Impact Of Agricultural Market Reforms On Smallholder Farmers In ...
Impact Of Agricultural Market Reforms On Smallholder Farmers In ... Impact Of Agricultural Market Reforms On Smallholder Farmers In ...
production, and women actually spend more time on non-agricultural activities. This is presumably the result of the commercial and other opportunities associated with proximity to the major urban centers and to Nigeria. The patterns of time allocation in Zou are unusual in that leisure and personal time account for a larger part of the day than in other departments (see Table 4.1.35). The allocation of time also varies across expenditure categories, although the differences are surprisingly small. The time spent on agricultural production and post-harvest activities does not vary consistently with expenditure category, nor does the time devoted to leisure or personal time. Only two clear patterns are observed. First, both men and women in the higher expenditure categories spend significantly more time on non-agricultural activities than do poor households. Men and women each spend 2.2 hours on non-agricultural activities in the lowest expenditure category, but 3.2-3.3 hours in the highest expenditure category. This is not surprising, given that non-agricultural activities require skills and capital that generate higher returns than agricultural activities. Second, the time women spend on household work, water collection, and wood gathering declines in higher expenditure categories. Women spend 5.4 hours per day on these three activities in the lowest expenditure category, compared to 4.7 hours in the highest category. This decline may be associated with the purchase of fuelwood, access to more convenient water sources, and the use of domestic employees to carry out these tasks (see Table 4.1.36). Changes in time allocation How has the allocation of time for men and women changed over time? The survey asks farmers which activity (if any) occupies more of their day now than it did in 1992. Roughly half of the respondents reported that there has been no change. The most commonly cited changes, however, were an increase in the time devoted to agricultural production during the rainy season. This was true for both men and women, cited by 31 percent and 24 percent of the households, respectively. The second most commonly cited change was an increase in non-agricultural work during the dry season, cited by 17-18 percent of households for both men and women (see Table 4.1.37). These results could be read in two ways. Optimists would say that the economic reforms have been successful in providing better incentives for agricultural production, as well as stimulating nonagricultural activities in the off-season. Pessimists would argue that austerity has forced farmers to spend more time on agricultural production to make ends meet and to spend more time on low- 49
paying work in the informal sector. In order to resolve this difference, it is useful to look at how changes in time allocation differ regionally. The proportion of households reporting increased time on agricultural activities is greatest in Atacora (25 percent of households), Borgou (24 percent), and Zou (20 percent) (see Table 4.1.38). Since these are the three main cotton producing departments of Bénin, these results suggest that the additional time allocated to agriculture is a response to better opportunities rather than a means of coping with hard times. The increase in personal time (particularly in Atacora and Zou) also supports this interpretation. The changes in time allocation also differ between male- and female-headed households. Femaleheaded households are more likely to report an increase in time allocated to agriculture (27 percent compared to 18 percent for male-headed households) and more likely to report an increase in personal time (18 percent compared to 11 percent) (see Table 4.1.39). The interpretation of spending more time on agriculture is ambiguous, but the fact that female-headed households are more likely to report an increase in personal time should alleviate some of the concern that economic reforms adversely affect female-headed households. 4.1.5 Use of agricultural inputs This section examines the use of agricultural inputs by farm households in Bénin, as well as the views of farmers regarding changes in input markets between 1992 and the present. One subsection is devoted to each of the following inputs: seed, fertilizer, pesticide, labor, and credit. Seed Farmers must decide whether to retain seed from the previous harvest or purchase seed. Although retaining seed is more economical, purchased seed may be of an improved variety that is higher-yielding or more pest-resistant. This decision will be based on the ease of harvesting and storing the seed, the availability of credit for seed purchases, and the reputation of the seed supplier for producing high-quality seed. Roughly three-quarter of the seed used by Bénin farmers is retained from the previous harvest, 18 percent is purchased, and 8 percent is received for free. However, more than half (56 percent) of all farm households in Bénin purchase at least some seed. These figures vary, of course, depending on the crop and on household characteristics. 50
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- Page 37 and 38: Table 3.1 CROP 1982/83 1983/84 1984
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- Page 42 and 43: where W v is the weight for a house
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paying work in the informal sector. <strong>In</strong> order to resolve this difference, it is useful to look at how<br />
changes in time allocation differ regionally.<br />
The proportion of households reporting increased time on agricultural activities is greatest in<br />
Atacora (25 percent of households), Borgou (24 percent), and Zou (20 percent) (see Table 4.1.38).<br />
Since these are the three main cotton producing departments of Bénin, these results suggest that the<br />
additional time allocated to agriculture is a response to better opportunities rather than a means of<br />
coping with hard times. The increase in personal time (particularly in Atacora and Zou) also<br />
supports this interpretation.<br />
The changes in time allocation also differ between male- and female-headed households. Femaleheaded<br />
households are more likely to report an increase in time allocated to agriculture (27 percent<br />
compared to 18 percent for male-headed households) and more likely to report an increase in<br />
personal time (18 percent compared to 11 percent) (see Table 4.1.39). The interpretation of<br />
spending more time on agriculture is ambiguous, but the fact that female-headed households are<br />
more likely to report an increase in personal time should alleviate some of the concern that<br />
economic reforms adversely affect female-headed households.<br />
4.1.5 Use of agricultural inputs<br />
This section examines the use of agricultural inputs by farm households in Bénin, as well as the<br />
views of farmers regarding changes in input markets between 1992 and the present. <strong>On</strong>e subsection<br />
is devoted to each of the following inputs: seed, fertilizer, pesticide, labor, and credit.<br />
Seed<br />
<strong>Farmers</strong> must decide whether to retain seed from the previous harvest or purchase seed.<br />
Although retaining seed is more economical, purchased seed may be of an improved variety that is<br />
higher-yielding or more pest-resistant. This decision will be based on the ease of harvesting and<br />
storing the seed, the availability of credit for seed purchases, and the reputation of the seed supplier<br />
for producing high-quality seed. Roughly three-quarter of the seed used by Bénin farmers is<br />
retained from the previous harvest, 18 percent is purchased, and 8 percent is received for free.<br />
However, more than half (56 percent) of all farm households in Bénin purchase at least some seed.<br />
These figures vary, of course, depending on the crop and on household characteristics.<br />
50
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