Dissertation_Paula Aleksandrowicz_12 ... - Jacobs University

Dissertation_Paula Aleksandrowicz_12 ... - Jacobs University Dissertation_Paula Aleksandrowicz_12 ... - Jacobs University

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The impact of institutional factors has not been confirmed in all cases. Statutory regulations have only limited influence on firms´ policies in Poland, and in Germany, their impact is partly counterbalanced by structural determinants (the economic situation of the firm and the situation on the labour market) (hypothesis 1). The same applies to the development of activity rates and the average retirement age in Germany and Poland, and the adaptation of retirement preferences in Germany – statutory regulations have an impact in line with structural factors (hypothesis 4). (In the case of Poland, institutional disincentives to early exit have not yet come fully into force, therefore the impact of institutional factors upon individual life courses can be observed mostly in the form of eager utilisation of still available early exit options.) Structural factors also play a role with regard to the corporate policy towards older workers – the economic situation of the firm clearly brings about the externalisation of older workers in the field of health management in Germany, and employee exit in both Poland and Germany (hypothesis 3). The institutional theory is confirmed with regard to labour relations and exit policy in German firms - the institution of co-determination influences the power relations in the firm and leads to the situation that early exit as firm policy can be pursued only in collusion between firm management and workers´ representatives (hypothesis 7). At supranational level, the institutional theory is also confirmed – the cross-national differences with regard to the internalising, respectively externalising effect of firms´ personnel policy towards older workers exceed differences between branches. The institutional path dependence thesis (applied, on the one hand, to lock-in effects in pension policy, and to the degree of fulfilment of Stockholm and Barcelona targets on the other hand) was supported in the case of Poland but not supported in the case of Germany (hypothesis 6). Contrary to initial assumptions, despite the advanced early exit trend, the current institutional configuration of pension and labour market policy in Germany provides more facilitators than inhibitors to active ageing. The opposite is true for Poland, although the employment rate of older workers is slowly going up and one important step to the end of the early exit trend was made by introducing bridging pensions in 2009. 62 The company level both in Poland and Germany has not evolved into an environment which fosters prolonged employment (hypothesis 6). 62 That move has reduced the number of potential beneficiaries of early retirement pensions for persons performing work ´of special character or ´under special conditions´ from over 1 million to 260,000 persons (“Weto prezydenta ws. pomostówek odrzucone”, www.gazeta.pl, 29.12.2008). 225

At firm level, the neo-classical labour market theory and the concept of alternative roles for older workers are confirmed with regard to recruitment and exit policy. Older workers are treated by both Polish and German firms as a ´problem group´ and a flexibility resource in those two personnel policy domains (hypothesis 2A). A reason is that their lower productivity is universally assumed regardless of possible individual capacities. Older workers are disadvantaged either because of their factual negative traits (Soltwedel/Spinanger 1976: 276), e.g. ´bad habits from old system´ in the Polish case, or, as the concept of alternative roles states (Offe/Hinrichs 1984: 46), they are discriminated against not because of their personal characteristics, but because certain negative values are ascribed to them on grounds of age. In contrast, further training policy in German firms and health management and integration policy in German and Polish firms seems to follow the firm-structural approach and the theory of incentives and contributions. Firms view both older and younger workers as valuable resources which should be retained rather than exhausted. (However, that does not imply that they automatically invest more in the prevention of work incapacity and continuous further training; rather, most firms adopt a reactive stance, as was shown in chapters 4.2. and 4.3.) Apparently, it is easier for firms to be ´good practice´ in terms of qualitative personnel policy (in such areas as further training and health management) than in terms of quantitative personnel policy (recruitment and termination of the employment contract). Structural theories have also explanatory power for the assessment of long-term chances for a better labour market integration of older workers, which are rather unfavourable in Poland, and only slightly better in Germany (hypothesis 6). In sum, it can be concluded that my study has confirmed the explanatory power and the interrelations between institutional and structural theoretical approaches. The results also confirm the combined explanatory power of the push and pull thesis of early exit that has already been heralded by Kohli and Rein (1991). The authors perceived the agency of the legislator in the field of pension and labour market policy to large extents as a response to changing economic pressures and “muddling through”. Adopted to my topic, that would mean that the state was not a pace-setter and initiator of pro-active policies. I would not go so far as to diminish the scope of state´s action merely to reaction, as institutional changes have clearly had effects on early exit preferences and the actual labour/leisure choice of individuals, as well as on some aspects of company agency. Nevertheless, the extent to which those institutional determinants take effect is bounded by the economic condition of firms and the situation on the labour markets. 226

At firm level, the neo-classical labour market theory and the concept of alternative roles<br />

for older workers are confirmed with regard to recruitment and exit policy. Older workers<br />

are treated by both Polish and German firms as a ´problem group´ and a flexibility resource<br />

in those two personnel policy domains (hypothesis 2A). A reason is that their lower<br />

productivity is universally assumed regardless of possible individual capacities. Older<br />

workers are disadvantaged either because of their factual negative traits<br />

(Soltwedel/Spinanger 1976: 276), e.g. ´bad habits from old system´ in the Polish case, or, as<br />

the concept of alternative roles states (Offe/Hinrichs 1984: 46), they are discriminated<br />

against not because of their personal characteristics, but because certain negative values are<br />

ascribed to them on grounds of age. In contrast, further training policy in German firms and<br />

health management and integration policy in German and Polish firms seems to follow the<br />

firm-structural approach and the theory of incentives and contributions. Firms view both<br />

older and younger workers as valuable resources which should be retained rather than<br />

exhausted. (However, that does not imply that they automatically invest more in the<br />

prevention of work incapacity and continuous further training; rather, most firms adopt a<br />

reactive stance, as was shown in chapters 4.2. and 4.3.) Apparently, it is easier for firms to<br />

be ´good practice´ in terms of qualitative personnel policy (in such areas as further training<br />

and health management) than in terms of quantitative personnel policy (recruitment and<br />

termination of the employment contract).<br />

Structural theories have also explanatory power for the assessment of long-term chances<br />

for a better labour market integration of older workers, which are rather unfavourable in<br />

Poland, and only slightly better in Germany (hypothesis 6).<br />

In sum, it can be concluded that my study has confirmed the explanatory power and the<br />

interrelations between institutional and structural theoretical approaches. The results also<br />

confirm the combined explanatory power of the push and pull thesis of early exit that has<br />

already been heralded by Kohli and Rein (1991). The authors perceived the agency of the<br />

legislator in the field of pension and labour market policy to large extents as a response to<br />

changing economic pressures and “muddling through”. Adopted to my topic, that would<br />

mean that the state was not a pace-setter and initiator of pro-active policies. I would not go<br />

so far as to diminish the scope of state´s action merely to reaction, as institutional changes<br />

have clearly had effects on early exit preferences and the actual labour/leisure choice of<br />

individuals, as well as on some aspects of company agency. Nevertheless, the extent to<br />

which those institutional determinants take effect is bounded by the economic condition of<br />

firms and the situation on the labour markets.<br />

226

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