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After the Interregnum - David Chandler

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formalised political and legal equality out from <strong>the</strong> sphere of informal political<br />

relations between states.<br />

Just as <strong>the</strong> ‘inside’ and <strong>the</strong> ‘outside’ were mutually constituted, so <strong>the</strong> decline of that<br />

distinction has to be understood through a consideration of both sides of <strong>the</strong><br />

‘political’. The intellectual appropriation of one side of <strong>the</strong> divide - <strong>the</strong> ‘outside’ - has<br />

been transformed because <strong>the</strong> understanding of <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r side - <strong>the</strong> ‘inside’ - has<br />

radically changed. I want to forward <strong>the</strong> suggestion that <strong>the</strong> framework for analysing<br />

International Relations has changed because, today, much less importance is attached<br />

to <strong>the</strong> ‘inside’ - to <strong>the</strong> formally institutionalised framework of legal and political<br />

equality.<br />

Let’s go back to <strong>the</strong> beginning. In old ‘political’ International Relations <strong>the</strong> sphere of<br />

sovereignty was <strong>the</strong> sphere of progress and political transformation, of debate and<br />

struggle over ‘<strong>the</strong> good life’. In contrast, <strong>the</strong> international sphere of anarchy was one<br />

of strategic interaction without a shared collective framework of <strong>the</strong> political beyond a<br />

mutual interest in co-existence. In today’s post-positivist and post-political<br />

International Relations it appears that <strong>the</strong> sovereign sphere is one of exclusion and<br />

conflict where <strong>the</strong> state dominates or ‘colonises’ <strong>the</strong> political, preventing political<br />

progress and marginalizing critical voices (Lipschutz 1992:392). William Connolly,<br />

for example, writes that Western mass politics are a form of ‘imprisonment’ because<br />

progressive demands can be derailed by national chauvinist sentiments (1991:476).<br />

From today’s vantage point it seems to be apparent that <strong>the</strong> state-level focus of old<br />

political movements limited <strong>the</strong>ir progressive potential. For Kaldor: ‘it was through<br />

19

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