Beyond Struggle and Power: Heidegger's Secret ... - Interpretation
Beyond Struggle and Power: Heidegger's Secret ... - Interpretation
Beyond Struggle and Power: Heidegger's Secret ... - Interpretation
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Book Review: An Islamic Philosophy of Virtuous Religions<br />
4 5<br />
natural <strong>and</strong> not inherently evil, says Parens’ Alfarabi; it is how we choose to satisfy<br />
them that can be good or evil. Hence, when excessive self-denial is<br />
dem<strong>and</strong>ed as internal jihad, “[i]t so reifies its own excessive desires that it is<br />
prone to finding them peopling the external world. Internal jihad transmogrifies<br />
into external <strong>and</strong> offensive jihad” (71). Transmogrifying jihad may be<br />
exactly what Alfarabi had in mind, but there is even more convincing evidence<br />
of Alfarabi’s aversion to offensive jihad in Parens’ account of Alfarabi’s overarching<br />
denial that the virtuous regime can be created or that any single religion<br />
could be appropriate for all societies.<br />
The specific role of religion in society is addressed in Parens’<br />
third “wave” multiplicity argument, where a virtuous religion is described by<br />
Alfarabi as one that, among other things, creates similitudes of truth for citizens.<br />
To adequately express truth to citizens, the images must be specific to a<br />
people’s local culture, history, <strong>and</strong> nature in order for it to make sense to them.<br />
We might think of these similitudes as truth couched in culturally relevant<br />
colloquialisms. If this is true, then every nation’s religion will be different. And<br />
the idea of one, true, universal religion becomes a non sequitur. In fact, the mere<br />
pursuit of a single universal religion would be a sign of failure to underst<strong>and</strong> the<br />
very nature of religion <strong>and</strong> its relationship to the not-quite-virtuous regime.<br />
Alfarabi is hardly known for transparency, but he makes an<br />
especially opaque statement at the end of Attainment of Happiness (sec. 62).<br />
After just having spent pages <strong>and</strong> pages asserting that the true king-imamphilosopher<br />
is the person (or group of persons) who creates the virtuous city<br />
<strong>and</strong> attains happiness for it, Alfarabi tells us that a true king <strong>and</strong> imam is still a<br />
king <strong>and</strong> imam even if no one acknowledges that he is <strong>and</strong> obeys him (<strong>and</strong> a<br />
true philosopher is still a philosopher even if no city calls upon him to share his<br />
wisdom). How could there be an excellent king if he doesn’t know how to get<br />
anyone to obey him? If, as Alfarabi contends, one of the characteristics of the<br />
king-imam-philosopher is that he knows which methods of instruction to use<br />
on every segment of society <strong>and</strong> can bring together the persuasive arguments<br />
for some <strong>and</strong> the compulsion for others to assemble a happy society, what<br />
could possibly prevent him from being in charge? Parens interprets this oddity<br />
primarily as an explanation to a king that domination is not what a king should<br />
be about, even if that usually goes along with being king. This rendering is certainly<br />
consistent with the multiplicity argument. Muhsin Mahdi, on the other<br />
h<strong>and</strong>, finds Alfarabi’s claim that a philosopher-king could remain a philosopher-king<br />
without ruling “not wholly convincing” because excellence in an art<br />
or skill requires practice <strong>and</strong> not just a little of it (Alfarabi 2002, xxxv). Without