
Indian and <strong>the</strong> Chinese. Credes's central <strong>the</strong>ory<br />
is <strong>the</strong> acculturation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asia region<br />
to <strong>the</strong> great civilization <strong>of</strong> India.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> same way, Credes proposed in 1943<br />
(five years before <strong>the</strong> publication <strong>of</strong> Les Etats<br />
hindouises d'Indochine et d'Indonesie) ano<strong>the</strong>r<br />
work <strong>of</strong> syn<strong>the</strong>sis, this time concerning Angkor:<br />
Pour mieux comprendre Angkor (Credes 1943 ).<br />
As is his custom, Credes used many disciplines,<br />
such as epigraphy, archaeology, architecture<br />
and philology, and much primary data and<br />
materials such as inscriptions, ceramics and<br />
sculptures like <strong>the</strong> numerous colours on <strong>the</strong><br />
palette <strong>of</strong> a painter. More generally, <strong>the</strong> author<br />
provided us with access to a veritable voyage<br />
through <strong>the</strong> multifaceted problems concerning<br />
Angkor.<br />
This book was later republished in Paris in<br />
1947 and <strong>the</strong>n translated into English by Emily<br />
Floyd Gardiner in 1963. In fact, <strong>the</strong> English<br />
version differs somewhat from <strong>the</strong> original text<br />
published in Hanoi in 1943 and also from <strong>the</strong><br />
revised second edition published in Paris in 1947<br />
(Credes 1963: IV). Indeed, in this English<br />
edition, Credes takes into consideration new<br />
discoveries concerning Angkor made by himself<br />
and o<strong>the</strong>r scholars.<br />
After <strong>the</strong>se publications, <strong>the</strong> accumulation<br />
<strong>of</strong> honours had no effect on <strong>the</strong> serenity <strong>of</strong> this<br />
man <strong>of</strong> learning and discretion, <strong>of</strong> silence and<br />
refinement; a man who vigorously avoided<br />
ostentation and verbosity. Indeed, in <strong>the</strong> long<br />
run, Credes' s demonstrated scupulous honesty,<br />
a willingness to adjust and rethink <strong>the</strong> results <strong>of</strong><br />
his research, and to corroborate or disprove his<br />
<strong>the</strong>ories. This attitude is evident in <strong>the</strong> third<br />
edition <strong>of</strong> <strong>The</strong> Indianized States <strong>of</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>ast<br />
Asia, published in 1963. In a note in <strong>the</strong> third<br />
edition, Credes himself remarked what probably<br />
represents <strong>the</strong> real and ultimate objective <strong>of</strong> his<br />
approach:<br />
This third edition will in its turn be made obsolete<br />
by <strong>the</strong> progress made by an increasing number<br />
<strong>of</strong> scholars attracted to <strong>the</strong> study <strong>of</strong> Indianized<br />
states .. .'(Credes 1968: V).<br />
Finally, to <strong>the</strong> very last, <strong>the</strong> accumulated<br />
results <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se and o<strong>the</strong>r studies culminated in<br />
<strong>The</strong> Making <strong>of</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asia (Credes 1966). In<br />
this book Credes tries to clarify some obscurities<br />
and attempts to constitute a coherent view <strong>of</strong><br />
Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asian history. More generally, this<br />
study suggests <strong>the</strong> need for a much closer<br />
236<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
<strong>The</strong> work <strong>of</strong> George Credes: views <strong>of</strong> a young man<br />
examination <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> complex historical relations<br />
in Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asia.<br />
Critical views<br />
<strong>The</strong>re can be no doubt whatever that George<br />
Credes's suggestive investigations are a<br />
monumental contribution to <strong>the</strong> study <strong>of</strong><br />
Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asian history, that <strong>the</strong>y have brought<br />
to light, and in many cases solved, a considerable<br />
number <strong>of</strong> important problems. But, without<br />
contesting <strong>the</strong> value <strong>of</strong> Credes's writings, <strong>the</strong>re<br />
are some aspects <strong>of</strong> his formulations,<br />
propositions or hypo<strong>the</strong>ses that invite <strong>the</strong><br />
reader's attention.<br />
<strong>The</strong> first point criticized by some scholars<br />
concerns <strong>the</strong> concept <strong>of</strong> pays hindouises ( 1948).<br />
Indeed, some authors consider that <strong>the</strong> term<br />
'Hinduized States' result from a stylistic<br />
tendency. What matters is that Credes himself<br />
recognizes this, and has himself set <strong>the</strong> model<br />
by which some <strong>of</strong> this re-examination will, it is<br />
hoped, be carried out. Besides, in <strong>the</strong> last English<br />
version <strong>of</strong> his work <strong>of</strong> syn<strong>the</strong>sis on Sou<strong>the</strong>ast<br />
Asian history, <strong>The</strong> Making <strong>of</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asia,<br />
George Credes changed his terminology and<br />
refined this concept <strong>of</strong> pays hindouises.<br />
<strong>The</strong> second point that is sometimes debated<br />
concerns Credes' s historic and philosophical<br />
approach. He used an empirical conception<br />
combining epigraphical, philological,<br />
archeological and historic analysis to perfect<br />
methods for interpreting <strong>the</strong> past, discovering<br />
its great events and understanding <strong>the</strong> region.<br />
First <strong>of</strong> all, he uses <strong>the</strong> 'event' in historiography.<br />
In fact, he conceives history from <strong>the</strong> angle <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> histoire evenementielle. A large part <strong>of</strong> his<br />
writings on history consists <strong>of</strong> a 'history <strong>of</strong><br />
events'. In <strong>The</strong> Making <strong>of</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asia,<br />
paraphrasing Gaudefroy Demombynes, Credes<br />
explains briefly his conception <strong>of</strong> history:<br />
General histories consisting <strong>of</strong> a chronicle <strong>of</strong><br />
events seasoned with a certain amount <strong>of</strong> critical<br />
comment and arranged in some sort <strong>of</strong> logical<br />
order (Ca:des 1966: VIII).<br />
Moreover, in terms <strong>of</strong> stylistics, this<br />
conception is also evidenced in his writing. One<br />
has only to read his work to understand his<br />
rejection <strong>of</strong> jargon, neologism, formalism, or<br />
<strong>the</strong>ory, and to appreciate his command <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
language, <strong>the</strong> purity <strong>of</strong> a style full <strong>of</strong> restraint,<br />
as exemplified in <strong>The</strong> Making <strong>of</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asia.<br />
It is precisely by adopting this evenementielle<br />
approach and this 'old way' that George Credes<br />
sometimes caused an upheaval in <strong>the</strong> new<br />
generation <strong>of</strong> historians. Indeed, this approach,<br />
characterised by meticulous and passionate<br />
scientific observation a l 'ancienne, does not<br />
take into account space, economics, sociological<br />
factors or o<strong>the</strong>r variables. In his work, he does<br />
not care to consider <strong>the</strong> concept <strong>of</strong> total history<br />
which has attempted to view history as a complex<br />
system. Talking <strong>of</strong> this, in 1966, Credes himself<br />
partly revealed his rationale:<br />
We do not, in my opinion, have enough<br />
documentation yet to warrant an attempt to<br />
describe in full all <strong>the</strong> various aspects <strong>of</strong> each <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> civilizations . . . (Ca:des 1966: X)<br />
<strong>The</strong> third kind <strong>of</strong> criticism concerns some<br />
data that are now very problematical or obsolete,<br />
such as <strong>the</strong> controversy about <strong>the</strong> 'Stele <strong>of</strong><br />
Ramkharnhaeng' (false or not?), <strong>the</strong> debate about<br />
<strong>the</strong> real political role <strong>of</strong> Srivijaya, and <strong>the</strong><br />
controversy about Thai origins, whe<strong>the</strong>r from<br />
China, Thailand or even from part <strong>of</strong> presentday<br />
Vietnam. Moreover, some archaeologists,<br />
epigraphists or architects, even if <strong>the</strong>y salute<br />
Credes as <strong>the</strong> uncontested master, disagree with<br />
some <strong>of</strong> his interpretations. This is not <strong>the</strong> place<br />
to engage in debate over details; nor, I hope, is<br />
it necessary to expound upon this subject.<br />
<strong>The</strong> last point, <strong>of</strong>ten discussed, is that Credes<br />
did not introduce new <strong>the</strong>oretical or<br />
methodological perspectives in his work. His<br />
observations did not establish formal models<br />
that could be applied around Asia or <strong>the</strong> world.<br />
Certainly, in this respect Credes does not rank<br />
alongside o<strong>the</strong>r great contemporary French<br />
scholars such as Fernand Braudel (1902-1985)<br />
or Georges Dumezil (1898-1986).<br />
Conclusion<br />
To close this article, we can observe that<br />
notwithstanding <strong>the</strong> above criticisms-which are<br />
meant to be constructive-Credes's enormous<br />
corpus constituted an attempt to shift <strong>the</strong><br />
historian's focus in Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asia. To<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s I & 2<br />
237
Frederic Maurel<br />
paraphrase a sentence <strong>of</strong> Walter F. Vella, Credes<br />
is nowadays 'revered by o<strong>the</strong>r scholars in <strong>the</strong><br />
field as <strong>the</strong> unchallenged dean <strong>of</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>ast<br />
Asian classical scholarship' (Credes 1968: VII).<br />
At <strong>the</strong> dawn <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> third millennium, George<br />
Credes remains clearly <strong>the</strong> best example and a<br />
model for <strong>the</strong> younger generation.<br />
Note<br />
1 Altoge<strong>the</strong>r, G. Credes published about 300<br />
articles, books and conference papers.<br />
References<br />
Arps, B. 1995. Trying to understand <strong>the</strong> Javanese<br />
without knowing <strong>the</strong> language? Impossible!, In<br />
liAS Newsletter 3. Leiden: liAS, p. 35.<br />
Credes, G. 1924. Recueil des inscriptions du <strong>Siam</strong>,<br />
Inscriptions de Sukhodaya. Bangkok: <strong>The</strong><br />
Vajirayan National Library.<br />
Credes, G. Inscriptions du Cambodge. Coll. de Textes<br />
et Documents sur l'Indochine, EFEO. vol. I,<br />
Hanoi: 1937; vol. II, Hanoi: 1942; vol. III, Paris:<br />
1951; vol. IV, Paris: 1952; vol. V, Paris: 1953;<br />
vol. VI, Paris: 1954; vol. VII, Paris: 1964; vol.<br />
VIII, Paris: 1966.<br />
Credes, G. 1943. Pour mieux comprendre Angkor.<br />
Hanoi: EFEO (2e ed. Paris: 1947).<br />
Credes, G. 1948. Les Etats hindouises d'Indochine et<br />
d'Indonesie. Paris: Ed. de Boccard (2e ed. 1964,<br />
3e ed. 1989).<br />
Credes, G. 1963. Angkor: an Introduction. (tr. and<br />
ed. by Emily Floyd Gardiner), Hongkong: Oxford<br />
University Press.<br />
Credes, G. 1966. <strong>The</strong> Making <strong>of</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asia. (tr.<br />
by H. M. Wright), Berkeley University <strong>of</strong><br />
California Press.<br />
Credes, G. 1968. <strong>The</strong> Indianized States <strong>of</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>ast<br />
Asia. (tr. by Susan Brown Cowing), Kuala<br />
Lumpur: University <strong>of</strong> Malaysia.<br />
KEYWORDS-GEORGE C
COMMENTS ON CHRISTIAN BAUER'S 'THE WAT SRI<br />
CHUM JATAKA GLOSSES RECONSIDERED'<br />
(<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>The</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong> 1992 vol. 80 (1): 105-25)1<br />
Betty Gosling"<br />
It is always gratifying to read <strong>the</strong> views <strong>of</strong><br />
experts working in a variety <strong>of</strong> scholarly<br />
disciplines who have directed <strong>the</strong>ir attentions<br />
to a subject <strong>of</strong> common interest. Whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong><br />
different perspectives complement or contradict<br />
one ano<strong>the</strong>r, valuable insights that cannot be<br />
reached from a single scholarly vantage point<br />
<strong>of</strong>ten emerge. Pr<strong>of</strong>essor Christian Bauer's<br />
epigraphic study <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> glosses in Sukhothai's<br />
Wat Sri Chum Jiitaka engravings is an important<br />
contribution to a subject that has been<br />
researched primarily by art historians and his<br />
article is enthusiastically welcomed.<br />
Unfortunately, however, <strong>the</strong> article includes a<br />
number <strong>of</strong> misconceptions that confuse <strong>the</strong><br />
issues ra<strong>the</strong>r than illuminate <strong>the</strong>m, and I would<br />
like to take this opportunity to correct some <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> errors.<br />
Bauer's premise (p. 105) that <strong>the</strong> Jiitaka<br />
plaques are 'now assumed to belong <strong>the</strong> late<br />
14th century' is incorrect. As he notes (p. 109<br />
and nn. 1, 9, 31-32), <strong>the</strong> late fourteenth-century<br />
date is one proposed by Dr Prasert l).a Nagara<br />
and seconded by Michael Vickery, but he<br />
provides no evidence that this date is accepted<br />
elsewhere. His sweeping generalization suggests<br />
a consensus among <strong>the</strong> scholarly community<br />
that simply does not exist.<br />
In part, Bauer bases his assumption <strong>of</strong> a late<br />
fourteenth century date on Prasert's argument<br />
that <strong>the</strong> Jiitaka plaques were designed to fit into<br />
<strong>the</strong> narrow stairwell <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> mondop at<br />
Sukhothai's Wat Sri Chum (n. 1). Both Bauer<br />
and Prasert ignored what seems to me to be<br />
irrefutable evidence that <strong>the</strong> plaques were<br />
designed for use elsewhere and moved to <strong>the</strong><br />
mondop at some later date: when <strong>the</strong> heights <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> plaques are taken into consideration (Figure<br />
1 ), <strong>the</strong>re can be no doubt that <strong>the</strong>y were designed<br />
to be arranged in a 4-foot high panel ra<strong>the</strong>r than<br />
<strong>the</strong> single 16.5-inch string-row installed in <strong>the</strong><br />
mondop (Gosling 1981:31; 1983:60; 1991:47;<br />
1996: 124 ). Thus, contrary to Bauer's and<br />
Prasert's assumptions, <strong>the</strong> mondop's stairwell<br />
must have been designed to accommodate <strong>the</strong><br />
uniform width <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> plaques, not <strong>the</strong> reverse.<br />
No.22<br />
No.l5<br />
Nu.4<br />
10.56" No.19 9.35" No.l2 13.37"<br />
13.63"<br />
.. Nu.lO No.7<br />
"I<br />
1<br />
No. 23<br />
No.16<br />
21.33"" 20.03" 20.34"<br />
1----<br />
11.34"<br />
- 9.35"<br />
No.S •2<br />
r-- Nu.20 t-- t- 15.93"<br />
No.24 Nu.l7 17.04" •s<br />
9.69" 15.78"<br />
f---<br />
No. 14 Nu.l3 No. II r--<br />
~<br />
24" 25.34" 26.40" No.9<br />
No.2S No. 21 No.18 No.6<br />
16.5" No.3<br />
17.67" 17.04" 15.78" 18.69" 14.60"<br />
No.60 Nu.56 No. 51<br />
No.48 No.44<br />
No. 4G<br />
s.n· Nu.J6<br />
9.24" 7.99" 9.5" 11.27" 11.99" IS.09"<br />
-<br />
._<br />
No.M •57<br />
No. 52<br />
No.45 •41<br />
10.23" 13.36" No. 37<br />
12.80"<br />
0 49 13.97"<br />
No.S8 No. 53<br />
Nu.46 No.42<br />
-<br />
11.55" 8.53"<br />
No.38 r----<br />
11.73" 11.39"<br />
- Nu.54 I--<br />
13.15"<br />
No. 59<br />
No. 35<br />
~ No. 50 No.47 No.4~<br />
13.37"<br />
No.39 15.09"<br />
No.SS 13.69" 14.54" 11.39" 7.99"<br />
7.98"<br />
All extant plaqu"" arc 16.5 inche• wide. Vertical measurements<br />
were calculated from illusttations in Foumereau, 1.1! <strong>Siam</strong><br />
QIICjm (1908).<br />
•'J'hcoe rlaques are not extant.<br />
•·*<strong>The</strong> break between plaques 14 and 15 is probably due to <strong>the</strong><br />
uncoordinated efforts <strong>of</strong> two groups <strong>of</strong> artists.<br />
Figure 1 Arrangement <strong>of</strong> Sri Chum JiHaka<br />
engravings as <strong>the</strong>y would have appeared on <strong>the</strong> base<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Mahathat Lotus-Bud Stupa, Sukhothai (From<br />
Gosling 1996: fig.4)<br />
• 3000 Glazier Way, #320, Ann Arbor, MI 48105,<br />
USA, Visiting Scholar, Horace Rackham School <strong>of</strong><br />
Graduate Studies, University <strong>of</strong> Michigan.<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2<br />
239
Betty Gosling<br />
Bauer states that, following Boisselier, I<br />
dated <strong>the</strong> Sri Chum engravings to <strong>the</strong> midfourteenth<br />
century (n. 33), a date he summarily<br />
dismisses as 'previous opinion.' Apparently, he<br />
did not read what I wrote: my opinions<br />
concerning <strong>the</strong> date <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> engravings do not<br />
follow Boisselier's, and <strong>the</strong>y are not ones that I<br />
have abandoned. My date--ca AD 1330, a<br />
couple <strong>of</strong> decades earlier than <strong>the</strong> date proposed<br />
by Boisselier-derives from my own<br />
inscriptional and art historical studies and a<br />
reconstruction <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> cultural and art historical<br />
changes that appear to have taken place at<br />
Sukhothai between <strong>the</strong> late thirteenth and early<br />
fifteenth centuries (Gosling 1982; 1983; 1984;<br />
1991; 1996).<br />
Briefly, <strong>the</strong> results <strong>of</strong> this research indicated<br />
a progression from a period <strong>of</strong> diverse,<br />
intermingling cultural ingredients-Tai, Khmer,<br />
Mon, and Sinhalese-to a time that was more<br />
unified and Sinhalese. <strong>The</strong> Jiitaka engravings,<br />
which appear to have been executed by different<br />
artisans with a variety <strong>of</strong> aes<strong>the</strong>tic and epigraphic<br />
talents (Griswold 1967; Wray 1972; Brereton<br />
1978; Stratton 1981), seem to reflect <strong>the</strong> cultural<br />
ambience <strong>of</strong> Sukhothai' s formative period ra<strong>the</strong>r<br />
than a later one. (In this respect, Bauer's research<br />
into <strong>the</strong> similarities between <strong>the</strong> Sri Chum<br />
glosses and Old Mon inscriptions in Pagan is an<br />
invaluable contribution). My more precise, ca<br />
1330 date was reached by an analysis <strong>of</strong><br />
Sukhothai's Inscription 2, in which <strong>the</strong> Jiitaka<br />
plaques are mentioned: <strong>the</strong> last Sukhothai ruler<br />
mentioned in <strong>the</strong> inscription is Loethai, a sure<br />
indication that <strong>the</strong> inscription was written<br />
sometime before 1347, <strong>the</strong> undisputed date <strong>of</strong><br />
Luthai, Sukhothai' s next ruler's accession.<br />
Inscription 11, which elaborates some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
details in Inscription 2, provided additional<br />
information that suggests that <strong>the</strong> engravings<br />
had been executed, at <strong>the</strong> very least, a decade<br />
before Inscription 2 was written (Gosling 1981;<br />
1984; 1988).<br />
Contrary to Bauer's statement that I argued<br />
'that superscript-a-ocurred in rhymes<br />
containing obstruents by <strong>the</strong> mid-14th century'<br />
(p. 109), I never said that. Would that I were<br />
qualified to <strong>of</strong>fer learned opinions on obstruents<br />
and rhymes! Finally, for <strong>the</strong> sake <strong>of</strong> clarification,<br />
it should be noted that I have never published as<br />
'E. M. B. Gosling', <strong>the</strong> name that Pr<strong>of</strong>. Bauer<br />
has chosen for <strong>the</strong> citation <strong>of</strong> my works.<br />
Notes<br />
1 This note was submitted to JSS in October 1994,<br />
mislaid and <strong>the</strong>n revised and resubmitted in January<br />
1998. <strong>The</strong> Hon. Editor apologises to <strong>the</strong> author for<br />
<strong>the</strong> long delay in publication.<br />
References<br />
Brereton, B. P. 1978. <strong>The</strong> Wat Sri Chum Engravings<br />
and <strong>the</strong>ir Place within <strong>the</strong> Art <strong>of</strong> Sukhothai.<br />
University <strong>of</strong> Michigan M.A. <strong>the</strong>sis.<br />
Gosling, B. 1981. Once More, Inscription 2: An Art<br />
Historian's View, <strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong> 69<br />
(1 & 2): 13-42.<br />
Gosling, B. 1982. Some Thoughts on <strong>the</strong> Early Stages<br />
<strong>of</strong> Thai Buddhism Relevant to <strong>the</strong> Art and<br />
Architecture <strong>of</strong> Sukhothai. In Buddhism and<br />
<strong>Society</strong> in Thailand, (ed.) B. J. Terwiel, Sou<strong>the</strong>ast<br />
Asian Review 7 (1 & 2): 11-23.<br />
Gosling, B. 1983. <strong>The</strong> History <strong>of</strong> Sukhothai as a<br />
Ceremonial Center: a Study <strong>of</strong> Early <strong>Siam</strong>ese<br />
Architecture and <strong>Society</strong>, 2 vols. University <strong>of</strong><br />
Michigan Ph.D. dissertation, Ann Arbor,<br />
Michigan: University Micr<strong>of</strong>ilms International.<br />
Gosling, B. 1984. Why were <strong>the</strong> Jiitakas 'Hidden<br />
Away' at Wat Sri Chum? <strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong><br />
<strong>Society</strong> 72 (1 & 2): 14-8.<br />
Gosling, B. 1988. On Michael Vickery's from<br />
Lamphun to Inscription No. 2, <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong><br />
Newsletter4 (1): 5-7.<br />
Gosling, B. 1991. Sukhothai: Its History, Culture,<br />
and Art. Oxford, Singapore, & London: Oxford<br />
University Press.<br />
Gosling, B. 1996. A Chronology <strong>of</strong> Religious<br />
Architecture at Sukhothai, Late Thirteenth to<br />
Early Fifteenth Century. Association for Asian<br />
Studies, Monograph and Occasional Paper Series,<br />
No. 52. Ann Arbor, Michigan.<br />
Griswold, A. B. 1967. Towards a History <strong>of</strong><br />
Sukhodaya Art. Bangkok: Fine Arts Department.<br />
Stratton, C. and Scott, M. McNair 1981. <strong>The</strong> Art <strong>of</strong><br />
Sukhothai: Thailand's Golden Age. Kuala Lumpur,<br />
Oxford & New York: Oxford University Press.<br />
Wray, E., Rosenfield, C. and Bailey, D. 1972. Ten<br />
Lives <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Buddha. New York & Tokyo:<br />
Wea<strong>the</strong>rhill.<br />
240<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
REVIEWS<br />
Thailand's Boom and Bust<br />
Pasuk Phongpaichit and Chris Baker.<br />
Chiang Mai, Thailand: Silkworm Books, 1998.<br />
367 pp. US$12.95.<br />
Pasuk Phongpaichit and Chris Baker, a wifeand-husband<br />
team, currently are among <strong>the</strong> more<br />
respected and popular commentators on <strong>the</strong><br />
contemporary political economy <strong>of</strong> Thailand.<br />
Some two years ago, <strong>the</strong>y published a wellresearched,<br />
balanced, and readable analysis <strong>of</strong><br />
Thailand's boom economy which was favorably<br />
received in and out <strong>of</strong> Thailand. In this earlier<br />
work, <strong>the</strong>y explained <strong>the</strong> complex formula<br />
behind <strong>the</strong> kingdom's relatively rapid<br />
transformation from agricultural backwater to<br />
industrial powerhouse. Capitalizing on<br />
Thailand's new-found fame as a country <strong>of</strong> debt<br />
and devaluation, Thailand's Boom and Bust is<br />
an expanded edition <strong>of</strong> this earlier book, focusing<br />
on <strong>the</strong> country's economic difficulties in <strong>the</strong><br />
age <strong>of</strong> globalization.<br />
As <strong>the</strong> authors point out, a long-term constant<br />
in Thai economic policy-making has been <strong>the</strong><br />
belief that Thailand must grow through trade. In<br />
<strong>the</strong> late 1950s, <strong>the</strong> Thai government launched<br />
into economic development based on a strategy<br />
<strong>of</strong> agricultural-export-led growth. At <strong>the</strong> same<br />
time, <strong>the</strong> government resolved to support <strong>the</strong><br />
growth <strong>of</strong> private business through import<br />
substitution; however, this parallel strategy<br />
remained very secondary to <strong>the</strong> emphasis on<br />
agricultural exports. <strong>The</strong> combined strategy <strong>of</strong><br />
agricultural expansion and export substitution ·<br />
worked well for two decades; and when it faltered<br />
in <strong>the</strong> late 1970s, <strong>the</strong> government switched to a<br />
manufactured-export -led strategy patterned after<br />
<strong>the</strong> four so-called Tiger economies (Hong Kong,<br />
Korea, Singapore, and Taiwan).<br />
Corporate savings, in terms <strong>of</strong> plow back<br />
and reinvestment by local firms, combined with<br />
foreign direct investment to support this exportled<br />
boom. In 1993-1996, for example, a new<br />
Japanese factory opened in Thailand every 3<br />
days. With export growth continuing to be <strong>the</strong><br />
primary driver <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> boom, trouble began in<br />
<strong>the</strong> early 1990s when exports began to slow as<br />
competitors, like China and Vietnam, appeared<br />
in export markets. By <strong>the</strong> end <strong>of</strong> 1996, export<br />
growth had plummeted to zero; unfortunately,<br />
financial liberalization kept foreign capital<br />
flowing, artificially boosting growth and<br />
temporarily camouflaging <strong>the</strong> deteriorating<br />
economic situation. 'Everyone forgot that<br />
Thailand must grow through trade, not through<br />
money games and concrete fantasies' (p. 36).<br />
<strong>The</strong> end <strong>of</strong> Thailand's boom was like watching<br />
'<strong>the</strong> agonizing slow movements <strong>of</strong> Thai classical<br />
drama: on left stage, <strong>the</strong> troops <strong>of</strong> Thai exporters,<br />
circling in a dance <strong>of</strong> decelerating tempo; centrestage,<br />
<strong>the</strong> fattened-up bird <strong>of</strong> finance miming a<br />
slow-motion plunge from heaven to earth; and<br />
at right, <strong>the</strong> princes and nobles <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Thai<br />
technocracy, ancient weapons raised, frozen into<br />
a stock-stili tableau' (p. 126).<br />
<strong>The</strong> explanation <strong>of</strong> Thailand's boom and<br />
bust provided by Pasuk and Baker is<br />
conventional but noteworthy because it is clear,<br />
informative, and accessible. It contains much<br />
more depth and insight than one would expect<br />
from a book <strong>of</strong> this kind. In addition, <strong>the</strong> authors<br />
provide a fascinating protrait <strong>of</strong> a whole society<br />
being transformed at unprecedented speed. After<br />
all, <strong>the</strong> story <strong>of</strong> Thailand's boom and bust is one<br />
<strong>of</strong> socio-political evolution as much as it is one<br />
<strong>of</strong> unbridled economic development. During <strong>the</strong><br />
boom years, Thailand's long-standing military<br />
rulers were pushed aside by three new forces<br />
from urban society-Bangkok big business,<br />
provincial business, and an urban middle class.<br />
<strong>The</strong>se three realms, each with its own political<br />
agenda, came to occupy different political space<br />
in today' s Thailand. Provincial business<br />
dominates <strong>the</strong> parliament through its grip over<br />
<strong>the</strong> rural electorate. <strong>The</strong> middle class dominates<br />
public debate over politics. Big business, in<br />
tum, exerts power through its wealth, economic<br />
role, and celestial connections.<br />
<strong>The</strong>re has also been a downside to Thailand's<br />
economic boom. Early development efforts paid<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2<br />
241
Reviews<br />
little attention to income distribution;<br />
consequently, distribution became more skewed.<br />
<strong>The</strong> boom brought big gains for a small segment<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> population, but it brought very meagre<br />
gains for <strong>the</strong> remainder. Over one decade, as<br />
<strong>the</strong> authors emphasize, 'Thailand became one<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> most unequal societies in <strong>the</strong> developing<br />
world' (p. 281).<br />
Moreover, little effort was made to limit <strong>the</strong><br />
impact <strong>of</strong> growth on <strong>the</strong> environment. Three<br />
decades <strong>of</strong> agricultural-led-exports stripped<br />
away most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> nation's forests. At <strong>the</strong> same<br />
time, a decade <strong>of</strong> industrialization brought major<br />
problems <strong>of</strong> pollution. 'Forests have been<br />
chopped down. <strong>The</strong> city has become jammed,<br />
ugly, polluted. Industrial wastes have poisoned<br />
<strong>the</strong> air, killed <strong>of</strong>f fish in rivers, made some<br />
villages scarcely habitable' (p. 287).<br />
<strong>The</strong> authors conclude on an optimistic note.<br />
'<strong>The</strong> bust is an opportunity-to pause for<br />
reflection, to question <strong>the</strong> forces driving <strong>the</strong><br />
boom, to embark on reforms which during <strong>the</strong><br />
boom seemed unnecessary, irrelevant, and<br />
counter to <strong>the</strong> interests <strong>of</strong> people <strong>the</strong> boom made<br />
rich and powerful' (323). 'Beyond boom and<br />
beyond bust, <strong>the</strong> challenge is not to get back on<br />
<strong>the</strong> old path <strong>of</strong> economic growth, but to create<br />
<strong>the</strong> political framework, concept <strong>of</strong> public<br />
service, development strategy, and social values<br />
which allow many more people to participate,<br />
contribute, and benefit' (p. 330).<br />
Ronald Bruce StJohn<br />
Khmer Mythology: Secrets <strong>of</strong> Angkor<br />
Vittorio Roveda.<br />
New York and London: Wea<strong>the</strong>rhill, Inc. 1998.<br />
181 pp. US$22.95.<br />
Vittorio Roveda' s Khmer Mythology: Secrets<br />
<strong>of</strong> Angkor is a most welcome addition to recent<br />
studies <strong>of</strong> Khmer civilization. As <strong>the</strong> author<br />
points out, it is <strong>the</strong> first book to present a general<br />
overview <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> myths and legends brought to<br />
life in Khmer reliefs. As such, it is an invaluable<br />
resource for <strong>the</strong> student <strong>of</strong> Khmer monuments<br />
as it provides a clear and concise guide to <strong>the</strong><br />
context and meaning <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> reliefs on display at<br />
Angkor Wat and o<strong>the</strong>r Khmer sites in Cambodia.<br />
As <strong>the</strong> author emphasizes (p. 5) <strong>the</strong>se 'reliefs<br />
constitute a lexicon <strong>of</strong> signs, symbols and images<br />
<strong>of</strong>fering insights into <strong>the</strong> complex cultural<br />
framework <strong>of</strong> medieval Cambodia.<br />
Following a brief overview <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> sources <strong>of</strong><br />
Khmer myths and legends, Roveda discusses<br />
<strong>the</strong> legend <strong>of</strong> Rama, Krishna myths, Shiva<br />
myths, o<strong>the</strong>r Hindu myths, and Buddhist myths.<br />
His coverage <strong>of</strong> Buddhist myths is <strong>the</strong> most<br />
comprehensive as he addresses more than a<br />
dozen myths from <strong>the</strong> Great Departure to <strong>the</strong><br />
Attack <strong>of</strong> Mara to Buddha's Enlightenment.<br />
With all <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> subjects discussed, <strong>the</strong> author<br />
provides clear, concise summaries <strong>of</strong> individual<br />
myths and legends supported by lists and photos<br />
<strong>of</strong> monuments and reliefs on which <strong>the</strong>se myths<br />
and legends are illustrated.<br />
For example, under <strong>the</strong> legend <strong>of</strong> Rama, he<br />
describes <strong>the</strong> legend <strong>of</strong> Rama Killing Tataka,<br />
using a relief at Banteay Srei as an illustration.<br />
Understandably, <strong>the</strong> Hindu myth describing <strong>the</strong><br />
Churning <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ocean <strong>of</strong> Milk deserves a<br />
relatively long description and is rightly<br />
illustrated by <strong>the</strong> east gallery, south wing, <strong>of</strong><br />
Angkor Wat. Similarly, <strong>the</strong> Buddhist myth <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Great Departure is visualized by a relief at<br />
WatNokor.<br />
While <strong>the</strong> author's decision to use <strong>the</strong> best<br />
available photographs, even if some are blackand-white,<br />
is commendable, it is unfortunate<br />
that <strong>the</strong> context or angle <strong>of</strong> a few <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> photos<br />
make it virtually impossible to see clearly <strong>the</strong><br />
myth or legend allegedly depicted. Moreover,<br />
<strong>the</strong> descriptions <strong>of</strong> individual Khmer myths and<br />
legends do not always detail all <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> relevant<br />
photos contained in <strong>the</strong> book. For example, <strong>the</strong><br />
description <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> myth <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Churning <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Ocean <strong>of</strong> Milk found on p. 54 is illustrated by a<br />
very small photograph on <strong>the</strong> opposite page,<br />
but <strong>the</strong> reader is not directed to a much richer,<br />
full-page photo <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> same bas-relief on p. Ill.<br />
It would also have been helpful to include<br />
Khmer monuments outside Cambodia in <strong>the</strong><br />
discussion and illustration. Many <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se<br />
monuments, for example Prasat Phnom Rung<br />
and Prasat Phimai, illustrate <strong>the</strong> legends and<br />
myths discussed in <strong>the</strong> book as well as those<br />
in modern-day Cambodia and are much more<br />
accessible to <strong>the</strong> visitor. On <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand, a<br />
real asset <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> book is <strong>the</strong> inclusion <strong>of</strong><br />
photos <strong>of</strong> Khmer monuments seldom visited<br />
242<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
Reviews<br />
in recent years like Banteay Srei, Phnom<br />
Chisor, and Banteay Chhmar. <strong>The</strong> subtitle <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> book is a welcome misnomer, in this<br />
regard, since much <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> text and photos<br />
<strong>the</strong>rein deal with monuments outside <strong>the</strong><br />
Angkor complex.<br />
In Khmer Mythology, Roveda has set a high<br />
standard in an admirable attempt to increase our<br />
appreciation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se extraordinary stories · in<br />
stone. <strong>The</strong> real strength <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> book is to provide<br />
an accessible summary <strong>of</strong> Khmer myths and<br />
legends tied directly to <strong>the</strong> Khmer monuments<br />
and reliefs on which <strong>the</strong>y have been illustrated.<br />
In so doing, <strong>the</strong> author helps <strong>the</strong> student <strong>of</strong><br />
Khmer civilization in general, and Khmer<br />
mythology in particular, to better understand<br />
those myths and legends while also providing a<br />
practical guide to <strong>the</strong> Khmer monuments on<br />
which <strong>the</strong>y are depicted. <strong>The</strong> text is clear and<br />
readable and most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> photos are excellent.<br />
One can only hope that o<strong>the</strong>rs will build on this<br />
pioneering effort in context and approach if not<br />
in content.<br />
Ronald Bruce StJohn<br />
Loyalty Demands Dissent: Autobiography <strong>of</strong><br />
an Engaged Buddhist<br />
Sulak Sivaraksa<br />
Foreword by His Holiness <strong>the</strong> Dalai Lama<br />
Berkeley, California: Parallax Press, 1998. xvii<br />
+ 253 pp.<br />
US$ 22.50, 254 pages, Hardcover, ISBN 1-<br />
888375-10-8<br />
(Paper back US$ 15 from Suksit <strong>Siam</strong>, Bangkok)<br />
Sulak Sivaraksa was born in 1933, <strong>the</strong> son <strong>of</strong> an<br />
accountant for <strong>the</strong> British-American Tobacco<br />
Monopoly, at a time when <strong>Siam</strong>'s absolute<br />
monarchy was yielding to what proved to be<br />
unsteady constitutional government. Towards<br />
<strong>the</strong> end <strong>of</strong> World War II, Sulak began a two<br />
year period as a novice monk, an experience<br />
which remained a touchstone for him throughout<br />
his life. Ordained at <strong>the</strong> age <strong>of</strong> twelve, he was<br />
treated as an adult, and for <strong>the</strong> first time, he<br />
really enjoyed life. Addicted to reading, he read<br />
widely in <strong>the</strong> fields <strong>of</strong> history, literature, and<br />
religion.<br />
It was with <strong>the</strong> greatest reluctance that Sulak<br />
eventually disrobed to complete his secondary<br />
schooling at a Catholic school in Bangkok. 'I<br />
enjoyed life at <strong>the</strong> temple so much that I didn't<br />
want to leave. I hated <strong>the</strong> thought <strong>of</strong> wearing<br />
shorts, and being treated like a child'(p. 22). At<br />
his fa<strong>the</strong>r's urging, Sulak resumed his studies at<br />
Assumption College where he had been a student<br />
before <strong>the</strong> war closed <strong>the</strong> school and he entered<br />
<strong>the</strong> monkhood. Enrolled in <strong>the</strong> English language<br />
curriculum, he found his two years as a novice<br />
monk had put him behind his fellow students,<br />
and he struggled at first academically. Forced<br />
to learn by rote, students at Assumption College<br />
were given much homework and subjected to<br />
corporal punishment, a regimen which did not<br />
please Sulak.<br />
He <strong>the</strong>n moved to England where he earned<br />
a university degree at Lampeter in Wales and<br />
a law degree in England. He also worked for <strong>the</strong><br />
BBC and taught Thai at London University's<br />
School <strong>of</strong> Oriental and African Studies. It was<br />
a time <strong>of</strong> challenge, opportunity, and discovery<br />
for Sulak. In one charming anecdote, he<br />
describes a visit to France, ostensibly to<br />
perfect his French language skills. '<strong>The</strong> next<br />
year I went to France and stayed in a small<br />
chateau that had become a farm. <strong>The</strong> food<br />
was so good .... I had my own bedroom. <strong>The</strong><br />
first morning <strong>the</strong>re was knock at <strong>the</strong> door. A<br />
beautiful maidservant brought a petit dejeuner<br />
into my room: c<strong>of</strong>fee, French bread, jam, cheese.<br />
Every morning I waited for <strong>the</strong> knock, but after<br />
that it was always an old woman. I was so<br />
disappointed' (p. 47).<br />
Sulak returned to Thailand in 1961. At <strong>the</strong><br />
time only 28 years old, his experiences in England<br />
put him in a unique position to compare and<br />
contrast <strong>the</strong> relative qualities <strong>of</strong> Eastern and<br />
Western intellectual and spiritual traditions. In<br />
1963, he founded <strong>the</strong> journal, Social Science<br />
Review and for <strong>the</strong> next decade, under Sulak and<br />
subsequent editors, <strong>the</strong> journal served as a major<br />
forum for critical reflections about Thai society,<br />
especially among <strong>the</strong> growing number <strong>of</strong><br />
politically conscious students. Over <strong>the</strong> next<br />
decade, more and more students and o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
intellectuals published criticism <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
government, toge<strong>the</strong>r with visions <strong>of</strong> a new order,<br />
in a variety <strong>of</strong> different journals as well as in<br />
inexpensively produced pamphlets and books.<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2<br />
243
Reviews<br />
As Sulak's political involvement grew, he<br />
became actively involved in an increasing<br />
number <strong>of</strong> movements and organizations. In<br />
1969, for example, he promoted Phya Anuman<br />
as president <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, and after his<br />
election, Sulak served as <strong>the</strong> society's program<br />
chairman as well as <strong>the</strong> editor <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>. He worked diligently to<br />
increase <strong>the</strong> activities <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong> and<br />
to diversify its membership. 'I felt <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong><br />
<strong>Society</strong> must now work more for <strong>the</strong> public. A<br />
younger generation <strong>of</strong> Thais should be in control.<br />
It had never been open to <strong>the</strong> common people,<br />
only to <strong>the</strong> expatriates and aristocrats. I wanted<br />
to open it to all and have lectures and seminars<br />
in Thai.' (118).<br />
Sulak's ongoing involvement in Thai politics<br />
eventually led to charges <strong>of</strong> lese majeste for<br />
criticizing <strong>the</strong> king in <strong>the</strong> early 1980s and again<br />
in <strong>the</strong> early 1990s. In both cases, he was<br />
eventually cleared <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> charges against him.<br />
Building on <strong>the</strong> book's title, Sulak emphasizes<br />
in <strong>the</strong> final chapter <strong>of</strong> his autobiography. '<strong>The</strong><br />
more you talk with people in power, <strong>the</strong> more<br />
chance that <strong>the</strong>y will eventually listen.<br />
Eventually <strong>the</strong>y will be fair. We can make good<br />
friends and listen to each o<strong>the</strong>r.' Simple but key<br />
elements <strong>of</strong> an effective and democratic political<br />
economy in <strong>the</strong> 21st century. (p. 211)<br />
This is a lovely book, written with affection,<br />
intelligence, and commitment. <strong>The</strong> early<br />
chapters are especially captivating as Sulak's<br />
experiences and observations in <strong>the</strong> monkhood,<br />
at Assumption College, and abroad as a foreign<br />
student have much meaning for anyone who<br />
has tread a similar path. <strong>The</strong> latter chapters<br />
would have benefitted from a more in-depth<br />
treatement <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> author's social and political<br />
views. <strong>Part</strong> memoir, part historical essay, and<br />
part political treatise, Loyalty Demands Dissent,<br />
is, most importantly, in <strong>the</strong> end, simply a good<br />
read.<br />
Ronald Bruce StJohn<br />
Loyalty Demands Dissent: Autobiography <strong>of</strong><br />
an Engaged Buddhist<br />
Sulak Sivaraksa.<br />
Foreword by His Holiness <strong>the</strong> Dalai Lama<br />
Berkely, California: Parallax Press, 1998<br />
US$ 22.50, 254 pages, Hardcover, ISBN 1-<br />
888375-10-8<br />
Paper back US$ 15 available from Suksit <strong>Siam</strong>,<br />
Bangkok<br />
Ajarn Sulak's autobiography is a stimulating<br />
read. For those interested in Thai politics, its<br />
rhythms and dissonances, <strong>the</strong> book under review<br />
should be required reading. It is a provocative<br />
case study <strong>of</strong> Thai intellectual history over <strong>the</strong><br />
past three a half decades, albeit with a somewhat<br />
restricted and selective reading list, largely<br />
limited to Ajahn Sulak's own role as a gadfly<br />
on <strong>the</strong> Thai body politic. One should not be<br />
surprised at such a self-centered focus as, after<br />
all, it is an autobiography. One will have to<br />
search elsewhere for a more comprehensive<br />
analysis <strong>of</strong> differing and diverse reform<br />
movements and pressures affecting <strong>the</strong><br />
maturation <strong>of</strong> civil society. While <strong>the</strong> author is<br />
committed to seeking alternative strategies to<br />
effectively reform Thai society, he does not<br />
describe in any detail or basically acknowledge<br />
o<strong>the</strong>r intellectuals and <strong>the</strong>ir different paths<br />
taken.<br />
<strong>The</strong> book under view is basically a primer<br />
for those who remain outside <strong>the</strong> system and<br />
who are committed to fearlessly questioning<br />
and challenging majority-held assumptions and<br />
widely accepted values and behavioral norms.<br />
Without in any way diminishing <strong>the</strong> significance<br />
and impact <strong>of</strong> Ajahn Sulak's role, particularly<br />
in <strong>the</strong> decades <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 1960s and 1970s, it should<br />
be recognized that <strong>the</strong>re were o<strong>the</strong>r less travelled<br />
paths. Some chose, also with a certain bravery,<br />
to work from within <strong>the</strong> bureaucracy, and <strong>the</strong>y<br />
achieved some not insignificant results by,<br />
slowly but surely, opening <strong>the</strong> monopolistic<br />
corridors <strong>of</strong> bureaucratic power to broader based<br />
outside input and participation. <strong>The</strong> result was,<br />
albeit in only selected instances, broader based<br />
and more rational and informed decision making<br />
in such areas as judicial reform, natural resources<br />
management, foreign policy etc. O<strong>the</strong>rs in<br />
academia pressured <strong>the</strong> establishment through<br />
scholarly critiques focused on hi<strong>the</strong>rto <strong>of</strong>f-limit<br />
research such as new definitions <strong>of</strong> national<br />
security, corruption within <strong>the</strong> police and o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
bureaucratic centers <strong>of</strong> power; <strong>the</strong> Sangha and<br />
politics, etc.<br />
244<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
Reviews<br />
But <strong>the</strong> book under review is about <strong>the</strong><br />
path-and not always <strong>the</strong> Middle Path-taken<br />
by that irrepressible rara avis, Ajahn Sulak.<br />
<strong>The</strong>re are invaluable insights into <strong>the</strong> formation<br />
<strong>of</strong> Sulak's penchant for being a rebel. He himself,<br />
attributes his rebellious nature to his fa<strong>the</strong>r's<br />
influence and his own past karma. One cannot<br />
help but contemplate with some amusement<br />
Sulak's past lives in various guises <strong>of</strong> rebel and<br />
knight and wonder what windmills he jousted<br />
and tilted with or protected. Whe<strong>the</strong>r at<br />
Assumption College, <strong>the</strong> BBC or Chulalongkorn<br />
University, Sulak was always <strong>the</strong> maverick, <strong>the</strong><br />
curmudgeon, <strong>the</strong> somewhat stubborn, obdurate,<br />
cantankerous dissenter. He did not suffer<br />
pretension and flummery very well. He is <strong>of</strong>ten<br />
quite frank about his failings, and this somewhat<br />
disarms <strong>the</strong> reader. At <strong>the</strong> same time, <strong>the</strong> reader<br />
may be forgiven for cringing somewhat at his<br />
obvious manipulation <strong>of</strong> establishment figures<br />
and institutions, both Thai and foreign, to<br />
provide a protective umbrella for his abrasive<br />
critiques <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Thai body politic. However, one<br />
can also appreciate how such protective cover<br />
made it possible to undertake progressive<br />
reforms that many o<strong>the</strong>rs hesitated, or were<br />
unable, to pursue.<br />
This book also brings to life o<strong>the</strong>r aspects <strong>of</strong><br />
Ajahn Sulak's personality that are less well<br />
known or recognized. We see his compassion,<br />
his honesty, his loyalty, his abiding friendships.<br />
We, also, come to appreciate his ability to instill<br />
a sense <strong>of</strong> engagement, commitment and abiding<br />
social consciousness in an endless stream <strong>of</strong><br />
followers and disciples. Inreading this book, we<br />
can't help but stand in awe <strong>of</strong> Ajahn Sulak's<br />
indefatigable energy as he founds, nurtures and<br />
stimulates one non-governmental organization<br />
after ano<strong>the</strong>r in such diverse fields as rural<br />
development, religious social service,<br />
environmental protection and education.<br />
Some readers may wish such an engaged<br />
Buddhist as Ajahn Sulak could have forsaken<br />
<strong>the</strong> temptation to rake over, once again <strong>the</strong> coals<br />
<strong>of</strong> old grievances as with his bete noire, M.R.<br />
Kukrit. O<strong>the</strong>r readers, some <strong>of</strong> whom are his<br />
staunchest friends and admirers, might wish he<br />
could be more circumspect, less cantankerous,<br />
less spoiling for <strong>of</strong>ten unnecessary fights. But<br />
<strong>the</strong>n again, that wouldn't be Ajahn Sulak. This<br />
highly recommended book may lead many to<br />
be more understanding, if not accepting, <strong>of</strong><br />
Ajahn Sulak, warts and all, recognizing that he<br />
has played a crucial role in Thailand's<br />
intellectual history and in <strong>the</strong> search for a more<br />
just, equitable and progresssive society.<br />
William J. Klausner<br />
Chulalongkorn University<br />
<strong>The</strong> Dviiravati Wheels <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Law and <strong>the</strong><br />
Indianization <strong>of</strong> South East Asia<br />
By Robert L. Brown.<br />
Leiden, New York, Koln: E.J. Brill, 1996<br />
(Studies in Asian Art and Archaeology XVIII).<br />
xxxii + 237 pages; 26 drawings; Ill plates.<br />
Hardcover.<br />
This handsome tome is a study <strong>of</strong> one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
most striking products <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> religious culture<br />
<strong>of</strong> early <strong>Siam</strong>, <strong>the</strong> free-standing stone dharmacakras<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> so-called Dvaravati period. Robert<br />
Brown studies and illustrates forty-two<br />
examples, along with related objects like pillars,<br />
socles, stone deer, and inscriptions. He has done<br />
a great service by bringing <strong>the</strong>se objects<br />
(accompanied by thorough reference to earlier<br />
research and publication) toge<strong>the</strong>r under one<br />
cover for <strong>the</strong> first time.<br />
<strong>The</strong> introduction examines <strong>the</strong> evidence for<br />
that elusive entity, 'Dvaravati', giving a history<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> use <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> term in modern scholarship and<br />
<strong>the</strong> problems that surround it. Noting that<br />
'Dvaravati' 'has been used variously to define a<br />
period, a political entity, and, following Credes<br />
and Damrong, a material culture, or more<br />
specifically, a style <strong>of</strong> art', <strong>the</strong> author examines<br />
Piriya's proposal to use <strong>the</strong> term 'Mon' for <strong>the</strong><br />
art style, and finds it wanting on several scores.<br />
For Brown <strong>the</strong> question <strong>of</strong> Indianization leads<br />
to a 'blurring <strong>of</strong> categories'; that is, he feels that<br />
previous research has been too rigid in its<br />
imposition <strong>of</strong> models.<br />
<strong>The</strong> book is divided into three parts. <strong>Part</strong> I,<br />
on history, contains three chapters which give a<br />
broad historical background for <strong>the</strong> region in<br />
which <strong>the</strong> dharmacakras are found. <strong>The</strong> author<br />
must grapple with a fundamental problem: in<br />
<strong>the</strong> absence <strong>of</strong> historical records, how can he<br />
write about 'art history'? Chapter I reviews<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2<br />
245
Reviews<br />
several <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> political models that have been<br />
applied to early Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asia, and discusses<br />
'<strong>the</strong> nature <strong>of</strong> polities in seventh and eighth<br />
century Cambodia'. Chapter 2 examines <strong>the</strong><br />
history <strong>of</strong> what <strong>the</strong> author describes as '<strong>the</strong><br />
interface' (between <strong>the</strong> Dvaravati and Khmer<br />
cultures): <strong>the</strong> North East and <strong>the</strong> South <strong>of</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>.<br />
After critically examining <strong>the</strong> work <strong>of</strong> Groslier,<br />
Jacques, and Srisakra Vallibhotama on <strong>the</strong> North<br />
East, Brown discusses Muang Serna and Si <strong>The</strong>p,<br />
two important sites on <strong>the</strong> route from <strong>the</strong> Centre.<br />
Here and elsewhere Brown argues for '<strong>the</strong> nonexclusive<br />
nature <strong>of</strong> Buddhism and Hinduism in<br />
pre-ninth century Thailand and Cambodia'. This<br />
is a welcome balance to <strong>the</strong> school <strong>of</strong> thought<br />
that segregates <strong>the</strong> two 'Great Traditions' into<br />
opposing camps. Relations between religions,<br />
elites, and society are complex and fluid.<br />
Available evidence suggests that Buddhism and<br />
Brahmanism were systems <strong>of</strong> ritual practice, <strong>of</strong><br />
social and spiritual interaction, and not 'creeds'<br />
demanding exclusive lifetime adherence. <strong>The</strong>y<br />
generally drew from <strong>the</strong> same pool <strong>of</strong> patrons,<br />
artisans, and 'congregations' (with, as Brown<br />
notes, some exceptions, some 'periods <strong>of</strong><br />
intolerance'). Chapter 3 deals with <strong>the</strong> precious<br />
little evidence we have for <strong>the</strong> early history <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> central plains and <strong>the</strong> East (Dong Si Maha<br />
Phot). <strong>The</strong> author also discusses <strong>the</strong> relation <strong>of</strong><br />
Haripunjaya to Dvaravati or Mon culture,<br />
concluding that <strong>the</strong>re is evidence only for a late,<br />
and somewhat tenuous, connection. That is,<br />
Haripunjaya cannot be considered an 'outpost'<br />
<strong>of</strong> early (7th-8th century) Dvaravati-one <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> reasons being <strong>the</strong> absence <strong>of</strong> cakras.<br />
<strong>Part</strong> II is divided into two chapters. Chapter<br />
4 discusses '<strong>the</strong> cakras and <strong>the</strong>ir related<br />
monuments': pillars, socles, stone deer carved<br />
in <strong>the</strong> round, and 'Buddha-on-<strong>the</strong>-Monster'<br />
<strong>the</strong> so-called Banaspati. Chapter 5 deals with<br />
'<strong>the</strong> cakras and <strong>the</strong>ir related inscriptions'. <strong>The</strong><br />
author has not read <strong>the</strong> inscriptions himself (see<br />
p. 99, n. 18), but uses existing roman or Thai<br />
transcriptions. Some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> inscriptions<br />
originally published in Thai have not, to my<br />
knowledge, been previously made available in<br />
roman script. An inscribed fragment from Si<br />
<strong>The</strong>p (Cakra No. 41, p. 105) and <strong>the</strong> inscription<br />
on <strong>the</strong> large wheel in <strong>the</strong> Newark Museum<br />
(Cakra No.6, pp. 106-108, also said to be from<br />
Si <strong>The</strong>p) are published for <strong>the</strong> first time.<br />
<strong>Part</strong> III uses 'motif analysis' to propose a<br />
typology (Chapter 6), using patterns engraved<br />
on <strong>the</strong> wheels (and associated objects) as base<br />
data. Brown compares wheels and decoration<br />
stylistically to Indian art (Chapters 7 and 8), but<br />
reaches '<strong>the</strong> unexpected conclusion that <strong>the</strong><br />
Dvaravati cakra designs, <strong>the</strong>ir organization, and<br />
<strong>the</strong> construction methods <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> stambhas are<br />
predominantly reflections <strong>of</strong> (or relationships<br />
with) Khmer ra<strong>the</strong>r than Indian art'. Chapter 9<br />
examines apparent inconsistencies in <strong>the</strong> design<br />
<strong>of</strong> cakras, with an aim to demonstrate that <strong>the</strong><br />
anomalies are not 'mistakes', but part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
artistic plan.<br />
<strong>The</strong> conclusion returns to <strong>the</strong> broad <strong>the</strong>me,<br />
'Indianization'. Brown reviews <strong>the</strong> work <strong>of</strong><br />
Credes, Quaritch Wales, and Mabbett. <strong>The</strong><br />
somewhat circumlocutory chapter touches many<br />
interesting points and raises many valid<br />
questions. <strong>The</strong> statement that <strong>the</strong> cakras 'are<br />
nei<strong>the</strong>r Indian nor pre-Indian, but products <strong>of</strong> a<br />
specific culture and period that transforms<br />
constantly' is reasonable, and welcome in that<br />
it brings to <strong>the</strong> fore <strong>the</strong> specificity, <strong>the</strong> temporal<br />
and spatial uniqueness, <strong>of</strong> culture and its<br />
productions. We can but applaud Brown's<br />
assertion <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> originality <strong>of</strong> Dvaravati art and<br />
his recognition <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> complexity <strong>of</strong><br />
relationships. He concludes that '<strong>the</strong> intraregional<br />
[or 'intra-South East Asian'] artistic<br />
relationships were determinate for <strong>the</strong> cakras,<br />
not <strong>the</strong>ir relationship with Indian art. This may<br />
be <strong>the</strong> major lesson <strong>of</strong> this book. Pre-Angkorian<br />
Cambodian art, like Dvaravati art, cannot be<br />
considered in a one to one relationship with<br />
Indian art'. This important point should not be<br />
ignored.<br />
<strong>The</strong> spectre <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 'quest for origins'<br />
traditionally haunts art history, especially <strong>the</strong><br />
history <strong>of</strong> 'Indianized' art <strong>of</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asia. In<br />
Chapter 2 Brown rightly criticizes analysis that<br />
'treats influences much as ingredients'. But in<br />
Chapter 4, with reference to <strong>the</strong> stone deer found<br />
in association with cakras, he seeks an outside<br />
origin: <strong>the</strong> 'source for <strong>the</strong> reverse-headed deer<br />
... [in Dvaravati art] ... is most likely to have<br />
been Northwest India or, perhaps, even China'.<br />
As free-standing 'icons', accompanying freestanding<br />
cakras, <strong>the</strong> Dvaravati deer are unique<br />
in Buddhist art. Why could <strong>the</strong> motif not have<br />
evolved in South East Asia? Brown's own<br />
246<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s I & 2
Reviews<br />
evidence reveals a diversity <strong>of</strong> interpretations<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> deer motif over widely dispersed regions,<br />
throughout India and into China, and <strong>the</strong> topic<br />
could easily become a study in itself. A point<br />
that may be added is that <strong>the</strong> Tibetan<br />
representation-ubiquitous on monastery<br />
ro<strong>of</strong>tops-seems standardized (but no study has<br />
been made), and seems to closely follow a North<br />
Indian model, well-known from <strong>the</strong> clay sealings<br />
<strong>of</strong> Nalanda and o<strong>the</strong>r monasteries. But what is<br />
<strong>the</strong> precise nature <strong>of</strong> 'influence' in this case?<br />
Could it be monastic, transmitted by <strong>the</strong><br />
Miilasarvastivadin Vinaya school, which<br />
predominated in Tibet from <strong>the</strong> Pala period on?<br />
Brown proposes in Chapter 4 that '<strong>the</strong> unique<br />
Dvaravati triad <strong>of</strong> cakra-Buddha-stupa may<br />
represent visually <strong>the</strong> triratna for <strong>the</strong> first time<br />
in Buddhist iconography'. Here <strong>the</strong>re are serious<br />
problems. <strong>The</strong> idea that Buddhist art is<br />
fundamentally symbolic is wrong. <strong>The</strong> primary<br />
value <strong>of</strong> a Buddhist icon is rarely symbolic:<br />
icons have functions and meanings that cannot<br />
be divorced from <strong>the</strong>ir context. <strong>The</strong>y have lives<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir own. <strong>The</strong> stupa is primarily a reliquaryin<br />
a specific sense, impregnated with spiritual<br />
power and, according to <strong>the</strong> Vinayas <strong>of</strong> several<br />
schools, its own legal rights. It is not a symbol<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> dharma, as Brown (following Snodgrass)<br />
suggests. <strong>The</strong> Buddha image is, in several senses,<br />
<strong>the</strong> Buddha. Buddhist rites are performed in <strong>the</strong><br />
presence <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Buddha (through his image or<br />
relics) by <strong>the</strong> samgha, by monks and nuns, or in<br />
<strong>the</strong> presence <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> monastic saqtgha by<br />
householders, who <strong>the</strong>mselves make up <strong>the</strong> lay<br />
saqtgha. Is <strong>the</strong>re <strong>the</strong>n, any need for a symbol <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> saf!lgha in ritual and social contexts? <strong>The</strong><br />
monastic sealings from Nalanda or o<strong>the</strong>r North<br />
Indian vihiiras are legal artefacts, defined in <strong>the</strong><br />
monastic code <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Miilasarvastivadins; <strong>the</strong>y<br />
canot be cited as evidence for symbolism in<br />
South East Asia.<br />
<strong>The</strong> treatment <strong>of</strong> textual sources for <strong>the</strong><br />
inscriptions and cakras is sketchy, and not<br />
altoge<strong>the</strong>r satisfactory. Fur<strong>the</strong>r research into<br />
literary descriptions <strong>of</strong> cakras, including that <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> cakravartin king, is needed. We may add<br />
here two early descriptions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> cakra: one in<br />
<strong>the</strong> Saundarananda, a poem composed by<br />
Asvagho~a in <strong>the</strong> 2nd century CE (Johnston<br />
1975: III 11-13), ano<strong>the</strong>r in Chapter 26 <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Lalitavistara (Foucaux 1884: 245). <strong>The</strong>re are,<br />
here and <strong>the</strong>re, some misprints in both English<br />
and Pali, revealing that <strong>the</strong> book should have<br />
been more carefully pro<strong>of</strong>ed. For example, on<br />
p. I 06 read Dhammacakka-pavattana for<br />
Dhammacakka-pavattanana; on p. 118 read<br />
Khuddaka- for Kuddaka (twice).<br />
In sum, this is a splendidly documented<br />
contribution to <strong>the</strong> study <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Buddhist art <strong>of</strong><br />
Dvaravati and <strong>the</strong> broader question <strong>of</strong><br />
Indianization. Brown breaks new ground and<br />
confronts objects and ideas in a useful fashion.<br />
If <strong>the</strong> book is at times uneven, this does not<br />
detract from its value as resource and forum in<br />
<strong>the</strong> ongoing discussion and investigation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se<br />
subjects.<br />
References<br />
P.E. de Foucaux. 1884. Le Lalitavistara: L'histoire<br />
traditionelle de Ia vie du Bouddha Cakyamuni.<br />
Paris: Les Deux Oceans.<br />
E.H. Johnston. 1975. <strong>The</strong> Saundarananda <strong>of</strong><br />
Asvagho~a. [Lahore, 1928] Delhi: Motilal<br />
Banarsidass.<br />
Peter Skilling<br />
Singhalesische Handschriften, Teil 2, Die<br />
Katalognummern 199-376 (Verzeichnis der<br />
orientalischen Handschriften in Deutschland<br />
Band XXII, 2).<br />
Heinz Bechert.<br />
Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1997. xxix +<br />
186 pages. Hardcover. DM 76.<br />
This is <strong>the</strong> second volume <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> catalogue <strong>of</strong><br />
Sinhalese manuscripts in German collections.<br />
<strong>The</strong> first volume, covering catalogue numbers<br />
1 to 198, appeared in 1969, and a third volume<br />
is in progress. <strong>The</strong> volumes are products <strong>of</strong> an<br />
extraordinary undertaking: <strong>the</strong> cataloguing <strong>of</strong><br />
manuscripts in oriental languages in Germany,<br />
Verzeichnis der orientalischen Handschriften<br />
in Deutschland, or VOHD. This ambitious<br />
program has already published numerous<br />
volumes, from Arabic and Armenian to Old<br />
Turkish, Mongolian, and Tibetan. <strong>The</strong><br />
catalogues <strong>of</strong> mainland Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asian<br />
manuscripts include Klaus Wenk's catalogues<br />
<strong>of</strong> Thai (VOHD 9: 2 vols.) and Lao (VOHD<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2<br />
247
Reviews<br />
32) manuscripts, and <strong>the</strong> catalogue <strong>of</strong> Burmese<br />
manuscripts by various editors (VOHD 23: part<br />
3 reviewed in JSS 85). <strong>The</strong>se catalogues are<br />
essential reference works for <strong>the</strong> study <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
literature <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> region.<br />
Bechert gives a physical description <strong>of</strong> each<br />
manuscript (support, pagination, language,<br />
script, etc.), followed by a note on its contents,<br />
with references to copies in o<strong>the</strong>r manuscript<br />
collections, published editions, and secondary<br />
literature. <strong>The</strong> subject <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> manuscripts<br />
catalogued includes Buddhist literature,<br />
canonical and non-canonical, including some<br />
classics <strong>of</strong> Sinhalese literature like<br />
Dharmapradipikava, Saddharmalmi.karaya, and<br />
Pujavaliya. <strong>The</strong>re are also texts on Sinhalese<br />
folk religion, historical literature, Niti literature,<br />
and scientific literature (grammar, medicine,<br />
astrology, etc.). <strong>The</strong> work closes with indexes<br />
<strong>of</strong> titles (A) and authors (B); lists by dates <strong>of</strong><br />
manuscripts (C) and by collection and catalogue<br />
numbers; and additions and corrections to<br />
<strong>Vol</strong>ume 1.<br />
One <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> interesting texts is a palm-leaf<br />
Sinhalese Karmavibhagaya, from <strong>the</strong> Sa-skya<br />
monastery in central Tibet (§ 287). It is <strong>the</strong><br />
oldest known Sinhalese palm-leaf manuscript,<br />
and a good example <strong>of</strong> how manuscripts-:-and<br />
monks-travelled in ancient times. <strong>The</strong> text was<br />
probably brought to Tibet by Anandasri, a<br />
Sinhalese monk who travelled to <strong>the</strong> Land <strong>of</strong><br />
Snows in about CE 1300. (<strong>The</strong> catalogued text<br />
is not <strong>the</strong> original, but a set <strong>of</strong> photographs kept<br />
in Gottingen).<br />
Peter Skilling<br />
248<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
OBITUARY<br />
ACHILLE CLARAC<br />
Older Thais and long-time residents <strong>of</strong><br />
Thailand will be sad to learn <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> news <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> death on 11 January 1999, in his 96th<br />
year, <strong>of</strong> Achille Clarac, former Ambassador<br />
<strong>of</strong> France to Thailand from 1959 to 1968, in<br />
his residence at Haute-Roche, Oudon.<br />
He was bo~in 1903 in Nantes, and<br />
obtained his Licerlce-en-Droit in Paris. He<br />
entered <strong>the</strong> French Diplomatic and Consular<br />
service in 1930, and served in Washington,<br />
Teheran, Tetuan, Algiers, Lisbon,<br />
Chungking, Saigon, Baghdad, Munich, and<br />
Syria. His last posting was as Ambassador<br />
in Bangkok, and he retired from Thailand<br />
with <strong>the</strong> rank <strong>of</strong> Ministre Plenipotentiaire,<br />
hors classe. He was made Chevalier de la<br />
Legion d'Honneur in 1946 and Officier de<br />
la Legion d'Honneur in 1953.<br />
In addition to his diplomatic functions,<br />
he was a keen supporter <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> arts. An<br />
accomplished artist and photographer<br />
himself, he acquired, while in Thailand, a<br />
large collection <strong>of</strong> modern paintings, and<br />
was active in <strong>the</strong> functions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong><br />
<strong>Society</strong>. After his retirement, he divided his<br />
time between a traditional Thai house he<br />
had built by <strong>the</strong> Chao Phraya at Phra<br />
Padaeng and his estate <strong>of</strong> 35 hectares <strong>of</strong><br />
vines overlooking <strong>the</strong> Loire in France some<br />
30 km east <strong>of</strong> his native Nantes. With<br />
increasing years, though, it became more<br />
difficult for him to reach his Thai riverside<br />
home by boat, and he settled permanently<br />
in France, where he continued to receive<br />
old friends known in Thailand, and where<br />
he developed with loving care a magnificent<br />
rock garden beside his chateau.<br />
In retirement, apart from continuing to<br />
read widely in French, English, and German,<br />
and sketching, he published a collection <strong>of</strong><br />
short stories under <strong>the</strong> pseudonym Saint<br />
Ours, and worked at a volume <strong>of</strong> poetry,<br />
but is probably best known here for <strong>the</strong> first<br />
modern guidebook to <strong>the</strong> country,<br />
Discovering Thailand, written with Michael<br />
Smithies, and first published in 1971 by<br />
<strong>Siam</strong> Publications. This subsequently went<br />
through many editions with different<br />
publishers and in different languages.<br />
Achille (Claude) Clarac married in 1935<br />
a Swiss heiress, Annemarie Schwarzenbach,<br />
born in 1908 in Zurich. She is <strong>the</strong> 'Christina'<br />
<strong>of</strong> Ella Maillart' s account <strong>of</strong> a journey from<br />
Istanbul to Peshawar undertaken in a Ford<br />
car in 1939, and published as <strong>The</strong> Cruel<br />
Way in 1947 (recently reprinted in English<br />
and French). Annemarie-Christina was a<br />
troubled soul, who <strong>the</strong>n travelled in <strong>the</strong><br />
United States and Africa, and after returning<br />
to Switzerland died in a bicycle accident on<br />
15 November 1942.<br />
'Papa Clarac', as he was affectionately<br />
known in later life, was buried in Nantes<br />
on 15 January 1999 in <strong>the</strong> Misericorde<br />
cemetery, and leaves an adopted son, Henri<br />
Pageau-Clarac, well known for his leading<br />
numerous tours upcountry for <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong><br />
<strong>Society</strong>.<br />
M.S.<br />
8<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
NOTES FOR CONTRIBUTORS TO<br />
THE JOURNAL OF THE SIAM SOCIETY<br />
Manuscripts should not normally exceed 7,000<br />
words. <strong>The</strong>y should be printed onto good quality<br />
A4 paper (295mm x 210mm), using double<br />
spacing throughout, including <strong>the</strong> references.<br />
Two copies <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> manuscript should be<br />
submitted toge<strong>the</strong>r with <strong>the</strong> text on a computer<br />
disk, if possible using Word 5 .I for Macintosh.<br />
If a PC DOS or Windows OS is used <strong>the</strong> text<br />
should be saved to <strong>the</strong> disk for Word and also<br />
as a text, rtf, or ASCII file in addition to being<br />
in <strong>the</strong> author's own application. <strong>The</strong> authors<br />
should retain a copy <strong>of</strong> text and disk<br />
WordPerfect causes most problems for transfers<br />
and is best avoided.<br />
Unsolicited contributions and related<br />
correspondence should be addressed to <strong>the</strong> Hon.<br />
Editor, as listed in <strong>the</strong> latest issue <strong>of</strong> JSS, or sent<br />
to <strong>the</strong> <strong>of</strong>fice <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, 131 Soi Asoke,<br />
Sukhumvit Road, Bangkok 10110, Thailand.<br />
Referencing should follow <strong>the</strong> modern<br />
scientific convention <strong>of</strong>ten referred to as <strong>the</strong><br />
Harvard or Author-Date system. Footnotes may<br />
be included, but should be used sparingly for<br />
separate explanations or excursus; <strong>the</strong>y are not<br />
intended to develop or contain <strong>the</strong> main<br />
bibliographical references. Such notes should<br />
preferably be placed as 'endnotes' to follow <strong>the</strong><br />
main text.<br />
Bibliographic references within <strong>the</strong> text<br />
should list <strong>the</strong> author(s)' last name, date <strong>of</strong><br />
publication and <strong>of</strong> page number with minimum<br />
punctuation, e.g. (Clarke 1952: 211). Where an<br />
author's name has just been cited in <strong>the</strong> text,<br />
references need be made only to <strong>the</strong> date <strong>of</strong><br />
publication and page, e.g.- (1952: 211).<br />
A complete list <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> quoted bibliographical<br />
references should be given, in alphabetical order,<br />
at <strong>the</strong> end <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> paper, including <strong>the</strong> place <strong>of</strong><br />
publication and name <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> publisher; e.g.<br />
Mackay, E.J.H. 1938. Fur<strong>the</strong>r Excavations at<br />
Mohenjodaro, New Delhi: Government <strong>of</strong>lndia.<br />
Page numbers should be included for journal<br />
articles and book sections.<br />
Please, check carefully your bibliographical<br />
references, since this is always <strong>the</strong> most<br />
wearisome job for an editor. <strong>The</strong>se references<br />
should include all, but only, those items cited in<br />
<strong>the</strong> text, and set out simply without indents,<br />
upper and lower case for authors' names etc.,<br />
and following <strong>the</strong> spacing and punctuation as<br />
below:<br />
Brown, E. M. and Green, Z. K. 1987. Trade and<br />
exchange in complex societies, In Specialization,<br />
Exchange, and Complex Societies (eds E. M.<br />
Einstein and J.-F Sallet). Cambridge: Cambridge<br />
University Press, pp. 1-9.<br />
Casement, H. 1986. Collecting Ancient Thai Coins.<br />
Bangkok: <strong>Siam</strong> Books.<br />
Mezzena, F. and Palma di Cesnola, A. 1973. Oggetti<br />
d'arte mobilare di eta gravettiana. Rivista di<br />
Scienze Preistoriche 27: 211-24.<br />
Rachman A. Z. I 984. Processes <strong>of</strong> urbanization in<br />
East Malaysia. Doctoral dissertation. Kuala<br />
Lumpur: Department <strong>of</strong> Sociology, University <strong>of</strong><br />
Malaya.<br />
If in doubt concerning how to refer to non<br />
standard sources consult <strong>the</strong> Chicago Manual<br />
<strong>of</strong> Style, (14th ed.) Chicago University Press, or<br />
J. Butcher, 1981 (or latest edition). Copy<br />
Editing: <strong>the</strong> Cambridge Handbook, Cambridge<br />
University Press<br />
If reference is made to one volume <strong>of</strong> a<br />
multi-volume work, <strong>the</strong> volume number should<br />
be indicated by Roman numerals; thus (Russell<br />
1902: II: 35-8) for volume 2, pp. 35-8.<br />
Figures<br />
Text figures, site plans, maps, etc., should be<br />
drawn on strong paper, white card, or good<br />
quality tracing film, and be suitably lettered for<br />
printing. Illustrations should measure<br />
approximately twice <strong>the</strong> intended final size<br />
which should be indicated where possible. If<br />
<strong>the</strong>se have been scanned or are computergenerated<br />
<strong>the</strong>n <strong>the</strong> appropriate disks should be<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2<br />
249
Notes for contributors to <strong>the</strong> <strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong><br />
sent indicating <strong>the</strong> format, toge<strong>the</strong>r with hard<br />
copy.<br />
A published full-page illustration may not<br />
exceed 210mm x 140mm. Photographs should<br />
be printed on glossy paper and mounted on thin<br />
card. Figures, maps and plates should be titled<br />
and numbered; originals should be numbered<br />
lightly on <strong>the</strong> back in pencil only. A list <strong>of</strong><br />
captions to figures and plates must be provided<br />
on separate sheets. Authors must obtain approval,<br />
before submission, for reproduction <strong>of</strong><br />
illustrations or o<strong>the</strong>r material if not <strong>the</strong>ir own.<br />
Redrawing or lettering <strong>of</strong> maps or figures<br />
cannot be undertaken by <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong> or by<br />
<strong>the</strong> Editor, who may omit, or return sub-standard<br />
work for re-presentation.<br />
Abstracts, keywords, pro<strong>of</strong>s and <strong>of</strong>fprints<br />
Contributions should be accompanied by an<br />
abstract <strong>of</strong> 100-150 words. In addition up to six<br />
keywords, suitable for abstracting and indexing<br />
services, should be listed. A short note on <strong>the</strong><br />
affiliation and research interests <strong>of</strong> individual<br />
contributors should also be supplied.<br />
Page pro<strong>of</strong>s will be sent to authors who are<br />
reminded that <strong>the</strong>se are intended for checking<br />
errors, not re-writing and should be returned<br />
within a week or receipt. Failure to return pro<strong>of</strong>s<br />
by <strong>the</strong> required date may lead to <strong>the</strong> use only <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> editor's corrected pro<strong>of</strong>s.<br />
One copy <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> journal and twenty-five<br />
<strong>of</strong>fprints will be supplied free to authors on<br />
publication <strong>of</strong> a paper; <strong>the</strong>se are to be shared<br />
between joint authors.<br />
Notes on style<br />
It would be helpful if contributors were to bear<br />
in mind <strong>the</strong> following points <strong>of</strong> style when<br />
preparing <strong>the</strong>ir papers for <strong>The</strong> <strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>:<br />
1. Use initial capital letters as seldom as<br />
possible. North, south, etc. are only<br />
capitalized if used as part <strong>of</strong> a<br />
recognized place name e.g. Western<br />
Malaysia, South Africa; use lower case<br />
for general terms e.g. sou<strong>the</strong>rn Vietnam,<br />
nor<strong>the</strong>ast Thailand.<br />
'vol.' and 'p.' to be lower case<br />
roman if used, but omit if possible.<br />
2. Use italics mainly for book titles and<br />
foreign words and phrases.<br />
et al. 'ibid.' and 'op. cit.' to be<br />
roman, not italicized, ('ibid.' always<br />
lower case).<br />
3. No full points in, USA, WHO, ASEAN,<br />
pic, etc. Omit full points after<br />
contractions which end in <strong>the</strong> last letter<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> word, e.g. Dr, Mr,- St, edn, eds,<br />
and after metric units, e.g. em, m, km,<br />
kg, etc.<br />
Abbreviations, where <strong>the</strong> end <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
word is cut, do have full points e.g.<br />
p.m., ed., e.g., i.e., vol., etc.<br />
4. Use single quotation marks, and double<br />
only within quotation. Do not use leader<br />
dots at <strong>the</strong> beginning or end <strong>of</strong> a<br />
quotation unless <strong>the</strong> sense absolutely<br />
demands it. For ellipsis within a<br />
quotation use three leader dots for a<br />
mid-sentence break, four if <strong>the</strong> break is<br />
followed by a new sentence. Quotations<br />
<strong>of</strong> over 40 words should be extracted<br />
and indented.<br />
5. Numerals: use minimum numbers for<br />
pages and dates e.g. 25-8, 136-42, 150-<br />
1, but 12-16; 1980-1, 1487-92, 1914-18.<br />
Use words for under a hundred,<br />
unless paired or grouped.<br />
Insert comma for both thousands,<br />
and tens <strong>of</strong> thousands, e.g. 1,000 and<br />
10,000.<br />
Always have numerals on both sides<br />
<strong>of</strong> a decimal point, e.g. 0.5.<br />
<strong>The</strong> percentage sign (%) should not<br />
be used in <strong>the</strong> text, only in tables and<br />
figures. <strong>The</strong> number always appears in<br />
numerals, e.g. 87 per cent.<br />
Use numerals, not words, for<br />
measurement, e.g. 12km, 5m, and ages,<br />
e.g. 10 years old.<br />
6. Calendar dates may be shown as ei<strong>the</strong>r<br />
8 July 1980 or 8th July; on 14<br />
September, or on <strong>the</strong> 14th. 1980s, not<br />
spelt in full, no apostrophes, and<br />
nineteenth century not 19th century,<br />
(adjective nineteenth-century).<br />
AD (rio points) usually precedes <strong>the</strong><br />
year number (AD 30), but fifth century<br />
AD. BC, BP, BE, and AH follow <strong>the</strong><br />
date, e.g. 257 BE.<br />
250<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
Notes for contributors to <strong>the</strong> <strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong><br />
<strong>The</strong>re are usually no commas in<br />
dates, but BP dates do have a comma<br />
or space when <strong>the</strong>y consist <strong>of</strong> five or<br />
more digits, e.g. 13,500 BP<br />
7. Place names should normally follow<br />
<strong>the</strong> modem authorised spelling <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
respective countries and if archaic, or<br />
o<strong>the</strong>r forms, are used <strong>the</strong> modern<br />
spelling should be indicated in<br />
paren<strong>the</strong>ses when first used unless <strong>the</strong><br />
meaning is quite clear. For Chinese<br />
words <strong>the</strong> Pinyin forms are preferred<br />
unless <strong>the</strong>re is a good reason to follow<br />
ano<strong>the</strong>r convention.<br />
Dating conventions for archaeology<br />
1. In accordance with international<br />
convention, radiocarbon dates should<br />
be expressed as mean and standard<br />
deviation, toge<strong>the</strong>r with <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> issuing laboratory. e.g. a date <strong>of</strong><br />
3660 60 BP (Gr-50), or: <strong>the</strong> date was:<br />
K-3865 5540 + 65 9 BP.<br />
2. Calibrated dates should be indicated<br />
as follows: cal.-AD 200, or 250 cal.<br />
BC. Ideally a 2-sigma age range should<br />
also be indicated in paren<strong>the</strong>ses, e.g.<br />
(300 cal. BC - 50 AD). It may also be<br />
useful to insert <strong>the</strong> phrase (calibrated<br />
date) after each first occurrence in a<br />
paper, to make <strong>the</strong> meaning perfectly<br />
clear.<br />
When calibrated dates are reported<br />
<strong>the</strong> particular calibration used should<br />
be mentioned, such as those <strong>of</strong> Stuiver,<br />
Long et al., Oxcal, or <strong>the</strong> Pretoria<br />
Calibration Curve for Short-lived<br />
Samples (Vogel, et al. 1993), both in<br />
Radiocarbon 35 (1 ).<br />
In order to maintain continuity with<br />
older literature, it may sometimes be<br />
necessary to present uncalibrated dates<br />
and this should be mentioned and <strong>the</strong><br />
dates reported only as BP since <strong>the</strong>y<br />
may not correspond closely with <strong>the</strong><br />
calendrical AD/BC/BE scale.<br />
3. Dates obtained by o<strong>the</strong>r methods, e.g.<br />
TL, Uranium Series, or Fission Track,<br />
are best referred to in years 'before<br />
present' or 'years ago', ra<strong>the</strong>r than by<br />
radiocarbon conventions.<br />
For very old dates: Ma for 'millions<br />
<strong>of</strong> years' and ka for 'thousands <strong>of</strong> years'<br />
are internationally recognized<br />
abbreviations.<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s I & 2<br />
251
BACK<br />
ISSUES<br />
I &2 =two parts publi shed as single issue<br />
1, 2 =two parts published separately<br />
JSS<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong><br />
Year <strong>Vol</strong>. Nos.<br />
1997 85 1&2<br />
1995 83 1&2<br />
1993 8 1 1, 2<br />
1992 80 1, 2<br />
199 1 79 1, 2<br />
1990 78 1, 2<br />
1987 75 1&2<br />
1986 74 1&2<br />
1985 73 1&2<br />
1984 72 1&2<br />
1983 7 1 1&2<br />
Year<br />
1980<br />
1979<br />
1978<br />
1977<br />
1976<br />
1975<br />
1974<br />
1973<br />
1970<br />
1969<br />
1968<br />
<strong>Vol</strong>. Nos. Year<br />
68 1, 2 1967<br />
67 1, 2 1966<br />
66 1, 2 1965<br />
65 I , 2 1964<br />
64 I, 2 1963<br />
63 1 1962<br />
62 I , 2 196 1<br />
6 1 I , 2 1959<br />
58 I , 2 1958<br />
57 I , 2 195 1<br />
56 I , 2 195 1<br />
<strong>Vol</strong>.<br />
55<br />
54<br />
53<br />
52<br />
51<br />
50<br />
49<br />
47<br />
46<br />
39<br />
38<br />
Nos .<br />
I, 2<br />
1, 2<br />
I, 2<br />
2<br />
1, 2<br />
I, 2<br />
2<br />
1, 2<br />
I, 2<br />
2<br />
2<br />
Single .ISS Back Numbers<br />
1990- 1997: Individuals US$ 16.00<br />
Institutions US$32.00<br />
1987 and earlier: US$6.00 per number.<br />
Special rates fo r multiple vo lume purchases.<br />
.ISS Subscription Rates<br />
(per year, i nc1 ud i ng postage)<br />
Free for members <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>.<br />
Non-member indi viduals: US$32.00<br />
Non-member institutions: US$80.00<br />
BACK<br />
ISSUES<br />
A ll NHB back issues are priced at US$7.50 per<br />
number, plu s postage.<br />
Current NHB subscri ptions for non-members are<br />
priced at US $32.00 per year (inclu ding postage).<br />
Year <strong>Vol</strong>. Nos. Year<br />
1997 45 I, 2 1983<br />
1996 44 1, 2 1982<br />
1995 43 1, 2 1981<br />
1994 42 2 1980<br />
1993 41 1, 2 1978<br />
1992 40 2 1977<br />
199 1 39 l , 2 1975<br />
1990 38 I, 2 1974<br />
1989 37 1, 2 1973<br />
1987 35 1&2 1973<br />
1986 34 1, 2 1971<br />
1985 33 I, 2 1970<br />
1984 32 I 1970<br />
<strong>Vol</strong>.<br />
3 1<br />
30<br />
29<br />
28<br />
27<br />
26<br />
26<br />
25<br />
25<br />
24<br />
24<br />
23<br />
23<br />
Nos. Year <strong>Vol</strong>. Nos.<br />
2 1969 23 1&2<br />
I, 2 1968 22 3&4<br />
1&2 1967 22 1&2<br />
1966 21 3&4<br />
1966 21 1&2<br />
3&4 1964 20 4<br />
1&2 1963 20 3<br />
3&4 1962 20 2<br />
1&2 1958 19<br />
3&4 1947 14 2<br />
1&2 1944 14 I<br />
4&5<br />
3<br />
To order, or for fur<strong>the</strong>r information, please contact:<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>/Publications<br />
131 Soi Asoke (Sukhum vit Soi 2 1 ), Bangkok I 0 I I 0, THAILAND<br />
Tel. (+ 66 2) 661 6470- 7, Fax(+ 66 2) 258 3491<br />
e-mail: info @s iam-society.org<br />
252<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
PUBLICATIONS OF THE SIAM SOCIETY<br />
THE RAMKHAMHAENG CONTROVERSY: SELECTED PAPERS. Edited by James<br />
F. Chamberlain; foreword by H.R.H. Princess Galyani Vadhana, 1991. 592 pp., ill.<br />
Baht 850/US$ 35.00<br />
<strong>The</strong> history <strong>of</strong> Thailand relies principally on evidence from Sukhothai where King Ram Khamhaeng's<br />
writing system was found on <strong>the</strong> stone known as Inscription No. 1. <strong>The</strong> au<strong>the</strong>nticity <strong>of</strong> this<br />
inscription has recently been questioned, with some even branding it a fake. This illustrated volume<br />
presents <strong>the</strong> arguments and counter-arguments.<br />
THE SINGING APE: A JOURNEY TO THE JUNGLES OF THAILAND. By<br />
Jeremy and Patricia Raemaekers,l990. 142 pp., ill. Baht 180/US$ 7.00<br />
A light-hearted account <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> two years <strong>the</strong> authors spent studying gibbons in Thailand's tropical<br />
rain forests.<br />
THE KINGDOM OF SIAM 1904. Edited by A. Cecil Carter; introduction by Michael<br />
Smithies, 1988. 280 pp., ill. Baht 360/US$ 15.00<br />
Reprint <strong>of</strong> <strong>of</strong>ficial guide for <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>ese exhibition at <strong>the</strong> 1904 Louisiana Purchase Exposition in<br />
St. Louis. Comprehensive and well-indexed.<br />
EARLY ACCOUNTS OF PHETCHABURI. Introduction by Michael Smithies, 1987. 90<br />
pp., ill. Baht 210/US$ 8.00<br />
Ten essays give a feeling for <strong>the</strong> enduring attraction <strong>of</strong> this 19th century point <strong>of</strong> excursionpopular<br />
even before King Mongkut built his palace <strong>the</strong>re on <strong>the</strong> "Mountain <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Highest Heaven".<br />
A KING OF SIAM SPEAKS: THE WRITINGS OF KING MONGKUT. By M.R.<br />
Seni Pramoj and M.R. Kukrit Pramoj, 1987. 242 pp., ill. Baht 420/US$ 16.00<br />
Two former prime ministers present <strong>the</strong> previously unpublished writings in English <strong>of</strong> Rama IV in<br />
this special edition published in December 1987 to mark <strong>the</strong> 60th birthday celebration <strong>of</strong> His<br />
Majesty, <strong>the</strong> present King <strong>of</strong> Thailand.<br />
A TRUE DESCRIPTION OF THE MIGHTY KINGDOMS OF JAPAN AND<br />
SIAM. By Fran~ois Caron and Joost Schouten. Introduction by John Villiers, 1987. Ill.<br />
Baht 230/US$ 9.00<br />
Facsimile <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 1671 London edition, in a contemporary translation from <strong>the</strong> original Dutch, <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
observations <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se colourful servants <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Dutch East Indies Company made for <strong>the</strong> Director<br />
General <strong>of</strong> trade in Batavia.<br />
THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF PENINSULAR SIAM. Introduction by Stanley J. O'Connor,<br />
1986. 163 pp., ill. Baht 300/US$12.00<br />
Fourteen articles by nine different authors, originally published in <strong>the</strong> <strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong><br />
between 1905 and 1983, present valuable evidence about <strong>the</strong> earliest human settlements <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
peninsula.<br />
THE DISCOURSES AT VERSAILLES OF THE FIRST SIAMESE<br />
AMBASSADORS TO FRANCE, 1686-7. Translated, edited, and introduced by Michael<br />
Smithies, 1986. 96 pp., ill. Baht 210/US$ 8.00<br />
<strong>The</strong> nearly forgotten texts <strong>of</strong> 20 speeches made by <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong>ese Ambassadors to <strong>the</strong> Court at<br />
Versailles are presented in facsimile and translated for <strong>the</strong> first time into English. <strong>The</strong> list <strong>of</strong> gifts<br />
presented is included.<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2 253
OLD PHUKET. Introduction by H.E. Gerard Andre, 1986. 188 pp. Baht 230/US$ 9.00<br />
Three articles by Gerini, Carrington, and Burke, published in <strong>the</strong> <strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong> in<br />
1905-6, on <strong>the</strong> early history <strong>of</strong> "Junk Ceylon Island" provide interesting glimpses into a past<br />
largely unknown to modem tourists.<br />
A HISTORY OF WAT PHRA CHETUPHON AND ITS BUDDHA IMAGES. By<br />
Kathleen I. Matics, 1979. 71 pp., ill. Baht 110/US$ 5.00<br />
Comprehensive introduction to <strong>the</strong> fascinating-and historically and artistically important-Bangkok<br />
temple popularly known as Wat Po.<br />
CHULAKANTAMANGALA: THE TONSURE CEREMONY AS PERFORMED IN<br />
SIAM. By G.E. Gerini, 1976.243 pp. Baht 120/US$ 6.00<br />
Authoritative and detailed information on topknots, and how <strong>the</strong> tonsure ceremony has traditionally<br />
been performed among royalty and commoners.<br />
WAT PRA YUN RECONSIDERED. By A.B. Griswold, 1975.88 pp., ill.Baht70/US$3.50<br />
Constructed between 1901 and 1907, Wat Pra Yun was within 20 years attributed by scholars to <strong>the</strong><br />
14th century. <strong>The</strong> author recounts how this innocent deception came about.<br />
STONE INSCRIPTIONS OF SUKHOTHAI. English translation by H.R.H. Prince Wan<br />
Waithayakon, French by George Credes, 196., 12 pp. Baht 10/US$ 0.50<br />
Translations <strong>of</strong> King Ram Khamhaeng's "Inscription No. 1" by two <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> greatest scholars <strong>of</strong> Thai<br />
history and epigraphy.<br />
GARDENING IN BANGKOK by William Warren and Ping Amranand, 1996, 240 pp., ill.<br />
Baht 990 IUS$ 48.00<br />
A new printing <strong>of</strong> M.R. Pimsai's pioneering work, designed to assist Bangkok gardeners in a<br />
practical way. William Warren has brought this classic up-to-date, while retaining M.R. Pimsai's<br />
unique voice, described in <strong>the</strong> Preface by John Bl<strong>of</strong>eld as" ... vivid, natural, and compelling-a<br />
style based on <strong>the</strong> principle that people should write very much as <strong>the</strong>y talk". Ping Amranand's 136<br />
photographs have been re-edited and integrated with <strong>the</strong> text. With a new' comprehensive index.<br />
PHAULKON, THE GREEK FIRST COUNSELLOR AT THE COURT OF SIAM:<br />
AN APPRAISAL, by George A. Sioris, 1998,<br />
Baht 350/US$15.00<br />
This book represents a wide-ranging character appraisal by a fellow Greek <strong>of</strong> Constantine Gerakis,<br />
better known as Phaulkon, who was <strong>the</strong> brilliant and controversial Greek First Counsellor at <strong>the</strong><br />
Court <strong>of</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> in <strong>the</strong> 1 7th century.<br />
THAI CULTURE IN TRANSITION, by William J. Klausner, 1997, Baht 300/US$12.00<br />
This book is mainly concerned with cultural transition and transformation and is thus a logical<br />
extension <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> author's Reflections on Thai Culture, which focused on traditional patterns <strong>of</strong> Thai<br />
culture. William J. Klausner arrived in Thailand in 1955 and, after undertaking a year <strong>of</strong> intensive<br />
field workin a Nor<strong>the</strong>astern Thai village, has served in staff, advisory, consultative, and o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
capacities in <strong>the</strong> Thai government and in numerous Thai and foreign foundations. He has taught at<br />
Thammasat and Chulalongkom Universities and has been active in <strong>the</strong> World Fellowship <strong>of</strong><br />
Buddhists.<br />
CULTURAL REPRESENTATION IN TRANSITION: NEW VIETNAMESE<br />
PAINTING. 1997 Baht 1490/US$ 50.00<br />
<strong>The</strong> arts are flourishing in Vietnam today. Hundreds <strong>of</strong> painters are at work in Hanoi, Ho Chi Minh<br />
City, and o<strong>the</strong>r Vietnamese cities. <strong>The</strong>y work in a broad range <strong>of</strong> styles and <strong>the</strong>mes, building on<br />
254 <strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2
techniques developed in French colonial times, but related to <strong>the</strong> issues which concern Vietnamese<br />
people today. This full color trilingual catalogue (English, Vietnamese.and Thai) includes essays<br />
by Mr. Chatvichai Promadhattavedi, Mr. Nguyen Quan and Mr. Neil Jamieson which make<br />
scholarly contributions to <strong>the</strong> understanding <strong>of</strong> Vietnamese art.<br />
<strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2 255
ERRATA FORJSS 85,1997<br />
Two engraved gems with combination monsters from Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asia,<br />
Sheila E Hoey Middleton, pp. 95-106<br />
Page 95 column 2; lines 1--4 should read:<br />
'This gem belongs to a distinctive group <strong>of</strong> rock crystal stamp-seals, most examples <strong>of</strong> which<br />
(as well as different types <strong>of</strong> intagli found so far in Indochina) are recorded as coming from Oc<br />
Eo in .. .'<br />
Page 99 column 2; line 17 ff: should read:<br />
'Benisti (1970: 18ff.) has compared in detail characteristics <strong>of</strong> makara as <strong>the</strong>y appear on<br />
lintels in Indian and Khmer art. This example shows only a few <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> typical characteristics<br />
listed by Benisti but does superficially resemble some makara on early Khmer lintels in<br />
Thailand and Cambodia <strong>of</strong> about <strong>the</strong> 7th century AD; one can compare, for example, Figure<br />
3a from Prasat Khao Noi (Srnitthi et al. 1992: 81); Figure 3b from Prasat Dap (Parmentier<br />
1927: 265, fig 82; Benisti 1974: fig.22); Figure 3c from Sambor Prei Kuk, N 21 (Benisti 1970:<br />
fig 69).<br />
Some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> characteristics <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> makara on <strong>the</strong> seal are found elsewhere: Body: '<strong>The</strong><br />
heavy triangular body.<br />
Page 100, column 1:<br />
Before para 1 line 6, insert heading: Trunk:<br />
Before para 2 line 17, insert heading: Head-scroll:<br />
Before line 24, insert: 'Compare also Figure 3d' (after 'Cambodia').<br />
Before para 3 line 38, insert heading: Feet:<br />
Before para 4 line 46, insert heading: Tail:<br />
Page 101, line 2, caption for Figure 4 should read:<br />
.... a. Intaglio face (29 x 23mm). b. Impression. c. & d, Pr<strong>of</strong>ile views <strong>of</strong> ring (ht 29 x diam.<br />
30 x shoulder 37mm).'<br />
Insert 'Figure 4' after <strong>the</strong> heading: A Gana or Ganesha/Horse Combination<br />
Page 105 column 2, References:<br />
Benisti, M. 1974: 'meconnus' not 'inconnus'<br />
256 <strong>Journal</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Siam</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>Vol</strong>. 86, <strong>Part</strong>s 1 & 2