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Settlers - San Francisco Bay Area Independent Media Center

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tler reunification. The stormy conflicts between settlers in<br />

the 30s had a healing effect, like draining a swollen wound.<br />

The war completed the process. Fascist and<br />

"communist," liberal and conservative alike all joined<br />

hands to follow their bourgeoisie into battle. In one small<br />

California town the press discovered that the first man in<br />

line to register for the draft was James Remochiaretta, a<br />

veteran of Mussolini's fascist Black Shirts, who proudly<br />

told everyone that he was now " 100% American."<br />

The impact of Amerika's entry into the war snapped<br />

the Italian and German communities right into line.<br />

'The Italian-Amerikan petit-bourgeoisie had been both<br />

loyally pro-U.S. imperialism and pro-fascist Italy. Up to<br />

Pearl Harbor 80% of the Italian community newspapers<br />

had been pro fascist, with almost every Italian store in New<br />

York having a prominent picture of the Italian dictator<br />

Mussolini. Only the radical political exiles, most of them<br />

trade-unionists who fled Italy just ahead of the Black<br />

Shirts, were openly anti-fascist.<br />

But once the U.S. Empire declared war on the<br />

Axis, every Italian community newspaper became "antifascist"<br />

overnight. Every Italian was now "100%<br />

American." In recognition, Italian citizens in the U.S.<br />

were removed from the "enemy alien" category by President<br />

Roosevelt on Columbus Day, 1942. (24)<br />

This growing, settleristic unity promoted by the<br />

war sharply increased attacks on the nationally oppressed.<br />

This was one of the major social trends of the war period.<br />

While the tightened oppression of the Puerto Rican masses<br />

was a policy of the imperialists, these attacks came from all<br />

classes and sectors of settler society - from top to bottom.<br />

On the West Coast the settler petit-bourgeoisie,<br />

primarily farming interests and small merchants, used settler<br />

chauvinism and the identification of Japanese as<br />

members of a rival imperialist Power, to plunder and completely<br />

remove the Japanese population. Just as the<br />

Chinese had been robbed and driven out of mining,<br />

agriculture and industry in the 19th century West, so now<br />

Japanese would be driven out. As everyone knows, some<br />

110,000 of us were forcibly "relocated" into concentration<br />

camps by the U.S. Government in 1942.<br />

Settler rule had restricted and hemmed in Japanese<br />

labor into the national minority economy of specialized<br />

agriculture, wholesale and retail food distribution, and<br />

domestic labor (in 1940 these three categories accounted<br />

for 84% of all Japanese employment). (25) But even this<br />

little was too much for the settler petit-bourgeoisie on the<br />

West Coast.<br />

The Euro-Amerikans not only wanted the<br />

Japanese removed as competitors, but they wanted to take<br />

over and "annex" the agricultural business so painstakingly<br />

built up by the Japanese farmers. The typical Japanese<br />

farm of the period was very small, averaging only 42 acres<br />

each (less than one-fifth the average size of Euro-American<br />

farms in California). But these intensively developed<br />

lands, which comprised only 3.9% of California's<br />

farmland, produced fully 42% of the State's fresh fruits<br />

and vegetables. (26) The settler farm lobby wanted our<br />

business, which was too valuable to be left to "Japs."<br />

Austin E. Anson, representative of the Shipper-<br />

Grower Association of Salinas, told the public: "We're<br />

charged with wanting to get rid of the Japs for selfish<br />

reasons. We might as well be honest. We do." Through<br />

their political influence, these interests got U.S. Sen.<br />

Hiram .Tohnsnn to pull together the West Coast congressional<br />

delegation as a bloc and push through the concentration<br />

camp program. (27)<br />

By military order, enforced by the U.S. Army, the<br />

whole Japanese population was forced to leave or sell at<br />

give-away prices all we had - houses, land, businesses,<br />

cars, refrigerators; tools, furniture, . etc. The Federal<br />

Reserve Bank loosely estrmated the d~rect property loss<br />

alone at $400 million 1942 dollars. (28) The real loss was in<br />

the many billions - and in lives. But it was no loss to settlers,<br />

who ended up with much of it. West Coast settlers<br />

had a festive time, celebrating the start of their war by<br />

greedily dividing up that $400 million in " Jap" property.<br />

It was a gigantic garage sale held at gunpoint. This was just<br />

an early installment in settler prosperity from world war.<br />

For Hawaii, a U.S. colony right in the middle of<br />

Asia, no such simple solution was possible. Early government<br />

discussions on removing and incarcerating the<br />

Japanese population quickly floundered. Over one-third<br />

of the working population there was Japanese, and<br />

without their labor the Islands' economy might break<br />

down. The U.S. Army said that: "...the labor shortage<br />

make it a matter of military necessity to keep the people of<br />

Japanese blood on the islands." Army and Navy officers<br />

proposed that the Japanese be kept at work there for the<br />

U.S. Empire, but treated "as citizens of an occupied<br />

Above and right, Burmashave sign read "Slap the Jap with Scrapiron,<br />

Burmashave." (National Archives) 96

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