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Beyond Struggle and Power: Heidegger's Secret ... - Interpretation

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5 0 <strong>Interpretation</strong><br />

existence is divided, not whole, <strong>and</strong> that we must accept the “worthy challenge”<br />

to affirm the dividedness of our modern souls (7, 188–89, 214, 231, 241).<br />

The book has two main sections. In chapters 1–6, Cladis discusses<br />

Rousseau’s “genealogy of modern alienation <strong>and</strong> misery” (155)—the<br />

Second Discourse in other words. Cladis traces the development, stage by stage,<br />

from nature to society (or what Cladis calls “From The Garden to The City”),<br />

<strong>and</strong> argues that this movement was neither regrettable nor a departure from<br />

our “humanity.” Whatever was lost in the way of wholeness was made up for<br />

by a more “fully human” morality <strong>and</strong> happiness. In chapters 7–11, Cladis<br />

looks at Rousseau’s potential solutions to modern dividedness: the extreme<br />

public path (Government of Pol<strong>and</strong>), extreme private path (Reveries of the<br />

Solitary Walker) <strong>and</strong> a fragile combination of the two (Julie). Cladis argues that<br />

these are merely “strategies for evading conflict” <strong>and</strong> not intended as true solutions.<br />

Due either to fragility or extreme neglect of the private or the public,<br />

none provides for “a full, flourishing human existence” (171). Taken as one big<br />

reductio ad absurdum, these three works demonstrate why a life divided<br />

between public <strong>and</strong> private is both inevitable <strong>and</strong> desirable. Cladis concludes<br />

with a discussion of what he calls Rousseau’s “Middle Way,” a composite of<br />

Emile <strong>and</strong> The Social Contract, which satisfies both sides of our being, to the<br />

extent possible. Rousseau’s thoughts on religion constitute the core of the<br />

“Middle Way,” for unlike citizenship, domesticity <strong>and</strong> reverie, religion is a private<br />

good <strong>and</strong> a public good.<br />

Though he does intend to make a contribution to Rousseau<br />

scholarship (3), Cladis’s principal aim is not scholarly. Cladis leaves behind<br />

what he doesn’t like about Rousseau (such as his thoughts on women <strong>and</strong> his<br />

“essentialist” reliance on the concept of “nature”) <strong>and</strong> reshapes what is left for<br />

his purposes. He considers such liberties justified <strong>and</strong> necessary due to the<br />

urgency of the matter. The quality of private <strong>and</strong> public life are both in steep<br />

decline, yet we fail to underst<strong>and</strong> the significance of this fact because we do not<br />

underst<strong>and</strong> their relation to begin with (16, 31, 237, 244). This failure in comprehension<br />

is due largely to a failure in speech. Our excessive reliance on<br />

rights-discourse, for example, hampers our ability to underst<strong>and</strong> the whole<br />

social side of our being, <strong>and</strong> how integrally bound up with one another the private<br />

<strong>and</strong> public are (4, 30). Cladis takes Rousseau’s philosophy <strong>and</strong> forges out<br />

of it a typology, “a grammar” (229) that will enrich our speech <strong>and</strong> thought<br />

about private vs. public by capturing the conflict in all its fullness. This set of<br />

concepts, of “Weberian ideal types” (53, 236), are, in sum, “The Garden,”“The

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