Prace komisji nauk.pdf - Instytut Filologii Angielskiej Uniwersytetu ...

Prace komisji nauk.pdf - Instytut Filologii Angielskiej Uniwersytetu ... Prace komisji nauk.pdf - Instytut Filologii Angielskiej Uniwersytetu ...

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In general, the higher classes resist language change more strongly than the lower classes. The higher classes are mostly conservative and they are mostly the defenders of the standard language. The standard language, or rather, those who are able to speak it, slow down normal language development. But it is possible in the long run for the higher classes to surrender and for a new form to become generally accepted. On the other hand, situations are known in which the higher classes adopt new elements, for instance a new way of pronunciation, in order to distinguish themselves from the lower classes. An example is the pronunciation of r in New York, investigated by the important sociolinguist William Labov (Labov 1972). The higher classes have adopted a so-called rhotic pronunciation [car] instead of a vocalic one [ca ə ] for car. From these classes the prestigious pronunciation have spread to the lower classes (according the principle of social success), and it can be expected that, when this pronunciation is not very distinguishing anymore, the higher classes will adopt a new one. Changes from below (in the society) first enter into informal situations and later on spread to more formal ones. The opposite holds for changes from above. It is also possible for social contrasts to become stabilized: English walkin is the variant used by the lower classes, walking by the higher ones. The need for distinction from elderly people becomes clear in the “dialects” spoken by groups of young people e.g. in the Netherlands and in Belgium. There is much more to be said about the social aspects of language change. They are an interesting research object within sociolinguistics (cf. e.g. Hudson 1996 especially chapter 5). Conclusions Of course, I do not claim that we have now solved all problems concerning language change. That would be foolish in view of the complexity of the 26

problem. I return to the example of the disappearance of englisch “from the angels”. This was a reaction to a confusing homonymy. But what causes such a confusing homonymy? Phonological merger is a possibility, two different sounds becoming one sound. But what might be the cause of such a merger? Maybe ease of articulation. Then we must assume that a language may have difficult sounds. How are such sounds possible in a language? And so on. There is no end to the questions. This, however, is not a serious problem. We have to bear in mind that a language is always in a subtle and slightly unstable (neutral) balance. As we saw, it is affected by different factors: one factor reacts on another by compensating the less happy effects of this factor. And so things are constantly going back and forth. In spite of, or (maybe) because of that, language remains an excellent means of communication. A more serious problem concerns the fact that language changes are historical events, taking place in space and time. If languages ultimately have the same origin and if the same factors operate in them, how is it possible that they show such different developments? In fact, this is the problem of language variation. A possible answer is given by what I would call the option theory. 9 At any moment in history language users have different options: to do something or to do nothing, and if they want to do something, they have the choice between different factors and each factor may entail different possibilities. For instance, there may be various ways of making pronunciation easier. Every language user, or better: every language community – there is also the sociolinguistic factor to be taken into account – chooses its own way of development. This optionality makes it difficult if not impossible to predict future language development (but see the next paragraph). In fact, language change can only be explained afterwards, as plausible as possible. But by exploring language changes of the 9 In this connection I mention the so-called optimality theory, in which grammars of natural languages are considered to be sets of conflicting constraints on surface structures (cf. e.g. Van Oostendorp 2003). 27

In general, the higher classes resist language change more strongly than<br />

the lower classes. The higher classes are mostly conservative and they are<br />

mostly the defenders of the standard language. The standard language, or rather,<br />

those who are able to speak it, slow down normal language development. But it<br />

is possible in the long run for the higher classes to surrender and for a new form<br />

to become generally accepted. On the other hand, situations are known in which<br />

the higher classes adopt new elements, for instance a new way of pronunciation,<br />

in order to distinguish themselves from the lower classes. An example is the<br />

pronunciation of r in New York, investigated by the important sociolinguist<br />

William Labov (Labov 1972). The higher classes have adopted a so-called rhotic<br />

pronunciation [car] instead of a vocalic one [ca ə ] for car. From these classes the<br />

prestigious pronunciation have spread to the lower classes (according the<br />

principle of social success), and it can be expected that, when this pronunciation<br />

is not very distinguishing anymore, the higher classes will adopt a new one.<br />

Changes from below (in the society) first enter into informal situations and later<br />

on spread to more formal ones. The opposite holds for changes from above. It is<br />

also possible for social contrasts to become stabilized: English walkin is the<br />

variant used by the lower classes, walking by the higher ones. The need for<br />

distinction from elderly people becomes clear in the “dialects” spoken by groups<br />

of young people e.g. in the Netherlands and in Belgium. There is much more to<br />

be said about the social aspects of language change. They are an interesting<br />

research object within sociolinguistics (cf. e.g. Hudson 1996 especially chapter<br />

5).<br />

Conclusions<br />

Of course, I do not claim that we have now solved all problems concerning<br />

language change. That would be foolish in view of the complexity of the<br />

26

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