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estricted crafts rose at a rate 3 times that for Third World workers. This was like a new wave of European immigration to reinforce the settler hold on their job market. And it was a "breath of fresh air," modernizing settler society. Now, for instance even the New York Times has a very literary "women's consciousness" column (called "Hers"), where feminist leaders and writers can reach a mass audience. The fractures of the sixties are being reconciled and reunited among settlers. Novelist Gail Sheehy wrote in this column: "Behind just about every successful woman I know with a public as well as a private life there is another woman. The dirty little secret is, all but one of the female leaders interviewed here has household help.. . " Sheehy herself tried Filipino and Argentinian domestics unsuccessfully (too "hostile") before going back to the tried and true Afrikan woman domestic. (17) While Women's Liberation is an essential part of the world revolutionary future, the struggles of women in various societies have their own national characteristics. In the U.S. oppressor nation the politics of Women's Liberation form but one small current within the much larger, overall Women's Movement. This larger Movement is proimperialist, and is concerned only with equality of privilege among male and female settlers. It is opposed to any liberation in general. The revolutionary ideas of Women's Liberation rested lightly upon the surface of the Women's Movement, and some individual women did pick them up. Real wages in the U.S. began to stagnate in 1967, when imperialism ran aground on the Vietnamese Revolution. For the first time since World War I1 rapid inflation was eating at the upward spiral of Euro-Amerikan income. In this continuing crisis the new income of Euro-Amerikan women saved the settler family from "loss of buying power" (a phrase of the oppressor nation economy that carries an almost traumatic weight). The new income of employed women contributed to the 22% increase in real per capita income in the U.S. between 1970-1980. The Euro-Amerikan family continued its way of life by becoming a two-wage-earner family (at a time when Afrikan proletarian families, for example, were increasingly becoming the reverse). By 1978 some 75% of the U.S. families with incomes over $25,000 per year had two wage-earners. The New York Times reported. "Across the nation women have swarmed into the workforce by the millions, swelling the numbers of multiincome families. That trend can mask the effects of inflation, since a substantial number of families are living better than they did.." (18) We are not just describing simple social bribery, as in the bourgeoisification of European workers in Germany, France, England, etc. In Europe the bribed workers came from a long history of class war, in societies with centuries of sharply defined and rigid class divisions. Their classes, however bribed and infected, still exist as formations in the actual social world - occupying traditional communities, continuing a definite class culture. Politically, the European working class still swell the large, nominally-"s~cialist'~, voluntary industrial unions (which do not exist in the U.S. oppressor nation), and are electorally represented by their traditional working-class parties - the German Social- Democratic Party, the French Communist Party, etc. Of course, the long-range trends of world polarization and internationalization mean that all oppressor nation societies have become more alike and will become even more so. In Amerika this bribery, this bourgeoisification, took place within the context of a settler society, which has its own history, culture and traditions - based not on class struggle, but on their material role as the privileged garrison over the continental Empire. The immigrant European proletarians were bribed by being absorbed - "in- TlravWwcllong f O$d Street In the Watt8 dectlonof Lo8 Angcles on dug. 14,1)85, three days after the rioting began. 150
milltant mural In east Los Angeles: Strident voices from some quarters have grown louder. Photo for the Trtoune by AP tegrated" if you will - into this specific society. So in Amerika intra-oppressor class distinctions have always been muted on the mass level by the fact that the main distinction was whether you were a settler or a subject, whether you were in the slave patrols or enslaved in the fields, whether you were in the frontier garrison community or imprisoned in the reservation. This was the all-important identity, to which everything else was subordinate. Only someone with no contact with reality can fail to see this. The Garrison Community The Euro-Amerikan community is not just a conglomeration of stores and residences. It is a physical structure for settler life, in which the common culture of the Empire garrison still lives on. These garrison communities are enforcers of the oppressor nation way of life among its citizens, demanding social conformity and ideological regimentation. They have certain specific characteristics: the most glaring of which is that colonial subjects are generally barred out. Why should the settler garrison let the "Indians" live inside the walls of the fort? There is an arrogance but at the same time an underlying feeling of being threatened or besieged by "those people" - which occasionally breaks out in collective hysteria (during which guns are flourished and the laggards rush to buy out the local gunshops). The confining, boring and philistine way of life of these communities is one reason Euro-Amerikan youth "dropped out" of them in such numbers during the 1 960s. There are, of course, different types of settler communities, distinguished by a number of things, including by class. The community of multi-millionaires in Palm Springs or Aspen is very different from the communities of Canarsie or Skokie or Charlestown. As are the "hip-eoisie" communities of Berkeley or Greenwich Village. On the mass level, however, a certain type oJ supra-class Euro-Amerikan community has been characteristic for over a century. It is a small homeowning, small-propertied community. In it the lower middle class, the labor aristocracy and other workers share the tight but generally comfortable life of the settler garrison. This is where community life is supported by the con- 151 spicuous concentration of state services - parks, garbage
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The minority puts a dogmatic view i
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U.S. imperialism would rather that
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The final point we must make is tha
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carpenter would earn in a day. When
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while the evil planter and the Lond
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society of settlers. The large majo
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11. STRUGGLES & ALLIANCES The popul
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, . , in short what wee did in that
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more nearly fascistic. Bacon was th
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"democracy" through wresting their
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111. THE CONTRADICTIONS OF NATION &
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The Charleston conspiracy of 1822,
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IV. SETTLER TRADE- UNIONISM 1. The
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Cherokee Nation on "Trail of Tears
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taxation and other measures to give
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gospel truth by most settlers that
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their places as barbers and servant
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is a historic engineering achieveme
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Chinaman always have something to e
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While marching through a region, th
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off the former plantations at bayon
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hostility, can be expected of two-t
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the early 1830's, continued and gat
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dustries, trades, and nationalities
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Irish, (2) German, and (3) many sma
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On the other hand, there is the ten
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ed bribery: "The truth is this: dur
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narionally-disrincf strata (literal
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2. Settler Opposition To Imperialis
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His political thought was that wher
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fine and resumed his post as U.S. c
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workers from Southern and Eastern E
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and "Break up the narionalisric, ra
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While the I.W.W. was backward in ma
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As the Great Powers were drawn into
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The I.W.W. publicly criticised thos
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Magon once angrily wrote his brothe
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The authorities did not move to "re
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VII. BREAKTHROUGH OF THE C.I.O. It
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danger, because alcohol was needed
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Millions of settlers believed that
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President Roosvelt privately said i
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importantly, to break up the rising
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colored men whom they could guarant
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practiced segregation on a broad sc
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VIII. IMPERIALIST WAR & THE NEW AME
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This remarkable editorial was accur
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Japan would be forced into a "fairl
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tler reunification. The stormy conf
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Afrikans and Asians on the West Coa
Page 102 and 103: strategy to its limits, the U.S. Em
Page 104 and 105: I t I In 1921 the African Blood Bro
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Page 108 and 109: Negro is the goat of the STFU. " Al
Page 110 and 111: The support movement took many form
Page 112 and 113: These agricultural workers paid $8.
Page 114 and 115: the whole Afrikan population within
Page 116 and 117: with a Negro World was five years a
Page 118 and 119: "(5) The U.N.I.A. is chiefly compos
Page 120 and 121: ming themselves and preparing to ta
Page 122 and 123: workers would have to wear an arm b
Page 124 and 125: strike down the Afrikan Nation - an
Page 126 and 127: Asians or Chicano-Mexicanos or Afri
Page 128 and 129: and resisters. But this popular cur
Page 130 and 131: who had once started it. In the ear
Page 132 and 133: activists, former Communist members
Page 134 and 135: Campos. Afterwards, Foster wrote a
Page 136 and 137: Toure related this to the fact that
Page 138 and 139: XII. THE GLOBAL PLANTATION 1. The P
Page 140 and 141: presidents..five secretaries did th
Page 142 and 143: The maquilas do not constitute any
Page 144 and 145: The shortfall only exists because a
Page 146 and 147: For Every Party, There's a Morning
Page 148 and 149: While there are numbers of Euro-Ame
Page 150 and 151: suming things and owning things, no
Page 154 and 155: collection, swimming pools, better
Page 156 and 157: children. For them the flavor is so
Page 158 and 159: XIV. TACTICAL & STRATEGIC The settl
Page 160 and 161: Since Afrikan miners were perhaps 2
Page 162 and 163: man, would ask of you to dispel1 ai
Page 164 and 165: Coal From South Africa Apartheid in
Page 166 and 167: Besides, he continued, to be overly
Page 168 and 169: INTRODUCTION 1. AU references to di
Page 170 and 171: 26. ROGER W. SHUGG. Origins of Clas
Page 172 and 173: 162-166. 16. FRANCIS PERKINS. The R
Page 174: 6. New York Times. September 18, 19
Page 179 and 180: BALTIMORE, APRIL, 1968 - I'm not go
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