Beyond Struggle and Power: Heidegger's Secret ... - Interpretation
Beyond Struggle and Power: Heidegger's Secret ... - Interpretation
Beyond Struggle and Power: Heidegger's Secret ... - Interpretation
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<strong>Beyond</strong> <strong>Struggle</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Power</strong>: Heidegger’s <strong>Secret</strong> Resistance<br />
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ever before (Heidegger n.d., IX, epigram; by willing that the Germans find their<br />
essence, Heidegger is thinking with “love” for Germany—GA 66, 63). “The<br />
future ones…belong to the hard stock that will rescue the Germans <strong>and</strong> bring<br />
them back into the urgency of their essence” (GA 66, 61). But the way to this<br />
essence is not through control <strong>and</strong> violence, <strong>and</strong> essence cannot be found in<br />
blood <strong>and</strong> l<strong>and</strong> (GA 66, 167). Heidegger rejects the notion of breeding a strong<br />
human type; readiness for be-ing is not a question of breeding (GA 66, 42).<br />
Racial calculation is a consequence of subjectivism, as are both nationalism<br />
<strong>and</strong> socialism (GA 69, 44): whether the goal is to save a race or to protect individual<br />
freedom, subjectivity <strong>and</strong> its drive for power are at work (GA 69, 154).<br />
Heidegger proposes that any racial thinking will involve ranking some races<br />
over others, on the basis of their achievements or expressions (GA 69, 70; see<br />
Addendum 4). This racism is unacceptable—not because Heidegger is an egalitarian,<br />
but because the racist perspective unhistorically reduces Dasein to a<br />
substrate, an underlying thing whose power is manifested in its thoughts <strong>and</strong><br />
acts. “Peoples <strong>and</strong> races” are not understood in terms of their relation to being<br />
when they are interpreted as “units of life” (GA 66, 282).<br />
The most dramatic political passage in all these writings may<br />
be §47 of Besinnung, which begins with a sentence from a speech delivered by<br />
Hitler on 30 January 1939: “There is no attitude that cannot find its ultimate<br />
justification in the utility it provides for the [national] whole.” Heidegger proceeds<br />
to attack every concept in this sentence, not in order to impose his own<br />
ideology but in order to restore a measure of questioning to a political st<strong>and</strong>point<br />
that has hardened into a worldview. “Who is the whole? …What is its<br />
goal? …Who determines the utility? …What does attitude mean?” (GA 66,<br />
122). Heidegger concludes that Hitler is promoting only man’s oblivion of<br />
being <strong>and</strong> entanglement in beings—an obsession with domination in the<br />
name of “ideas” that alienate us from our true essence (GA 66, 123).<br />
But any reader who hopes to see Heidegger draw closer to liberal<br />
or leftist points of view will be disappointed. All political systems dem<strong>and</strong><br />
a blind “faith in faith” (GA 67, 115). All ideology is a thoughtless vulgarization<br />
of the metaphysics of ideas that must ultimately be blamed on Plato’s idea tou<br />
agathou (GA 67, 40–41)—<strong>and</strong> perhaps, in the case of liberalism <strong>and</strong> communism,<br />
on “Judeo-Christian domination” (GA 66, 39). He looks upon<br />
democratic idealism <strong>and</strong> “cultural optimism” with contempt (GA 66, 39–40),<br />
seeing the “‘common sense’ [Heidegger uses the English words] of the democracies”<br />
as essentially identical to “the rational conformity to plan of ‘total<br />
authority’” (GA 66, 234).