Dissertation_Paula Aleksandrowicz_12 ... - Jacobs University

Dissertation_Paula Aleksandrowicz_12 ... - Jacobs University Dissertation_Paula Aleksandrowicz_12 ... - Jacobs University

jacobs.university.de
from jacobs.university.de More from this publisher
11.03.2014 Views

the workability of older workers; how the regulations of hiring and firing, further training and health management affect the chances for continued work; how managers deal with older workers with regard to dismissals, lay-off and other cases of termination of the work contract; and what role the workplace representatives (works councils or shop-level trade unions) plays in those respects. The goal of my analysis, and of the comparison between Germany and Poland, will be to find out which (corporate and public) policies for the prolongation of working life work, and in what context. I will approach those questions with the help of qualitative expert interviews with representatives of the management and the workforce in about 30 Polish and German companies and with the study of collected material on those enterprises (collective and works council agreements, personnel statistics, company reports et al.). Additional qualitative interviews with public officials and chairpersons of trade unions and employers´ associations in Germany will support me in the analysis of results. Besides of the question related to past developments, in my work I will pose a question directed into the future – What chances and barriers are there for a reversal of the trend towards early exit ages in Poland and Germany? In order to answer that question, I will analyse developments at the statutory, collective bargaining and firm level which have an impact on recruitment, continued employment and labour market exit of older workers. I proceed on the assumption that the labour force participation of older workers and the exit from the labour market depend on a complex arrangement of institutional, socioeconomic and firm-based factors. The trend towards early exit will only be reversed if respective statutory measures, especially in the field of pension policy, are translated into firm behaviour. A comparison between Germany and Poland and a diachronic time frame (Gerring 2001: 222-5) are best suited for my research question. This approach allows for a detection of a national pattern of internalisation and externalisation of older workers. It is also useful for analysing what patterns of state and firm-level (retirement) policies are beneficial or detrimental to the prolongation of working life. The idea for my study was sparked by the project “Active Ageing – Chances and Barriers for Active Ageing Policies in Europe“ which was financed in the years 2003-2005 by the European Commission. 3 3 Reports written by me and my colleagues within that project can be found on the website www.iccrinternational.org/activage/. 3

Germany and Poland were chosen as comparative cases because the early retirement trend developed in the same period in both countries and in both countries, attempts at reverting this trend were undertaken since the mid-1990s, but with divergent outcomes – while Germany has accomplished the Stockholm target in 2007, Poland ranks second-last (EC 2008: 32). As regards the average retirement age (not: average exit age from the labour market), in Germany, it underwent an U-shaped development since the 1970s and was 63.4 years in 2006, while in Poland, it has experienced a downward development since 1978 and is stagnating since 1992 at a low level (56.6 years). 4 I was interested in the reasons for the divergent development with regard to the employment rate and the average retirement age in both countries across time, what chances there are that policies for the prolongation of working life will be more successful in the future, and what policies work in which context. Another research interest concerned the role of companies for arriving at those results. Several moderators may account for the divergent development in Germany and Poland. Poland represents an economic system transforming from plan to market, which resulted in a rapid change of power structures in companies in the process of commercialisation 5 and privatisation, in firm closures and divisions, while Germany represents a stable market economy. Consequently, firms in Poland were forced to quickly adapt to new conditions of competition, productivity, privatisation and the need to reduce personnel. Moreover, job profiles in Poland were subject to large changes – demand for unqualified labour was falling, former knowledge was devalued and workers had to develop a new work morale (Socha/Sztanderska 1991: 2; Wiśniewski 2002: 323, 334). What follows, are lower chances for older Polish workers to reach the standard retirement age on the job. A similarity between both countries is the long-term trend towards higher unemployment rates. In Poland, this development originated from the systemic transformation. In Germany, a starting point for the rise in unemployment rates was the reunification and the job losses in the secondary sector. An important difference between Poland and Germany is the intensity of those changes. In Germany, the unemployment rate was slowly rising after unification to reach the peak in 1997 with 9 per cent. In Poland, unemployment rates were rising quickly after the transition with a peak of 19.5 per cent as 4 At the time when I started my study in 2004, the halt to the downward trend in employment rates of older workers in Germany was already visible but not how it will develop in the medium term. 5 Commercialisation is the transformation of state-owned companies into ´one-person companies of the Treasury´, the pre-stage before privatisation. 4

Germany and Poland were chosen as comparative cases because the early retirement<br />

trend developed in the same period in both countries and in both countries, attempts at<br />

reverting this trend were undertaken since the mid-1990s, but with divergent outcomes –<br />

while Germany has accomplished the Stockholm target in 2007, Poland ranks second-last<br />

(EC 2008: 32). As regards the average retirement age (not: average exit age from the labour<br />

market), in Germany, it underwent an U-shaped development since the 1970s and was 63.4<br />

years in 2006, while in Poland, it has experienced a downward development since 1978 and<br />

is stagnating since 1992 at a low level (56.6 years). 4<br />

I was interested in the reasons for the divergent development with regard to the<br />

employment rate and the average retirement age in both countries across time, what chances<br />

there are that policies for the prolongation of working life will be more successful in the<br />

future, and what policies work in which context. Another research interest concerned the<br />

role of companies for arriving at those results.<br />

Several moderators may account for the divergent development in Germany and Poland.<br />

Poland represents an economic system transforming from plan to market, which resulted<br />

in a rapid change of power structures in companies in the process of commercialisation 5 and<br />

privatisation, in firm closures and divisions, while Germany represents a stable market<br />

economy. Consequently, firms in Poland were forced to quickly adapt to new conditions of<br />

competition, productivity, privatisation and the need to reduce personnel. Moreover, job<br />

profiles in Poland were subject to large changes – demand for unqualified labour was<br />

falling, former knowledge was devalued and workers had to develop a new work morale<br />

(Socha/Sztanderska 1991: 2; Wiśniewski 2002: 323, 334). What follows, are lower chances<br />

for older Polish workers to reach the standard retirement age on the job.<br />

A similarity between both countries is the long-term trend towards higher<br />

unemployment rates. In Poland, this development originated from the systemic<br />

transformation. In Germany, a starting point for the rise in unemployment rates was the<br />

reunification and the job losses in the secondary sector. An important difference between<br />

Poland and Germany is the intensity of those changes. In Germany, the unemployment rate<br />

was slowly rising after unification to reach the peak in 1997 with 9 per cent. In Poland,<br />

unemployment rates were rising quickly after the transition with a peak of 19.5 per cent as<br />

4 At the time when I started my study in 2004, the halt to the downward trend in employment rates of older<br />

workers in Germany was already visible but not how it will develop in the medium term.<br />

5 Commercialisation is the transformation of state-owned companies into ´one-person companies of the<br />

Treasury´, the pre-stage before privatisation.<br />

4

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!