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Beyond Struggle and Power: Heidegger's Secret ... - Interpretation

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6 0 <strong>Interpretation</strong><br />

cal skepticism”) claim that no legal norms can be legitimately binding on the<br />

individual. The resolution of this practical antinomy lies in dem<strong>and</strong>ing extralegal<br />

justification of political coercion (against the positivists) while still<br />

claiming as just some degree of institutional coercion (against the anarchists).<br />

Seeking this middle way, Höffe is confronted with a second<br />

problem: to respond to competing contemporary theories of the grounding of<br />

the principles of political justice. He argues that the range of competing theories—from<br />

utilitarianism to Rawls to Axelrod to Habermas <strong>and</strong> Apel—do not<br />

adequately ground the principles of liberal justice. Rawls’s theory has become<br />

“political, not metaphysical,” gleaning its basic principles from the empirical<br />

political culture, whereas Habermas’s discourse ethics does not inquire into the<br />

legitimacy of the discourse-oriented process itself (see Höffe 2002, chapter 11<br />

on Rawls, chapter 13 on Habermas). At best, these theories develop rational<br />

legal norms, which are perhaps efficient in resolving conflict, but they fail to<br />

ground legal norms on the unconditional moral law, or in what is good without<br />

qualification.<br />

Höffe’s st<strong>and</strong>ard, then, for what counts as a legitimate grounding<br />

is very high. Following Kant, he appeals to pure principles of reason, which<br />

are universal <strong>and</strong> necessary, rather than impure empirical observations,<br />

which are parochial <strong>and</strong> contingent. He finds in Kant a political philosopher<br />

who is able to meet this high st<strong>and</strong>ard. Höffe begins, like Kant, with the<br />

bedrock subjective moral law (part I), <strong>and</strong> follows Kant’s arguments out in detail<br />

for the grounding of liberal justice (part II) <strong>and</strong> cosmopolitan law (part III).<br />

The book does not aim comprehensively to map out the terrain<br />

of Kant’s moral <strong>and</strong> political philosophy (xvii), so in the first part, Höffe<br />

does not answer all the objections to Kant’s moral philosophy, but sagely<br />

chooses two points of contention (see Höffe 1994, chapter 8, for a fuller<br />

defense of Kant’s moral philosophy against the st<strong>and</strong>ard objections; his reading<br />

of Kant’s view of “maxims,” pp. 149–51, is original <strong>and</strong> especially enlightening).<br />

First, he argues that given the widespread acceptance of a caricature of Kant’s<br />

moral philosophy <strong>and</strong> of its criticisms, as well as a pervasive naturalism in contemporary<br />

philosophy, ethicists have come to accept Aristotle as the great<br />

alternative to Kant (chapter 2). However, as Höffe points out, the stark alternative—Aristotle<br />

or Kant?—masks deep continuities between the two<br />

philosophers. Both put forth a separable discipline of philosophy, a practical<br />

philosophy, whose end is not knowledge but action. Kant, like Aristotle, praises<br />

habituation <strong>and</strong> virtue as essential to morality. Both argue for a view of the end<br />

of human life, happiness, which requires moral excellence. Despite these simi-

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