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REPA Booklet - Stop Epa

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22<br />

The Domino Effect of a Pacific EPA<br />

“PACER and<br />

the Cotonou<br />

Agreement have<br />

set in motion a<br />

process of<br />

negotiation of<br />

[free trade<br />

agreements]<br />

between the<br />

[Pacific Island<br />

Countries] and<br />

the EU and New<br />

Zealand, and for<br />

providing the<br />

United States<br />

with similar<br />

preferential<br />

treatment. The<br />

widening of<br />

preferential<br />

trading<br />

arrangements<br />

beyond PICTA is<br />

inevitable. Only<br />

the timing,<br />

extent and<br />

benefits are<br />

uncertain.”<br />

(Embarking on a<br />

Global Voyage,<br />

World Bank,<br />

2002)<br />

Why have the Pacific Islands agreed to negotiations with the European Union?<br />

There are numerous reasons:<br />

- they are members of the ACP Group, and most were parties to Lomé, so they were automatically<br />

involved;<br />

- Pacific Islands that trade with the European Union need to protect their interests;<br />

- the Commission portrays aid and trade negotiations as a coherent package and most Islands want the<br />

money;<br />

- major donors (Australia, NZ, the ADB/World Bank) would view opting out as evidence of weak<br />

governance;<br />

- there is hope that the Islands can secure trade or development assistance that will leave<br />

them better able to cope with globalisation than they are now.<br />

What flow-on effects would a Pacific Economic Partnership Agreement have for dealings with<br />

other countries?<br />

There are three main effects:<br />

1. Any precedents that are set in a Pacific Economic Partnership Agreement, especially in services, investment<br />

and competition, will be used by the European Commission to push other ACP regions into similar negotiations,<br />

most of them don’t want to. The Commission will likewise use those precedents in the WTO where similar<br />

demands have been rebuffed by the ACP countries.<br />

2. The three Compact States have a binding obligation to give the US the best treatment they give any other<br />

country (which is called Most Favoured Nation or MFN treatment). Because the Compact States have a low<br />

level of trade with Europe a Pacific Economic Partnership Agreement would have a minimal effect on them; but<br />

extending the same commitments to the US, which is their main trading partner, could have a massive impact.<br />

3. The Pacific ACP states who are signatories to PACER (all except Vanuatu, Tuvalu and the three Compact<br />

States) will face pressure from Australia and New Zealand to extend at least as good treatment to them. Because<br />

Australia and NZ are the Islands’ major trading partners, the domino effect would be enormous.<br />

What would the domino effects of PACER be?<br />

In a paper on the likely revenue impacts of a Pacific Economic Partnership Agreement, Wadan Narsey said that<br />

previous studies under-estimated the tariff loss to the Islands from a similar agreement with Australia and NZ.<br />

That is partly because the kind of good imported from Australia and NZ tend to attract higher tariffs, so the loss<br />

will be higher, and partly because goods that appear to be Fijian exports are often re-exports of goods imported<br />

from Australia and NZ. That means they won’t meet the Rules of Origin under PICTA or PACER and will be<br />

defined as goods from Australia and NZ.<br />

Can the Islands minimise the flow-on effect of a Pacific Economic Partnership Agreement under<br />

PACER?<br />

Narsey stresses the need to calculate the revenue effects of each negotiating option for the European Union and<br />

Australia and NZ. The Pacific Islands could minimise the impact of removing tariffs on trade in goods if they:<br />

- convert duties on imports to excise taxes that would apply to similar local goods. This could be defended<br />

under the WTO rules for ‘sin’ goods (alcohol and tobacco) and health-damaging products (sweet processed<br />

food and fatty meats) and possibly for luxury items (justified as an equity measure). Because most of these<br />

products are imported the taxes could still be collected at the border, just as tariffs are now. The impact on<br />

local producers would be limited;<br />

- raise revenue through an increase in Value Added Tax (VAT). Countries that don’t have VAT should<br />

introduce it, with a high threshold so that small businesses don’t need to provide returns, but with few<br />

exceptions to ensure simplicity and reduce avoidance. The regressive effect of a VAT, which takes a higher<br />

proportion of income from the poor than tariffs usually do, could be countered if governments spent more<br />

of their revenue on meeting poor people’s basic needs;<br />

- introduce an income tax where the country doesn’t have one (meaning Vanuatu); and<br />

- convince the European Union to provide compensatory finance.<br />

A People’s Guide To The Pacific’s Economic Partnership Agreement 47

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