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Beijing Olympics 2008: Winning Press Freedom - World Press ...

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<strong>Beijing</strong> <strong>Olympics</strong> <strong>2008</strong>: <strong>Winning</strong> <strong>Press</strong> <strong>Freedom</strong><br />

6<br />

In the past year, China cracked down on journalists. In fact, while foreign journalists may<br />

have gained more freedom to report, just the opposite is happening to Chinese journalists<br />

in their own country. There has been a tightening of media controls and increasing<br />

harassment of journalists, political activists and human rights advocates. As one of your<br />

sponsor organizations, Reporters Without Borders, has pointed out, 29 Chinese journalists<br />

- others say 50 - were arrested in 2007, more than anywhere else in the world.<br />

Nevertheless, China today is not that of Mao Zedong, where people were persecuted for<br />

who they were, not just for what they said and did. Thus, Mao purged writers in 1955,<br />

intellectuals in 1957 and members of his own Communist Party whom he believed were<br />

conspiring against him in the Cultural Revolution from 1966 to 1976. In the post-Mao<br />

period, there is more personal, economic, artistic and intellectual freedom, but there is no<br />

political freedom. Anyone who publicly criticizes the party's political policies or tries to<br />

organize with others to make a political statement or take a political action is persecuted<br />

and jailed.<br />

A new phenomenon, however, has developed in the post-Mao era that may have<br />

increasing influence on political events, including events in Tibet and Xinjiang. It is the<br />

emergence of a middle class. Most members of China's rising middle class are not a<br />

bourgeoisie, a class that first appeared in Paris. They are not independent actors. Most of<br />

China's middle class are rising entrepreneurs, who are quickly inducted into the party. This<br />

partnership works well for both the party and the entrepreneurs. Membership gets the<br />

entrepreneurs' compliance with party dictates, while providing the entrepreneurs with<br />

access to land, resources and markets. The entrepreneurs are unable to conduct their<br />

business without connections to the party. Nevertheless, this rising middle class made<br />

possible by China's move to a market economy in the post-Mao period has spawned on its<br />

fringes a number of public intellectuals, journalists and defense lawyers who act more<br />

independently.<br />

Despite the fact that, unlike the rising entrepreneurs, they do not have the protection of<br />

the party, a small number of them have spoken out on sensitive political issues, have<br />

helped defend those who are accused of “political” crimes and have joined with ordinary<br />

people in their protests against the party's corruption and confiscation of their land for<br />

modernization projects. For the first time in the People's Republic, intellectuals are joining<br />

with ordinary people in protests against injustice, which I describe in my last book “From<br />

Comrade to Citizen: The Struggle for Political Rights in China.”<br />

Because China's move to the market has made it possible for journalists, lawyers and<br />

public intellectuals to earn incomes independent of party control, it allows these groups<br />

more freedom to speak out and to act publicly on political issues than during the Mao era.<br />

For example, in the post-Mao era, most newspapers are no longer totally supported<br />

economically by the state. They have to find their own commercial support and to do that,<br />

their editors and journalists have made great efforts to enliven their newspapers to gain<br />

readership. One of the most successful in these efforts has been the Southern Weekend<br />

(Nanfang Zhoumo) in Guangdong. Its investigative and daring articles have upset the<br />

party and several of its editors and journalists have been purged and some imprisoned,<br />

but the paper continues its independent stance and maintains its popularity.

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