Settlers - San Francisco Bay Area Independent Media Center
Settlers - San Francisco Bay Area Independent Media Center
Settlers - San Francisco Bay Area Independent Media Center
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colored men whom they could guarantee would not<br />
organize and were not bolsheviks." This was at a time<br />
when the Garvey Movement, the all-Afrikan labor unions,<br />
and the growth of Pan-Afrikanist and revolutionary forces<br />
were taking place within the Afrikan nation.<br />
The Northern factories placed strict quotas on the<br />
number of Afrikan workers. Not because they weren't profitable<br />
enough. Not because the employers were "prejudiced"<br />
- as the liberals would have it - but because the imperialists<br />
believed that Afrikan labor could most safely be<br />
used when it was surrounded by a greater mass of settler<br />
labor. In 1937 an official of the U.S. Steel Gary Works admitted<br />
that for the previous 14 years corporate policy had<br />
set the percentage of Afrikan workers at the mill to 15%.<br />
(32)<br />
The Ford Motor Co. had perhaps the most extensive<br />
system of using Afrikan labor under plantation-like<br />
control, with Henry Ford acting as the planter. A special<br />
department of Ford management was concerned with<br />
dominating not only the on-the-job life of Afrikan<br />
workers, but the refugee community as well. Ford hired<br />
only through the Afrikan churches, with each church being<br />
given money if its members stayed obedient to Ford. ~ h;<br />
company also subsidized Afrikan bourgeois organizations.<br />
His Afrikan employees and their families constituted<br />
about one-fourth of the entire Detroit Afrikan community.<br />
Both the NAACP and the Urban League were singing<br />
Ford's praises, and warning Afrikan auto workers not to<br />
have anything to do with unions. One report on the Ford<br />
system in the 1930s said:<br />
"There is hardly a Negro church, fraternal body,<br />
or other organization in which Ford workers are not<br />
represented. Scarcely a Negro professional or business<br />
man is completely independent of income derived from<br />
Ford employees. When those seeking Ford jobs are added<br />
to this group, it is readily seen that the Ford entourage was<br />
able to exercise a dominating influence in the<br />
community. " (33)<br />
The Afrikan refugee communities, extensions of<br />
an oppressed nation, became themselves miniature colonies,<br />
with an Afrikan bourgeois element acting as the<br />
local agents of the foreign imperialists. Ford's system was<br />
unusual only in that one capitalist very conspicuously took<br />
as his role that which is usually done more quietly by a<br />
committee of capitalists through business, foundations<br />
and their imperialist government.<br />
This colonial existence in the midst of industrial<br />
Amerika gave rise to contradiction, to the segregation of<br />
the oppressed creating its opposite in the increasingly important<br />
role of Afrikan labor in industrial production.<br />
Having been forced to concentrate in certain cities and certain<br />
industries and even certain plants, Afrikan labor at the<br />
end of the 1920's was discovered to have a strategic role in<br />
Northern industry far out of proportion to its still small<br />
numbers. In Cleveland Afrikans comprised 50% of the<br />
metal working industry; in Chicago they were 40-50% of<br />
the meat packing plants; in Detroit the Afrikan auto<br />
workers made up 12% of the workforce at Ford, 10% at<br />
Briggs, 30% at Midland Steel Frame. (34)<br />
86<br />
just arrived in Chicago from the South<br />
Overall, Afrikan workers-employed in the industrial<br />
economy were concentrated in just five industries:<br />
automotive, steel, meat-packing, coal, railroads. The first<br />
four were where settler labor and settler capitalists were<br />
about to fight out their differences in the 1930s and early<br />
1940s. And Afrikan labor was right in the middle.<br />
In a number of industrial centers, then, the CIO<br />
unions could not be secure without controlling Afrikan<br />
labor. And on their side, Afrikan workers urgently needed<br />
improvement in their economic condition. A 1929 study of<br />
the automobile industry comments:<br />
"As one Ford employment official has stated,<br />
'Many of the Negroes are employed in the foundry and do<br />
work that nobody else would do.' The writer noticed in<br />
one Chevrolet plant that Negroes were engaged on the dirtiest,<br />
roughest and most disagreeable work, for example,<br />
in the painting of axles. At the Chrysler plant they are used<br />
exclusively on paint jobs, and at the Chandler-Cleveland<br />
plant certain dangerous emery wheel grinding jobs were<br />
given only to Negroes." (35)<br />
In virtually all auto plants Afrikans were not<br />
allowed to work on the production lines, and were<br />
segregated in foundry work, painting, as janitors, drivers<br />
and other "service" jobs. They earned 35-38 cents per<br />
hour, which was one-half of the pay of the Euro-Amerikan<br />
production line workers. This was true at Packard, at GM,<br />
and many other companies. (36)<br />
The CIO's policy, then, became to promote integration<br />
under settler leadership where Afrikan labor was<br />
numerous and strong (such as the foundries, the meatpacking<br />
plants, etc.), and to maintain segregation and Jim<br />
Crow in situations where Afrikan labor was numerically<br />
lesser and weak. Integration and segregation were but two<br />
aspects of the same settler hegemony.