Settlers - San Francisco Bay Area Independent Media Center
Settlers - San Francisco Bay Area Independent Media Center
Settlers - San Francisco Bay Area Independent Media Center
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Three other imperatives shaped CIO policy: 1. To<br />
maintain settler privilege in the form of reserving the skilled<br />
crafts, more desirable production jobs, and the operation<br />
of the unions themselves to Euro-Amerikans. 2. Any<br />
tactical concessions to Afrikan labor had to conform to the<br />
CIO's need to maintain the unity of Euro-Amerikans. 3.<br />
The CIO's policy on Afrikan labor had to be consistent<br />
with the overall colonial labor policy of the U.S. Empire.<br />
We should underline the fact that rather than challenge<br />
U.S. imperialism's rules on the status and role of colonial<br />
labor, the CIO as settler unions loyally followed those<br />
rules.<br />
To use the automobile industry as a case, there was<br />
considerable integration within the liberal United Auto<br />
Workers (UAW-CIO). That is, there was considerable<br />
recruiting of Afrikan labor to help Euro-Amerikan<br />
workers advance their particular class interests. The first<br />
Detroit Sit-Down was at Midland Steel Frame in 1936. The<br />
UAW not only recruited Afrikan workers to play an active<br />
role in the strike, but organized their families into the CIO<br />
support campaign. Midland Frame, which made car<br />
frames for Chrysler and Ford, was 30% Afrikan. There<br />
the UAW had no reasonable chance of victory without<br />
commanding Afrikan forces as well as its own.<br />
But at the many plants that were overwhelmingly<br />
settler, the CIO obviously treated Afrikan labor differently.<br />
In those majority of the situations the new union supported<br />
segregation. In Flint, Michigan the General Motors<br />
plants were Jim Crow. Afrikans were employed only in the<br />
foundry or as janitors, at sub-standard wages (many, of<br />
course, did other work although still officially segregated<br />
and underpaid as "janitors"). Not only skilled jobs, but<br />
even semi-skilled production line assembly work was<br />
reserved for settlers.<br />
While the UAW fought GM on wages, hours, civil<br />
liberties for settler workers, and so forth, it followed the<br />
general relationship to colonial labor that GM had laid<br />
down. So that the contradiction between settler labor and<br />
settler capitalists was limited, so to say, to their oppressor<br />
nation, and didn't change their common front towards the<br />
oppressed nations and their proletariats.<br />
At the time of the Flint Sit-Down victory in<br />
February, 1937, the NAACP issued a statement raising the<br />
question of more jobs: "Everywhere in Michigan colored<br />
people are asking whether the new CIO union is going to<br />
permit Negroes to work up into some of the good jobs or<br />
whether it is just going to protect them in the small jobs<br />
they already have in General Motors." (37)<br />
That was an enlightening question. Many UAW<br />
radicals had already answered "yes." Wyndham Mortimer,<br />
the Communist Party USA trade union leader who<br />
was 1st Vice-President of the new UAW-CIO, left behind a<br />
series of autobiographical sketches of his union career<br />
when he died. Beacon Press, the publishing house of the<br />
liberal Unitarian-Universalist Church, has printed this<br />
autobiography under the stirring title Organize! In his<br />
own words Mortimer left us an inside view of his secret<br />
negotiations with Afrikan auto workers in Flint.<br />
Mortimer had made an initial organizing trip to<br />
Flint in June, 1936, to start setting up the new union. Anx-<br />
ious to get support from Afrikan workers for the coming<br />
big strike, Mortimer arranged for a secret meeting:<br />
"A short time later, I found a note under my hotel<br />
room door. It was hard to read because so many grimy<br />
hands had handled it. It said, "Tonight at midnight,"<br />
followed by a number on Industrial Avenue. It was signed,<br />
"Henry." Promptly at midnight, I was at the number he<br />
had given. It was a small church and was totally dark. I<br />
rapped on the door and waited. Soon the door was opened<br />
and I went inside. The place was lighted by a small candle,<br />
carefully shaded to prevent light showing. Inside there<br />
were eighteen men, all of them Negroes and all of them<br />
from the Buick foundry. I told them why I was in Flint,<br />
what I hoped to do in the way of improving conditions and<br />
raising their living standards. A question period followed.<br />
The questions were interesting in that they dealt with the<br />
union's attitude toward discrimination and with what the<br />
union's policy was toward bettering the very bad conditions<br />
of the Negro people. One of them said, "You see, we<br />
have all the problems and worries of the white folks, and<br />
then we have one more: we are Negroes."<br />
"I pointed out that the old AFL leadership was<br />
gone. The CIO had a new program with a new leadership<br />
that realized that none of us was free unless we were all<br />
free. Part of our program was to fight Jim Crow. Our program<br />
would have a much better chance of success if the<br />
Negro worker joined with us and added his voice and<br />
presence on the union floor. Another man arose and asked,<br />
"Will we have a local union of our own?" 1 replied,<br />
"We are not a Jim Crow union, nor do we have any<br />
second-class citizens in our membership!"<br />
"The meeting ended with eighteen application<br />
cards signed and eighteen dollars in initiation fees collected.<br />
I cautioned them not to stick their necks out, but<br />
quietly to get their fellow workers to sign application cards<br />
and arrange other meetings.. ." (38)<br />
Mortimer's recollections are referred to over and<br />
over in Euro-Amerikan "Left" articles on the CIO as supposed<br />
fact. In actual fact there was little Afrikan support<br />
for the Flint Sit-Down. Onlyfive Afrikans took part in the<br />
Flint Sit-Down Strike. Nor was that an exception. In the<br />
1937 Sit-Down at Chrysler's Dodge Main in Detroit only<br />
three Afrikan auto workers stayed with the strike. During<br />
the critical, organizing years of the UAW, Afrikan auto<br />
workers were primarily sitting out the fight between settler<br />
labor and settler corporations. (39) It was not their nation,<br />
not their union, and not their fight. And the results of the<br />
UAW-CIO victory proved their point of view.<br />
The Flint Sit-Down was viewed by Euro-Amerikan<br />
workers there as their victory, and they absolutely intended<br />
to eat the dinner themselves. So at Flint's Chevrolet No. 4<br />
factory the first UAW & GM contract after the Sit-Down<br />
contained a clause on "noninterchangibility" reaffirming<br />
settler privilege. The new union now told the Afrikan<br />
workers that the contract made it illegal for them to move<br />
up beyond being janitors or foundry workers. That was the<br />
fruit of the great Flint Sit-Down - a Jim Crow labor contract.<br />
(40) The same story was true at Buick, exposing how<br />
empty were the earlier promises to Afrikan workers.<br />
87 This was not limited to one plant or one city. A