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REPA Booklet - Stop Epa

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Sector Impacts - Gender<br />

“Without dealing with<br />

broader issues of<br />

power relations<br />

between the North and<br />

South – raising<br />

questions about the<br />

policies of the EU as<br />

much as we question<br />

ACP governments –<br />

can this dialogue gain<br />

the credibility that<br />

would merit the<br />

participation of<br />

citizens?”<br />

(Nancy Kachingwe,<br />

MWENGO, 2003)<br />

in a way that deliberately blurs the boundaries of class, gender, race and power. Cotonou’s Objectives are to<br />

promote social cohesion, a democratic society, a market economy and an active and organised ‘civil society’, as<br />

if these co-exist harmoniously. The involvement of non-State actors is essential to the ‘partnership’ illusion that<br />

the negotiations, and the policies they promote, are developmental, democratic and empowering.<br />

How are non-State actors supposed to participate in the process?<br />

Each region operates its own national and regional level consultations through the relevant regional economic<br />

integration organisation (in the Pacific, the Forum Secretariat) with funding from the European Commission. The<br />

national governments get to chose who is invited, supposedly based on the extent to which groups address the<br />

needs of the population, their specific competencies and whether they are organised democratically and<br />

transparently. Their input is supposed to help inform the national and regional negotiating teams, who are also<br />

meant to submit progress reports on the nature and level of consultations. But this is usually reduced to a<br />

summary and there are few signs that if finds its way into decisions on negotiating positions and strategies.<br />

What is the attitude of ACP governments to participation by ‘non-State actors’?<br />

In theory, very positive. Paragraph 32 of the ACP Negotiating Mandate 2002 says:<br />

EPAs will have to establish their legitimacy in ACP States, particularly as regards their contribution<br />

to the sustainable development of those countries. In this regard, it will be, as a matter of principle,<br />

essential that the negotiation process be paralleled by concerted efforts to generate within the ACP<br />

and EU States:<br />

- involvement of all stakeholders in the negotiation process and public support for the negotiations<br />

and outcomes of those negotiations;<br />

- public scrutiny of the negotiations, including parliamentary follow-ups;<br />

- creation of a level playing field in terms of capacities to negotiate (including leveling the costs of<br />

the negotiation process);<br />

- negotiation procedures which are inclusive and transparent.<br />

What has been happening in practice with the NSA consultations?<br />

Experiences vary across and within ACP regions according to the willingness of governments and the<br />

awareness, resources and activism of social movements, trade unions and NGOs. Not surprisingly, trade<br />

unions have been the most marginalised, even though the livelihoods of their members are most directly affected<br />

and their level of transparency and democracy is far greater than the private sector and most NGOs. In other<br />

cases, especially in Eastern and Southern Africa, well-organised and highly skilled NGOs have taken the<br />

initiative and are running training programmes for officials, media and social movements. But they say the lack<br />

of documentation still makes it very difficult to engage effectively with the decisions. Secrecy remains a major<br />

barrier. While a few governments have circulated their negotiating proposals for discussion among ‘non-State<br />

actors’ before final decisions have been taken, they are the exception; most governments and regional<br />

organisations operate under a shroud of confidentiality that makes informed and effective participation impossible.<br />

So what purpose is served by the ‘non-State actor’ process and is there any point in participating?<br />

Some groups have kept a distance from the process so they can speak out strongly, clearly and critically in<br />

opposition to the European Union’s agenda. But it has also been important for people with an informed and<br />

critical perspective to attend the meetings, analyse the documents they are allowed to access, educate others<br />

who are involved about what is really going on. Depending on their political situation, they can challenge and/<br />

or support their governments. Yash Tandon from SEATINI, who was invited to participate on the Eastern and<br />

Southern Africa negotiating team, explains how he has approached the role:<br />

A small voice of conscience can, at times, restrain the mighty. If nothing else, SEATINI can at least<br />

blow the whistle if things go wrong. Above all, it can help the COMESA Secretariat to look for<br />

potholes on the roadmap to integration through negotiations with the EU. As any driver on African<br />

roads would know, driving along a potholed road is never a straight trajectory. …<br />

42<br />

A People’s Guide To The Pacific’s Economic Partnership Agreement

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