Dissertation_Paula Aleksandrowicz_12 ... - Jacobs University
Dissertation_Paula Aleksandrowicz_12 ... - Jacobs University Dissertation_Paula Aleksandrowicz_12 ... - Jacobs University
4.2.4. Further Vocational Training The inclusion into further training raises the workability of older employees. It is also the prerequirement for their re-deployment in less demanding workplaces (e.g. as clerks instead of assembly workers) and for promotion to higher positions which are often the best guarantee of long-term workability (Behrens 1999: 103). Good practice in initial and further training at firm level calls for - equal access given to workers of all ages; - affirmative action in order to make up for possible ageism in the past; - abolishing stereotypes about the learning ability and motivation of older workers; - offering learning opportunities during the whole working life (lifelong learning); - career development rather than tailoring training to one specific workplace; - establishment of a learning environment at the workplace; - tailoring training to the learning methods and experience of older workers or providing training in order to redevelop the motivation to learn; - regularly examining the training needs of workers of all ages (Walker/Taylor 1998: 3-4; Naegele/Walker 2003: 229). The thorough examination of all those aspects in the studied firms was not possible, but the collected evidence sheds some light on the practice of dealing with older training participants or participants-to-be. Only in three firms did personnel managers report that older workers in their firm may experience difficulties with gaining access to further training, and two personnel managers perceived some barriers with regard of further training for certain groups of workers (be it older workers or shift workers) depending on the attitude of the direct superior. In the foodstuffs company Firm DE-7, where hard statistical data on the training participation of older workers was available. While younger workers participated on average in 5.5 training courses in the last two years, the 50-59-year-olds attended in the same period only 2.76 courses, and ´60pluses´ even less (2.09 courses). However, to conclude from those examples that the employer discriminates against older workers in further training would be wrong. The interviewees explained the telling numbers with the low motivation to learn on part of older workers. Also gerontological literature noticed that phenomenon – which is due to a mixture of personal and firm-related factors (e.g. qualification level, general interest in learning, but also age-adequate training concepts and the degree of autonomy in training decisions; Frerichs/Bögel 2008b: 6-7). My firm case studies demonstrated that unwillingness to participate in training may be a reflection of latent ageism in the organisation. To give again the example of Firm DE-7: 123
“The movements within the firm – upwards or to new jobs – are concentrated in one decade. [=30- 40 years] (…) The general philosophy in this country rubs off on us even more, as a company which is subject to operating pressure. We praise the young ones, who are always laughing, who are always friendly, the winners, the ones who push their way to the front. Due to this, one is used to step aside almost automatically as one ages. (…) As at some point, they notice without saying ´I am not needed any more, I am not asked any more´.” (1_Firm DE-7_HRM) Another firm-related reason of low learning motivation may be the disuse effect – workers whose ability to learn new things was not used for a long time, e.g. because of narrow specialisation or monotonous tasks, lose that competence (Frerichs 2007: 73-4). A vivid demonstration of that effect is the metal-manufacturing company Firm DE-3, where the personnel manager wanted to train older workers to assume dual careers during their work life. He met with resistance from older workers who had performed monotonous tasks for decades: “That is hard graft where you can do anything but think. (laughs) They have done that job for 30 years and have given up thinking. They have to be met there and systematically, slowly accustomed to other things.” (2_Firm DE-3_HRM) Pull factors like the availability of early retirement options are also a barrier to higher training quotas of older persons, as they influence their own considerations of the usefulness of training. E.g., in a utility company, the rejection of further training already by persons as young as 45 was motivated by the proximity of retirement: “As one exits anyway on average at 60, 62 or something like that, therefore it´s not worth it to do something about qualification if he is (…) 55… It´s not worth it. That argument isn´t valid anymore if I work until 65 or even 67 instead of 55. (…) My subjective assessment in this company is that that is still wide-spread. That saying `I don´t have to do it anymore, the young ones will do it´.” (Firm DE-13_former HRM interviewed in 2006) Those findings suggest the conclusion that the lower attendance of training by older workers which is reported at aggregated, Germany-wide level (BmFSFJ 2005: 135) could be the result of a mixture of causes rather than direct ageism. On the basis of those findings, hypothesis 2B (see section 2.2.) is accepted with regard to further training. Hypothesis 2A (ibid) is not supported as my case studies have shown that the lacking inclusion of older workers in further training in some cases is linked to the experience that those workers are not willing to undergo training (notwithstanding the underlying reasons for that unwillingness). The training policy in most firms can be assessed as internalising (see the explanation of that concept in section 4.1.1.), giving equal access to workers of all ages. Special measures for older workers in the field of training were planned only in a minority of firms. As that makes for an insufficient basis to speak of ´age management´ in the field of further training, hypothesis 3 can be assessed solely under 124
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4.2.4. Further Vocational Training<br />
The inclusion into further training raises the workability of older employees. It is also<br />
the prerequirement for their re-deployment in less demanding workplaces (e.g. as clerks<br />
instead of assembly workers) and for promotion to higher positions which are often the best<br />
guarantee of long-term workability (Behrens 1999: 103). Good practice in initial and further<br />
training at firm level calls for<br />
- equal access given to workers of all ages;<br />
- affirmative action in order to make up for possible ageism in the past;<br />
- abolishing stereotypes about the learning ability and motivation of older workers;<br />
- offering learning opportunities during the whole working life (lifelong learning);<br />
- career development rather than tailoring training to one specific workplace;<br />
- establishment of a learning environment at the workplace;<br />
- tailoring training to the learning methods and experience of older workers or providing<br />
training in order to redevelop the motivation to learn;<br />
- regularly examining the training needs of workers of all ages (Walker/Taylor 1998: 3-4;<br />
Naegele/Walker 2003: 229).<br />
The thorough examination of all those aspects in the studied firms was not possible, but<br />
the collected evidence sheds some light on the practice of dealing with older training<br />
participants or participants-to-be.<br />
Only in three firms did personnel managers report that older workers in their firm may<br />
experience difficulties with gaining access to further training, and two personnel managers<br />
perceived some barriers with regard of further training for certain groups of workers (be it<br />
older workers or shift workers) depending on the attitude of the direct superior.<br />
In the foodstuffs company Firm DE-7, where hard statistical data on the training<br />
participation of older workers was available. While younger workers participated on<br />
average in 5.5 training courses in the last two years, the 50-59-year-olds attended in the<br />
same period only 2.76 courses, and ´60pluses´ even less (2.09 courses).<br />
However, to conclude from those examples that the employer discriminates against<br />
older workers in further training would be wrong. The interviewees explained the telling<br />
numbers with the low motivation to learn on part of older workers. Also gerontological<br />
literature noticed that phenomenon – which is due to a mixture of personal and firm-related<br />
factors (e.g. qualification level, general interest in learning, but also age-adequate training<br />
concepts and the degree of autonomy in training decisions; Frerichs/Bögel 2008b: 6-7). My<br />
firm case studies demonstrated that unwillingness to participate in training may be a<br />
reflection of latent ageism in the organisation. To give again the example of Firm DE-7:<br />
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