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Maia Ramnath - Decolonizing Anarchism.pdf - Libcom

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234 I <strong>Ramnath</strong><br />

Narmada Bachao Andolan (Save the Narmada movement)<br />

was established in 1985, and grew to be an international<br />

cause celebre, catalyzing an unprecedented alliance of en vironmental,<br />

peasant, human rights, and other organizations.<br />

But this target was still a remnant of the Nehruvian state<br />

model; dams were his great "temples" of modernity and the<br />

modern nation-state. In the more recent mobilizations, the<br />

enemy is more directly transnational capital.<br />

In 2006, the villages ofSingur and Nandigram in<br />

West Bengal, respective sites of a proposed Tata car t;lCtory<br />

and an Indonesian-owned (Selim Group) chemical<br />

plant, became volatile flash points fo r resistance and<br />

violent repression as well as widespread solidarity action,<br />

as did the Pohang Iron and Steel Company (POSCO), a<br />

Korean corporation, in the Indian state of Orissa in 2011.<br />

Such contestation is simultaneously an intervention in the<br />

logic of commerce and profit, and a primary defense of the<br />

lives and livelihoods of the people affected-thus addressing<br />

both aspects of "postcolonial" colonialism at once:<br />

global and internal. Yet the two are closely tied. Grassroots<br />

mobilizations that fo cus on !nanifestations of transrLltional<br />

corporate capitalism, engaged in the unmasked act<br />

of accumulation by dispossession, also function as implicit<br />

indictments of the neoliberalized state. So land acquisition<br />

struggles can easily be seen as continuing resistance<br />

to colonization, or at any rate to the economic processes<br />

included historically within the colonial package. This is<br />

what enclosure of the commons looks like.<br />

Similarly, the Indian state utilizes the logic of insurgency<br />

and counterinsurgency to guarantee the security of

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