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Settlers - San Francisco Bay Area Independent Media Center

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5. The Contradictions of White Labor<br />

The issue of a shorter work day spread enthusiastically<br />

among the white workers between 1866 and<br />

1873. During these years the Eight-Hour Day struggle held<br />

first place in the activities of white labor. With considerable<br />

foresight, the leaders of the National Labor<br />

Union had seen the need for such a single issue to unite and<br />

discipline their immature followers. At the founding Convention<br />

of the N.L.U. in Baltimore, on August 20, 1866,<br />

the call was sent forth for all white workingmen in every<br />

region, trade and industry to combine on this one front:<br />

". . . the firsr and great necessity of the present to free the<br />

labor of this country from capitalistic slavery is the passing<br />

of a law by which eight hours shall be the normal working<br />

day in aN states of the American union. "(52)<br />

Throughout the '60s and early '70s the Eight-Hour<br />

Day Movement grew, with immigrant German socialists<br />

playing a leading role in organizing "Eight Hour Leagues"<br />

in all the major cities of the Empire.(53) Literally millions<br />

took part in the strikes, parades and rallies. By 1868 six<br />

states, led by California, a number of cities, and the<br />

Federal government had passed Eight-Hour Day laws (the<br />

last only applying to Federal employees). In 1872, when<br />

the New York City building trades won a three-month<br />

strike for the Eight-Hour Day, a festive parade of 150,000<br />

white workmen took over the main streets of the city.(54)<br />

But this campaign folded like wet cardboard during<br />

the Depression of 1873-78, when it turned out that the<br />

capitalists had no intention of honoring any promises, 45<br />

agreements or laws. The white trade-unionists found their<br />

hours of toil increasing while their pay was steadily slashed.<br />

Not until the C.I.O. and New Deal in the 1930's would<br />

white workers attain their goal of the Eight-Hour Day.<br />

Defeat, however, is not the same thing as failure;<br />

the Eight-Hour campaign was a success for white labor. It<br />

was a new stage of unity, the first, Empire-wide, coast-tocoast<br />

political campaign. As such it marked the historic<br />

point where the swelling settler masses emerged upwards<br />

from their earlier, pre-industrial, small craft consciousness-and<br />

entered the industrial age.<br />

That campaign was the first time white labor actually<br />

achieved a broad, national unity in action. This was<br />

evident at the time. Alexander Kennady, head of the <strong>San</strong><br />

<strong>Francisco</strong> Trades Assembly and a leader of both the Eight-<br />

Hour campaign and the National Labor Union, said:<br />

"...By far the most important result of this eight hour<br />

agitation-to those who look forward to the day when<br />

labor, organized and effectively drilled, shall assume its<br />

legitimate sphere in the body politic-is visible in the<br />

marked improvement in the character of the men engaged<br />

in the movement. A few years ago the working population<br />

of California were in a chaotic state-disorganized, and at<br />

the mercy of the capitalists-with very rare exceptions. Today,<br />

nearly every branch of skilled industry has its own<br />

union, fixing its own rate of wages, and regulating its<br />

domestic differences. A spirit of independence, and a feeling<br />

of mutual confidence inspire its members.. . "(55)

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