Beyond Struggle and Power: Heidegger's Secret ... - Interpretation
Beyond Struggle and Power: Heidegger's Secret ... - Interpretation
Beyond Struggle and Power: Heidegger's Secret ... - Interpretation
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6 0 <strong>Interpretation</strong><br />
cal skepticism”) claim that no legal norms can be legitimately binding on the<br />
individual. The resolution of this practical antinomy lies in dem<strong>and</strong>ing extralegal<br />
justification of political coercion (against the positivists) while still<br />
claiming as just some degree of institutional coercion (against the anarchists).<br />
Seeking this middle way, Höffe is confronted with a second<br />
problem: to respond to competing contemporary theories of the grounding of<br />
the principles of political justice. He argues that the range of competing theories—from<br />
utilitarianism to Rawls to Axelrod to Habermas <strong>and</strong> Apel—do not<br />
adequately ground the principles of liberal justice. Rawls’s theory has become<br />
“political, not metaphysical,” gleaning its basic principles from the empirical<br />
political culture, whereas Habermas’s discourse ethics does not inquire into the<br />
legitimacy of the discourse-oriented process itself (see Höffe 2002, chapter 11<br />
on Rawls, chapter 13 on Habermas). At best, these theories develop rational<br />
legal norms, which are perhaps efficient in resolving conflict, but they fail to<br />
ground legal norms on the unconditional moral law, or in what is good without<br />
qualification.<br />
Höffe’s st<strong>and</strong>ard, then, for what counts as a legitimate grounding<br />
is very high. Following Kant, he appeals to pure principles of reason, which<br />
are universal <strong>and</strong> necessary, rather than impure empirical observations,<br />
which are parochial <strong>and</strong> contingent. He finds in Kant a political philosopher<br />
who is able to meet this high st<strong>and</strong>ard. Höffe begins, like Kant, with the<br />
bedrock subjective moral law (part I), <strong>and</strong> follows Kant’s arguments out in detail<br />
for the grounding of liberal justice (part II) <strong>and</strong> cosmopolitan law (part III).<br />
The book does not aim comprehensively to map out the terrain<br />
of Kant’s moral <strong>and</strong> political philosophy (xvii), so in the first part, Höffe<br />
does not answer all the objections to Kant’s moral philosophy, but sagely<br />
chooses two points of contention (see Höffe 1994, chapter 8, for a fuller<br />
defense of Kant’s moral philosophy against the st<strong>and</strong>ard objections; his reading<br />
of Kant’s view of “maxims,” pp. 149–51, is original <strong>and</strong> especially enlightening).<br />
First, he argues that given the widespread acceptance of a caricature of Kant’s<br />
moral philosophy <strong>and</strong> of its criticisms, as well as a pervasive naturalism in contemporary<br />
philosophy, ethicists have come to accept Aristotle as the great<br />
alternative to Kant (chapter 2). However, as Höffe points out, the stark alternative—Aristotle<br />
or Kant?—masks deep continuities between the two<br />
philosophers. Both put forth a separable discipline of philosophy, a practical<br />
philosophy, whose end is not knowledge but action. Kant, like Aristotle, praises<br />
habituation <strong>and</strong> virtue as essential to morality. Both argue for a view of the end<br />
of human life, happiness, which requires moral excellence. Despite these simi-