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Dissertation_Paula Aleksandrowicz_12 ... - Jacobs University

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sexes 29 favoured the age of 55 as retirement age for women , and the age of 60 as retirement<br />

age for men in all waves of the survey (CBOS 2007: 4; Table 9).<br />

Table 9: Optimum retirement age for women in the opinion of Polish respondents,<br />

1999-2007<br />

Survey in Oct.<br />

1999<br />

Survey in<br />

April 2002<br />

Survey in Dec.<br />

2003<br />

Survey in Dec.<br />

2005<br />

55 years or earlier 85% 52% 70% 67% 72%<br />

60 years <strong>12</strong>% 31% 22% 28% 21%<br />

65 years 1% 9% 3% 2% 4%<br />

Above 65 years 1% 0 0 0 0<br />

Difficult to tell 1% 8% 5% 3% 3%<br />

Source: CBOS (2007: 4).<br />

Survey in Sept.<br />

2007<br />

The acceptance of the lowest possible retirement age for women has decreased and the<br />

acceptance of a retirement at 60 has increased when compared to the situation in 1999. The<br />

all-time high in the acceptance of a higher retirement age for women and for men was<br />

recorded in 2002. This was probably a reverberation of the debate on retirement ages and<br />

pension adequacy that had accompanied the grand pension reform of 1999. The lower<br />

retirement age for women is regarded as a just compensation for the double or triple burden<br />

of gainful employment-household labour-child care, and as an option to take on<br />

grandmotherly duties (OBOP 1999).<br />

I will now sum up the section on aggregate results of institutional and structural<br />

changes. Just as in Germany, the pension system in Poland was used for solving labour<br />

market problems. The difference lies in the intentions – while the easing of the strain on the<br />

labour market was a side effect of policies introduced for other reasons (Ebbinghaus 2002:<br />

163, 179), in Poland it was intentional socio-economic policy which has distorted the<br />

relations of the number of economically active to economically passive persons (Kabaj<br />

2003: 46-48).<br />

The inflow rates into pre-retirement benefits, disability pensions and early old-age<br />

pensions picture both new institutional opportunities and the rising unemployment. Waves<br />

of unemployment swept many persons into newly opened exit pathways in the beginning of<br />

the 1980s and after the transformation. Employment rates were falling following the<br />

introduction of early retirement in 1981. Till the transformation, disability pensions were the<br />

29 The aggregate results were not differentiated by sex. The results are all the more striking when we consider<br />

than the wording of the question related it to persons who do not work in conditions detrimental to health.<br />

87

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