Settlers - San Francisco Bay Area Independent Media Center
Settlers - San Francisco Bay Area Independent Media Center
Settlers - San Francisco Bay Area Independent Media Center
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dustries, trades, and nationalities-it became the first truly<br />
international campaign of European workers, as the First<br />
International spread it to England, France and all of<br />
Europe. The largest single Eight-Hour demonstration was<br />
not in Europe or the U.S., however, but was in Manila;<br />
Filipino workers defied the Spanish colonial authorities<br />
and struck in a massive rally of one million. Many<br />
Afrikan, Mexicano and Chinese workers responded<br />
militantly to the call for the Eight-Hour struggle, and in<br />
some areas Afrikan workers took an early lead in stirring<br />
up action. But the campaign, instead of uniting working<br />
people, furthered disunity.<br />
7<br />
8-Hour Day Movement, New York--1872<br />
Of course, when Kennady talks about "the working<br />
population" he isn't refering to Mexicanos, Chinese,<br />
Indians, or Afrikans-he is only discussing white settlers.<br />
When he proudly points out how "every branch of skilled<br />
industry has its own union", he means unions of white<br />
workers. While he refers to these new unions taking care of<br />
"domestic differences", it is interesting that he fails to<br />
mention the trade-union role in the primary labor conflict<br />
of the time-the drive by the white unions to annex the<br />
jobs of oppressed workers. This is a curiously right-wing<br />
result from such a supposedly "class-conscious" labor<br />
campaign.<br />
This contradiction sums up the Eight-Hour struggle<br />
(and the great strike wave of 1873-77). The Eight-Hour<br />
demand was not only righteous, but it was a demand that<br />
hit home to working people across the widest variety of in-<br />
It was no coincidence that no sooner had the early<br />
victories of the Eight-Hour campaign unified and<br />
strengthened white labor in California then they began<br />
stepping up the attack against Chinese workers. Nor is it<br />
true that the Eight-Hour campaign was the work of noble,<br />
class-conscious trade-unionists, while the anti-Chinese and<br />
anti-Afrikan campaigns were the work of some totally<br />
separate bands of declassed hoodlums and bigots. Both<br />
were the acts of the same hands. All of the individual craft<br />
unions, the large federations such as the National Labor<br />
Union and the Knights of Labor, the local trades<br />
assemblies, the labor press, the left organizations such as<br />
the Socialist Labor Party and the Communist-led General<br />
German Working Men's Association, were involved in<br />
these white supremacist offensives.<br />
Unlike the experience of other nations, the Eight-<br />
Hour campaign in the U.S. Empire had an anti-democratic<br />
character, consolidating the settler masses around procapitalist<br />
politics. In regard to the pivotal struggle of Black<br />
Reconstruction, it is clear that the overwhelming majority<br />
of the Eight-Hour Day activists wcrc in the camp of the<br />
Anti-Chinese cartoon by Thomas Nast, famous "reform" cartoonist--1870<br />
46