Settlers - San Francisco Bay Area Independent Media Center
Settlers - San Francisco Bay Area Independent Media Center
Settlers - San Francisco Bay Area Independent Media Center
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practiced segregation on a broad scale, it was equally<br />
prepared to use integration. When it turned after cracking<br />
GM and Chrysler to confront Ford, the most strongly antiunion<br />
of the Big Three auto companies, the UAW had to<br />
make a convincing appeal to the 12,000 Afrikan workers<br />
there. So special literature was issued, Afrikan church and<br />
civil rights leaders negotiated with, and - most importantly<br />
- Afrikan organizers were hired by the CIO to directly<br />
win over their brothers at Ford.<br />
The colonial labor policy for the U.S. Empire was,<br />
as we previously discussed, fundamentally reformed in the<br />
1830s. The growing danger of slave revolts and the swelling<br />
Afrikan majority in many key cities led to special restrictions<br />
on the use of Afrikan labor. Once the mainstay of<br />
manufacture and mining, Afrikans were increasingly moved<br />
out of the urban economy. When the new factories<br />
spread in the 1860s, Afrikans were kept out in most cases.<br />
The general colonial labor policy of the U.S. Empire has<br />
been to strike a balance between the need to exploit colonial<br />
labor and the safeguard of keeping the keys to<br />
modern industry and technology out of colonial hands.<br />
history of the UAW notes: "As the UA W official later<br />
conceded.. .in most cases the earliest contracts froze the existing<br />
pattern of segregation and even discrimination'."<br />
(41) At the Atlanta GM plant, whose 1936 Sit-Down strike<br />
is still pointed to by the settler "Left" as an example of<br />
militant "Southern labor history," only total whitesupremacy<br />
was goed enough for the CIO workers. The victorious<br />
settler auto workers not only used their new-found<br />
union power to restrict Afrikan workers to being janitors,<br />
but did away altogether with even the pretense of having<br />
them as union members. For the next ten years the Atlanta<br />
UAW was all-white. (42)<br />
So in answer to the question raised in 1937 by the<br />
NAACP, the true answer was "no" - the new CIO auto<br />
workers union was not going to get Afrikans more jobs,<br />
better jobs, an equal share of jobs, or any jobs. This was<br />
not a "sell-out" by some bureaucrat, but the nature of the<br />
CIO. Was there a big struggle by union militants on this<br />
issue? No. Did at least the Euro-Amerikan "Left" - there<br />
being many members in Flint, for example, of the Communist<br />
Party USA, the Socialist Party, and the various<br />
Trotskyists - back up their Afrikan "union brothers" in a<br />
principled way? No.<br />
It is interesting that in his 1937 UAW Convention<br />
report on the Flint Victory, Communist Party USA militant<br />
Bob Travis covered up the white-supremacist nature<br />
of the Flint CIO. In his report (which covers even such<br />
topics as union baseball leagues) there was not one word<br />
about the Afrikan GM workers and the heavy situation<br />
they faced. And if that was the practice of the most advanced<br />
settler radicals, we can well estimate the political<br />
level of the ordinary Euro-Amerikan worker.<br />
Neither integration nor segregation was basic -<br />
oppressor nation domination was basic. If the UAW-CIO<br />
On an immediate level Afrikan labor - as colonial<br />
subjects - were moved into or out of specific industries as<br />
the U.S. Empire's needs evolved. The contradiction between<br />
the decision to stabilize the Empire by giving more<br />
privilege to settler workers (ultimately by deproletarianizing<br />
them) and the need to limit the role of Afrikan labor<br />
was just emerging in the early 20th century.<br />
So the CIO did not move to oppose open, rigid<br />
segregation in the Northern factories until the U.S.<br />
Government told them to during World War 11. Until that<br />
time the CIO supported existing segregation, while accepting<br />
those Afrikans as union members who were already in<br />
the plants. Thi-s was only to strengthen settler unionism's<br />
power on the shop floor. During its initial 1935-1941<br />
organizing period the CIO maintained the existing oppressor<br />
nation/oppressed nations job distribution: settler<br />
workers monopolized the skilled crafts and the mass of<br />
semi-skilled preoduction line jobs, while colonial workers<br />
had the fewer unskilled labor and broom-pushing positions.<br />
For its first seven years the CIO not only refused<br />
to help Afrikan workers fight Jim Crow, but even refused<br />
to intervene when they were being driven out of the factories.<br />
Even as the U.S. edged into World War I1 many<br />
corporations were intensifying the already tight restrictions<br />
on Afrikan labor. Now that employment was picking up<br />
with the war boom, it was felt not only that Euro-<br />
Amerikans should have the new jobs but that Afrikans<br />
were not yet to be trusted at the heart of the imperialist war<br />
industry.<br />
Robert C. Weaver of the Roosevelt Administration<br />
admitted: "When the defense program got under way,<br />
the Negro was only on the sidelines of American industry,<br />
he seemed to be losing ground daily." Chrysler had<br />
decreed that only Euro-Amerikans could work at the new<br />
Chrysler Tank Arsenal in Detroit. Ford Motor Co. was<br />
starting many new, all-settler departments - while rejecting<br />
99 out of 100 Afrikan men referred to Ford by the<br />
88 U.S. Employment Service. And up in Flint, the 240