Dissertation_Paula Aleksandrowicz_12 ... - Jacobs University

Dissertation_Paula Aleksandrowicz_12 ... - Jacobs University Dissertation_Paula Aleksandrowicz_12 ... - Jacobs University

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etire, because we have very large severance payments, and we also have jubilee awards paid out every five years.” In total, those sums can reach the amount of yearly wages. Another form of push factors is the agitation by the employer or by trade unions. Workers in a dairy company, in a chemicals company, and in two energy suppliers are actively informed about the available options and even convinced to make use of early exit. In times of downsizing, some firms choose less subtle methods and older workers are actively pushed out. That occurred in eight firms. In some cases, that was sparked by the concern for the material security of workers: “We have (…) been convincing them to leave. Because we knew that there can be a situation when we do not have work for them, and they will leave on worse conditions.” (Firm PL-7_HRM) In other cases, older workers were convinced to go in order to secure workplaces for persons without entitlements to social security benefits: Older workers in many cases decided to leave on their own out of sympathy for younger colleagues or their own children, whose workplaces could that way either be secured or created. In some firms, workers selected for dismissals were personally informed about the situation and given a choice between signing a cancellation agreement and receiving a higher severance payment as reward, or being dismissed with a lower compensation. There is also a crowding-out of incumbent workers by their younger successors. E.g., the construction company wanted to clear vacancies for graduates of vocational schools at the time of the first interview, and in a privatised utility, younger persons selected for managerial positions had crowded out older workers who were then degraded and encouraged to leave the firm. In general, those factors reflect retirement motives recorded at aggregate level (Zgierska 2007: 5; MPiPS 2008: 50) and resemble the early exit motives presented in the section on German case studies (4.2.7.) which demonstrates that structural factors – high unemployment level and the process of downsizing in firms – play a role for making (or enforcing) retirement decisions. A large difference to Germany is however the genderspecific 5- till 10-year gap in exit ages of women and men, and alternative income sources for Polish pensioners in the form of shadow economy and opening up one´s own business or working at one´s farm. Also the low life expectancy of Poles and the wish to enjoy last years of life is seen by some interviewees as a motive of early withdrawal from work. A specifically Polish push factor is being worn out by “revolutionary” changes in the country and in the firm which contributes to low job satisfaction, a feeling of lagging behind, and a general tiredness of work (named by 5 interviewees). 195

A polarisation in exit preferences became visible depending on working conditions (persons working in ´special´, burdening and health-harming conditions prefer early exit and more often suffer from health impairments which renders them incapable of work) and on the level of earnings. According to the experts´ opinion, persons with higher wages, often occupying managerial positions and showing a higher job satisfaction, prefer to continue work as long as possible, while low-earners want to exit early. The low difference between (low) wages after exemption of commuting costs to the (equally low) preretirement benefits moves workers to exit early, even more as the old-age pension in the old system rises only insignificantly with each additional year of work. Interestingly enough, and in stark contrast to the German case, the decisions of Poles in pre-retirement age point rather to the life cycle theory (opting for early retirement in the absence of actuarially neutral deductions) and to the observation of the principle that benefits must be lower than wages rather than to the hypothesis of securing the standard of living (which assesses that retirees-to-be decide about the timing of retirement on grounds of minimising income losses and keeping their income position; Dinkel 1988). The results also demonstrate that older workers who want to escape work – be it for family, health or job-related reasons – are willing to reduce their financial claims. That corresponds with a low-developed interest of Poles in making precautions for their future pension level (Szumlicz 2007: 185). Some interviewees observed that workers have lost the interest in exiting via preretirement benefits after worsened conditions in 2004. In a dairy company, that has complicated the process of personnel reductions, as workers do not any more take the initiative to exit early. That shows that workers factually adjust their exit choices to changed conditions, but their preferences are still orientated towards old privileges. Moreover, in times of downsizing, even those workers who do not want to exit on lower pre-retirement benefits are often forced to do so. Therefore, one should speak of negotiated or enforced retirement decisions rather than of preferences. In the light of those findings, hypothesis 4 (see section 2.3.) is supported, but supplemented with the addition that structural variables (the position of the firm on the market, restructuring or downsizing needs) have determining power. Only the intermingling of structural and institutional factors brings about the specific pattern of early exit in Poland. Other factors which interact with institutional factors (and which had been one of the reasons for the introduction of early retirement in the 1980s) are located at the 196

A polarisation in exit preferences became visible depending on working conditions<br />

(persons working in ´special´, burdening and health-harming conditions prefer early exit<br />

and more often suffer from health impairments which renders them incapable of work) and<br />

on the level of earnings. According to the experts´ opinion, persons with higher wages,<br />

often occupying managerial positions and showing a higher job satisfaction, prefer to<br />

continue work as long as possible, while low-earners want to exit early. The low difference<br />

between (low) wages after exemption of commuting costs to the (equally low) preretirement<br />

benefits moves workers to exit early, even more as the old-age pension in the old<br />

system rises only insignificantly with each additional year of work.<br />

Interestingly enough, and in stark contrast to the German case, the decisions of Poles in<br />

pre-retirement age point rather to the life cycle theory (opting for early retirement in the<br />

absence of actuarially neutral deductions) and to the observation of the principle that<br />

benefits must be lower than wages rather than to the hypothesis of securing the standard of<br />

living (which assesses that retirees-to-be decide about the timing of retirement on grounds<br />

of minimising income losses and keeping their income position; Dinkel 1988). The results<br />

also demonstrate that older workers who want to escape work – be it for family, health or<br />

job-related reasons – are willing to reduce their financial claims. That corresponds with a<br />

low-developed interest of Poles in making precautions for their future pension level<br />

(Szumlicz 2007: 185).<br />

Some interviewees observed that workers have lost the interest in exiting via preretirement<br />

benefits after worsened conditions in 2004. In a dairy company, that has<br />

complicated the process of personnel reductions, as workers do not any more take the<br />

initiative to exit early. That shows that workers factually adjust their exit choices to<br />

changed conditions, but their preferences are still orientated towards old privileges.<br />

Moreover, in times of downsizing, even those workers who do not want to exit on lower<br />

pre-retirement benefits are often forced to do so. Therefore, one should speak of negotiated<br />

or enforced retirement decisions rather than of preferences.<br />

In the light of those findings, hypothesis 4 (see section 2.3.) is supported, but<br />

supplemented with the addition that structural variables (the position of the firm on the<br />

market, restructuring or downsizing needs) have determining power. Only the intermingling<br />

of structural and institutional factors brings about the specific pattern of early exit in<br />

Poland. Other factors which interact with institutional factors (and which had been one of<br />

the reasons for the introduction of early retirement in the 1980s) are located at the<br />

196

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