Beyond Struggle and Power: Heidegger's Secret ... - Interpretation
Beyond Struggle and Power: Heidegger's Secret ... - Interpretation
Beyond Struggle and Power: Heidegger's Secret ... - Interpretation
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Book Review: Public Vision, Private Lives<br />
4 9<br />
Mark S. Cladis, Public Vision, Private Lives: Rousseau, Religion, <strong>and</strong> 21st-<br />
Century Democracy. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003, 298 pp., $65<br />
hardcover, $29 paperback.<br />
S TEPHEN<br />
E IDE<br />
BOSTON COLLEGE<br />
eidest@bc.edu<br />
I.<br />
In his book Public Vision, Private Lives: Rousseau, Religion,<br />
<strong>and</strong> 21st-Century Democracy, Mark Cladis brings Rousseau to bear on the<br />
debate about private goods vs. public goods in contemporary political theory.<br />
The two sides in this debate—communitarians <strong>and</strong> liberals—agree about the<br />
impoverished state of modern life, but disagree about what side of it is more<br />
impoverished, private or public. Communitarians view modern life as desperately<br />
individualistic, lacking any appreciation for such public goods as<br />
citizenship <strong>and</strong> common culture. Liberals think conformism is the problem,<br />
<strong>and</strong> that what is needed is more respect for diversity <strong>and</strong> individual rights.<br />
Cladis believes Rousseau has a unique contribution to make to this debate<br />
because he recognized the usefulness of communitarian means for liberal ends.<br />
In order to ensure respect for diversity <strong>and</strong> individuality, institutions <strong>and</strong> formal<br />
declarations of rights are not enough. A “shared democratic culture” (197)<br />
is required, which for Rousseau meant a civic religion. Cladis believes secular<br />
liberals in particular (who are inclined to confine religion to the private sphere)<br />
have a great deal to learn from Rousseau’s teaching on civic religion. Religion,<br />
in Rousseau’s telling, can serve to moderate the conflict between public <strong>and</strong><br />
private. Not only does it enrich <strong>and</strong> cultivate our interior private lives, but, as<br />
“common moral belief,” it achieves the ends of liberalism more effectively than<br />
fear or self-interest (6–7, 193–97). But this does not mean Rousseau thinks an<br />
ultimate resolution to the conflict between public <strong>and</strong> private is possible, or<br />
even desirable. What the “characteristically unsystematic” (xii, 9) Rousseau<br />
has to teach twenty-first-century democracy above all is that a “fully human”<br />
©2007 <strong>Interpretation</strong>, Inc.