REPA Booklet - Stop Epa
REPA Booklet - Stop Epa
REPA Booklet - Stop Epa
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24<br />
Common Cause: Australia/NZ & the EU<br />
Are the European Union and Australia/NZ competing with each other in the Pacific?<br />
At one, level they have very different interests in the Pacific.<br />
For the European Union, the Cotonou Agreement is about renegotiating its relationship with Africa. It has little<br />
interest in the Pacific, aside from fisheries. That could mean the Commission is prepared to strike a minimalist<br />
deal with the Pacific ACP countries in a few areas of genuine mutual benefit. But if it did, it would also want to<br />
minimise any ongoing aid obligations. Weighed against that, the Commission will want to avoid creating any ‘soft’<br />
precedents for other negotiations, to advance its quest for binding international rules on investment and competition,<br />
and to secure compromises that weaken the ACP bloc at the WTO.<br />
Australia and NZ will be determined to make sure the European Union doesn’t steal a march on them,<br />
politically and economically, in their only real sphere of influence. Any access the Europeans get, they will want<br />
too. But they will not want to be limited to that if the European Commission settles for very little.<br />
“The credibility of<br />
reforms may be<br />
increased if they are<br />
locked-in with a<br />
regional or<br />
multilateral<br />
agreement. … While<br />
PICTA may not be<br />
able to serve as the<br />
lock-in mechanism,<br />
this role could be<br />
played by the EU,<br />
Australia and New<br />
Zealand in [Regional<br />
Trade Agreements]<br />
with the PICs.”<br />
(Global Voyage, World<br />
Bank, 2002)<br />
So both major palyers are pursuing their own interests?<br />
Yes. Sometimes their goals conflict. But fundamentally Australia/NZ and the Europeans are playing the same<br />
game. Both PACER and the Cotonou Agreement reach beyond traditional free trade agreements to cover<br />
broad economic policy, in the name of ‘economic integration’ and ‘economic and trade cooperation’. The power<br />
imbalance they both enjoy will allow them to establish precedents that advance their own negotiating agendas,<br />
while they protect any elements of concern to themselves. Both insist that reciprocity will benefit the Pacific<br />
Islands more than the current preferential arrangements do – even though reciprocity gives them more extensive<br />
market access to the Islands without having to make any additional concessions in return. Both are strong<br />
advocates of the WTO as being good for poor countries and as WTO Members they can require any agreements<br />
they negotiate to be WTO-compatible, effectively extending the reach of WTO rules to those Pacific Islands who<br />
are not WTO members.<br />
Is this shared agenda reflected in the PACER and Cotonou Agreements?<br />
The rhetoric of PACER and Cotonou are strikingly similar. Both<br />
- invoke the term ‘partnership’ despite the glaring inequalities of economic weight, aid dependency and<br />
negotiating capacity between the major powers and the Pacific Islands;<br />
- promise to address poverty, deliver sustainable development and facilitate the gradual integration of<br />
Pacific Islands into the world economy through a model of trade liberalisation and structural adjustment<br />
that has deepened poverty and debt in most poor countries, including in the Pacific;<br />
- insist that the Pacific Island states will remain fully sovereign in determining their own future pathways,<br />
while binding them to neoliberal policies that can be enforced by potentially crippling trade sanctions;<br />
- promise a ‘stable and democratic political environment’ when those same policies are shown to have<br />
created instability and conflict in numerous ACP countries; and<br />
- promote good governance, while denying Members of Parliament, voters, trade unions, NGOs and<br />
other critical voices the democratic right to reject the neoliberal ‘development’ agenda and choose their<br />
own economically, socially and culturally appropriate development pathways.<br />
Which is more arrogant towards the Pacific: Australia/NZ or the European Union?<br />
Both the European Commission and Australia/NZ display the colonial arrogance of knowing what is best for the<br />
Pacific Islands and claim that self-serving policies are really in the interests of their former colonies. But Australia<br />
and NZ - especially Australia - seem to be more abrasive. The power politics of the PICTA/PACER process<br />
were notoriously bad.<br />
How are the European Union and Australia/NZ likely to reconcile their interests?<br />
If the Pacific Economic Partnership Agreement negotiations did conclude in 2007, and the Islands still did not<br />
accept that PACER had been triggered, Australia and NZ would probably treat any commitments that were<br />
made to the EU on industrial and agricultural commodities, services, competition and intellectual property as the<br />
floor from which to start their own negotiations in 2011. They would probably welcome any protection for<br />
investments that Europe secures. But they would be nervous about any precedent on temporary entry for<br />
50<br />
A People’s Guide To The Pacific’s Economic Partnership Agreement