Dissertation_Paula Aleksandrowicz_12 ... - Jacobs University
Dissertation_Paula Aleksandrowicz_12 ... - Jacobs University Dissertation_Paula Aleksandrowicz_12 ... - Jacobs University
With regard to personnel policy towards older workers, I proposed two contradictory hypotheses (see section 2.2.). I supported hypothesis 2A with regard to recruitment (older applicants are treated as a ´problem group´) and employee exit (older workers are used as a buffer for personnel adjustments). Hypothesis 2B is supported with regard to health and integration management (the policy differs with regard to persons with diminished work capacity, but is not directly linked with the age criterion). Neither hypothesis was supported in the field of further training, as no uniform pattern of employer action has emerged in terms of integration or exclusion of older workers. Hypothesis 3 (see section 2.2.) is not supported in the field of recruitment, further training and health and integration management and supported in the field of exit policy only with regard to the economic position of the firm. As it seems, the economic standing of the firm is a driver for externalisation strategies towards older workers at the end of the working life. Respective strategies are intensified when a necessity to conduct labour shedding arises. That confirms the firm-structural approach (Kohli et al. 1983) and Mares´ (2001) assumption derived from a combination of the ´varieties of capitalism´ and ´varieties of welfare state regimes´ approach. The firm-structural approach helps explain why there is a discrepancy between the policy of state actors and its insufficient trickling-down to company level. Also my firm examples demonstrated that employer action runs contrary to the policy direction set by the Polish state actors and by the EU. The age structure of the workforce does not determine corporate policies towards older workers in neither field of company policy (however, that could not be assessed with regard to further training due to incomplete information). Firms with older and younger age structures are uniform in their mostly externalisation-orientated or negligent policy towards older workers. Hypothesis 4 (see section 2.3.) is supported with restrictions. Only the intermingling of structural and institutional factors brings about the specific pattern of early exit in Poland. The incentives in the pension system play a role as pull levers of early exit to a greater extent in periods of downsizing. Moreover, even if the pull factors lose their power (e.g. diminishing level of pre-retirement benefits), push factors move older workers to leave the firm in a rather involuntary way, although with some decision latitude given by the employer (workers decide to exit early for fear of unemployment should early exit vehicles deteriorate even further). Another push factor with interacts with the institutional factors is the nature of work – persons working in health-harming conditions are more willing to exit early (as I assume, even in the absence of an entitlement to early retirement in ´special´ 207
working conditions). Also institutionalised and culturally traded gender roles exert an impact here. I noticed two important differences to the German case. Jump factors do not play such a huge role for the early exit trend in Poland. E.g., if women exit earlier than men, it is considered by the interviewees as a just compensation for their double burden (and thus, both a pull factor in the meaning of entitlement mentality, and a push factor in the meaning of early wear due to that double burden). Another explanation for the dominant exit pattern of women can be found in scholarly literature – the pursuit of the ´alternative role´ (Offe/Hinrichs 1984) of grandmothers is induced more by economic necessity (young families rely on their parents to make up for the decreasing number of child care facilities; Surdej/Ślęzak 2009: 170-1) and by the dominant family model which has the character of a norm and an informal institution (Pfau-Effinger et al. 2009: 195, 199). Another important distinction to the German case is the fact that the participation of older workers in early exit has a more existential dimension in Poland than in Germany. Confronted with the threat of unemployment and possibly ensuing poverty, the take-up of the (low) pre-retirement benefit is a means of both escaping the unwanted label of ´unemployed´ and the means of securing a living. That has to do with the institution of unemployment protection in Poland which is provided only for six till maximally 18 months (see section 3.3.2.). Moreover, personnel reductions in Poland had a larger scope than in Germany and were accompanied by the threat of shop closure; correspondingly, the pressure on older workers to retreat in order to secure workplaces for the young was higher. Hypothesis 6 (see section 2.1.) is supported. The personnel policy of Polish firms is not prepared for the prolongation of working life and will rather thwart such a development. Personnel policy of Polish firms is deficient in many respects and lacks a long-term strategic orientation, let alone elements of an age management strategy. Hypothesis 7 (see section 2.4.) can be answered in a founded way only at the example of Firm PL-9, where I interrogated chairmen of two among the four trade unions existing in the company. On that example, it is falsified, as the cooperative versus antagonistic relationship between the management and the respective trade unions was sparked by varying positions on what is good or bad for the workforce rather than by inter-union rivalry. That can be explained with the historically founded adversarial positions of employers as representatives of the ruling party under communism and of the Solidarity trade union (Tuszyńska 2003: 146), which was the antagonistic partner of labour relations 208
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With regard to personnel policy towards older workers, I proposed two contradictory<br />
hypotheses (see section 2.2.). I supported hypothesis 2A with regard to recruitment (older<br />
applicants are treated as a ´problem group´) and employee exit (older workers are used as a<br />
buffer for personnel adjustments). Hypothesis 2B is supported with regard to health and<br />
integration management (the policy differs with regard to persons with diminished work<br />
capacity, but is not directly linked with the age criterion). Neither hypothesis was supported<br />
in the field of further training, as no uniform pattern of employer action has emerged in<br />
terms of integration or exclusion of older workers.<br />
Hypothesis 3 (see section 2.2.) is not supported in the field of recruitment, further<br />
training and health and integration management and supported in the field of exit policy<br />
only with regard to the economic position of the firm. As it seems, the economic standing of<br />
the firm is a driver for externalisation strategies towards older workers at the end of the<br />
working life. Respective strategies are intensified when a necessity to conduct labour<br />
shedding arises. That confirms the firm-structural approach (Kohli et al. 1983) and Mares´<br />
(2001) assumption derived from a combination of the ´varieties of capitalism´ and ´varieties<br />
of welfare state regimes´ approach. The firm-structural approach helps explain why there is<br />
a discrepancy between the policy of state actors and its insufficient trickling-down to<br />
company level. Also my firm examples demonstrated that employer action runs contrary to<br />
the policy direction set by the Polish state actors and by the EU.<br />
The age structure of the workforce does not determine corporate policies towards older<br />
workers in neither field of company policy (however, that could not be assessed with regard<br />
to further training due to incomplete information). Firms with older and younger age<br />
structures are uniform in their mostly externalisation-orientated or negligent policy towards<br />
older workers.<br />
Hypothesis 4 (see section 2.3.) is supported with restrictions. Only the intermingling of<br />
structural and institutional factors brings about the specific pattern of early exit in Poland.<br />
The incentives in the pension system play a role as pull levers of early exit to a greater<br />
extent in periods of downsizing. Moreover, even if the pull factors lose their power (e.g.<br />
diminishing level of pre-retirement benefits), push factors move older workers to leave the<br />
firm in a rather involuntary way, although with some decision latitude given by the<br />
employer (workers decide to exit early for fear of unemployment should early exit vehicles<br />
deteriorate even further). Another push factor with interacts with the institutional factors is<br />
the nature of work – persons working in health-harming conditions are more willing to exit<br />
early (as I assume, even in the absence of an entitlement to early retirement in ´special´<br />
207