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MISSING PIECES - Inter-Parliamentary Union

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<strong>MISSING</strong> <strong>PIECES</strong><br />

Today, we know more about the complex relationships between the<br />

demand for small arms and poverty, insecurity, injustice and the<br />

abuse of natural resources.”<br />

—Norwegian statement at the UN Review Conference, 26 June 2006<br />

While discerning individual and collective preferences is key to comprehending<br />

demand for guns in any particular situation, this alone is<br />

insufficient.<br />

The extent to which the desire for acquiring a gun can be fulfilled will<br />

also be a function of the perceived, real, and relative price of small arms<br />

in a given setting and the availability and price of acceptable substitutes.<br />

Where gun prices are relatively high, they can be a function both of a strong<br />

preference for small arms and limited supply. Prices can be reflected in<br />

non-monetary ways. For example, the price of an AK-47 in a particular<br />

setting may be high due to well-enforced penalties for illegal possession<br />

(in this case, the price is the high personal cost of incarceration).<br />

Preferences and price are also related to resource availability, or affordability.<br />

One may have a high preference for obtaining a weapon, and the<br />

price may be low, but if personal or group resources are lacking, demand<br />

cannot be fulfilled. Resources may be monetary, but also exchangeable<br />

commodities (e.g. animals, timber, and people), as well as such resources<br />

as organisational capacity, access to enabling networks (e.g. arms brokers),<br />

and even guns themselves (as tools for obtaining income or for stealing<br />

other guns).<br />

A constellation of relationships are at work in shaping demand in any<br />

particular setting. The framework also suggests that particular policy<br />

choices or interventions, if uninformed by an understanding of all three<br />

factors, can produce results that may be the opposite of what was intended.<br />

For example, economic incentive schemes aimed at providing alternatives<br />

to criminality may merely increase the resources available for the purchase<br />

of guns (the relative price will fall), possibly driving up demand, if<br />

preferences—for example, the ‘macho’ symbolism of high-powered guns<br />

in some cultural settings—are not simultaneously addressed. Moreover,<br />

in some communities, the choice to acquire a gun is not necessarily taken<br />

individually, but influenced by a series of collective decision-making processes<br />

and cultural influences.<br />

It also suggests that policy choices may be equally enriched by examining<br />

why some societies ultimately do not choose to acquire small arms:<br />

‘. . . generating a more sophisticated understanding of the preferences,<br />

112

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