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Participation and Democracy: Dynamics, Causes ... - Jacobs University

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productivity <strong>and</strong> the possibility to provide people with food - in the course of both<br />

revolutions those capacities have been raised by a hundredfold. But considering the time<br />

span available for the changes to take place, a tremendous difference becomes apparent:<br />

“[W]hile it took thous<strong>and</strong>s of years for the discovery of agriculture to transform the<br />

world, the industrial revolution spread throughout the world in only two centuries”<br />

(Inglehart 2001: 9966).<br />

Since the 1950ies, numerous debates about economic, social <strong>and</strong> political consequences<br />

of modernization were stimulated in the social science community, even though<br />

modernization theory was also then not a new phenomenon. Nevertheless, it did not<br />

enjoy a broad scope of academic interest before the 1950ies <strong>and</strong> 60ies 3 , about 90 years<br />

after Karl Marx had published his influential pieces of work, anticipating the societal<br />

effects of economic growth (Marx 1990 [1867]; 1993 [1858]). Based on this work,<br />

subsequent scholars have argued that modernization theory rests upon the assumption<br />

that societal changes follow – to a certain degree – predictable pathways, meaning that<br />

particular developments are inevitable for such a society, simply because they are<br />

inherent to the process of modernization. Among those ‘side effects’, secularization,<br />

bureaucratization <strong>and</strong> individualization play a significant role but the economic process<br />

of industrialization is at the core of modernization (Inglehart <strong>and</strong> Baker 2000: 20;<br />

Inglehart <strong>and</strong> Welzel 2005).<br />

Lipset (1959, 1981 [1960], 1992, 1994; see also Lipset, Seong <strong>and</strong> Torres 1993) is one<br />

of the most prominent proponents of this approach. Analyzing pathways to modernity in<br />

Britain, the US <strong>and</strong> Western Europe during the 19 th century, he could show that modern<br />

societies developed at the same time when these societies transformed into capitalist<br />

ones. Lipset was not the only one noting a relationship between market economy <strong>and</strong><br />

democracy (see, for example, Schumpeter 1950; Moore 1966; Diamond 1992; Diamond,<br />

Linz <strong>and</strong> Lipset 1988) but his résumé of what he considered to be a causal relationship<br />

3 With the emerging broad interest in modernization, Rustow noted a trend of changing paradigms from an<br />

institutional-legal to a behavioral-cultural approach within the discipline. This trend is also reflected in a<br />

wider acknowledgement of sociological, anthropological as well as psychological concepts among<br />

political scientists (Rustow 1968: 37-38).<br />

16

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