Impact Of Agricultural Market Reforms On Smallholder Farmers In ...

Impact Of Agricultural Market Reforms On Smallholder Farmers In ... Impact Of Agricultural Market Reforms On Smallholder Farmers In ...

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anking system has been restored to health and opened up private-sector competition. Between 1991 and 1996, more than 100 state-owned enterprises (most of them making losses) were privatized, including the national cement company, an abbatoir, a textile company, the national brewing and bottling company, and the tobacco and cigarette industry. In the agricultural sector, reforms were implemented in food marketing, cotton marketing, input distribution, rural finance, and agricultural services. Each is described briefly below. Liberalization of food marketing In 1990, regulations requiring that agricultural traders register, pay annual fees, and obtain a license from the Ministry of Commerce and Industry. The new law (No. 90-005 of May 15 1990) stipulates that anyone can become a trader in agricultural commodities without prior approval from the government. The ONC was relieved of its goal of controlling 25 percent of the food distribution in Benin and restructured as the Office Nationale d’Appui à la Sécurité Alimentaire (ONASA). ONASA is responsible for collecting and disseminating information on food security. For this purpose, it publishes a monthly newsletter with information on weather, prices, production forecasts, and international trade. In addition, ONASA is responsible for managing a strategic food security buffer stock, although funding constraints have made this a very limited activity. In addition, the Centres d’Action Régionale pour le Développement Rural (CARDERs) have been relieved of all commercial activity. Finally, the Direction of Price and Quality Control has been reoriented toward the establishment of norms and standards, the prices of food crops being completely deregulated. Reforms in cotton marketing The implementation of the liberalization of the cotton sector has been quite slow. SONAPRA continues to maintain a monopoly on the collection and marketing of cotton. The cotton ginning sector is the only portion of the cotton channel to be opened up. In addition to the six state-owned cotton gins managed by SONAPRA, there are now six new gins owned by private enterprises. SONAPRA allocates a portion of the seed cotton from the groupements villageois to these gins, but then takes control of the processed cotton and sells it on the world market. One private cotton gin, the Societé Aiglon, has been given provisional authority to market their cotton directly. 11

Two options for liberalization of the cotton sector are under consideration. In the first, SONAPRA would be partially privatized with the state retaining 35 percent ownership and the other 65 percent being distributed among various actors in the cotton sector. The second option, favored by the World Bank, would involve the complete liberalization of the cotton sector. In the meantime, the government plans to proceed by making the allocation of cotton seed to the gins more competitive through an auction system. Two underlying problems complicate efforts to liberalize cotton marketing. First, installed cotton ginning capacity (500 thousand tons) far exceeds current production (386 thousand tons), so that full competition would probably lead to the closure of one or more gins. In addition, the elimination of the cotton marketing monopoly would jeopardize the system of providing agricultural inputs on credit. Without a marketing monopoly, it would much more difficult to enforce repayment of input credit. Reforms in input markets As part of the first PAS signed in 1989, the distribution of inputs was to be privatized. The withdrawal of the state from input marketing has been gradual, with the number of private importer-distributors rising from 2 to 9 over the years. The share of the market allocated to these approved private firms has risen from 20 to 90 percent of the total, with SONAPRA reserving for itself 10-20 percent of the market to maintain a buffer stock. Although private firms handle the bulk of the imports, they do so under a system closely controlled and managed by the three government agencies linked to the cotton sector: SONAPRA issues a request for quotations to import and distribute fertilizer, selects the importers that will participate, determines the types and quantities of inputs that will be delivered, and specifies the regions that each firm will supply. Recherche de Coton et de Fibre (RCF), the cotton research institute, recommends the types of inputs to be imported. And the Office national de Stabilisation des Prix calculates the cost of importation and delivery, upon which the payment to the importers is based. The retail price of all fertilizer and pesticides distributed by approved private firms are set by the government as part of its cotton promotion policy. These prices are uniform throughout the country, and they are the same for all types of fertilizer, for all ULV pesticides, and for all EC pesticides. The importer-distributors are paid on the basis of their calculated costs plus a 3 percent margin. 12

Two options for liberalization of the cotton sector are under consideration. <strong>In</strong> the first, SONAPRA<br />

would be partially privatized with the state retaining 35 percent ownership and the other 65 percent<br />

being distributed among various actors in the cotton sector. The second option, favored by the<br />

World Bank, would involve the complete liberalization of the cotton sector. <strong>In</strong> the meantime, the<br />

government plans to proceed by making the allocation of cotton seed to the gins more competitive<br />

through an auction system.<br />

Two underlying problems complicate efforts to liberalize cotton marketing. First, installed cotton<br />

ginning capacity (500 thousand tons) far exceeds current production (386 thousand tons), so that<br />

full competition would probably lead to the closure of one or more gins. <strong>In</strong> addition, the<br />

elimination of the cotton marketing monopoly would jeopardize the system of providing<br />

agricultural inputs on credit. Without a marketing monopoly, it would much more difficult to<br />

enforce repayment of input credit.<br />

<strong>Reforms</strong> in input markets As part of the first PAS signed in 1989, the distribution of<br />

inputs was to be privatized. The withdrawal of the state from input marketing has been gradual,<br />

with the number of private importer-distributors rising from 2 to 9 over the years. The share of the<br />

market allocated to these approved private firms has risen from 20 to 90 percent of the total, with<br />

SONAPRA reserving for itself 10-20 percent of the market to maintain a buffer stock. Although<br />

private firms handle the bulk of the imports, they do so under a system closely controlled and<br />

managed by the three government agencies linked to the cotton sector:<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

SONAPRA issues a request for quotations to import and distribute fertilizer, selects the<br />

importers that will participate, determines the types and quantities of inputs that will be<br />

delivered, and specifies the regions that each firm will supply.<br />

Recherche de Coton et de Fibre (RCF), the cotton research institute, recommends the types of<br />

inputs to be imported.<br />

And the <strong>Of</strong>fice national de Stabilisation des Prix calculates the cost of importation and delivery,<br />

upon which the payment to the importers is based.<br />

The retail price of all fertilizer and pesticides distributed by approved private firms are set by the<br />

government as part of its cotton promotion policy. These prices are uniform throughout the<br />

country, and they are the same for all types of fertilizer, for all ULV pesticides, and for all EC<br />

pesticides. The importer-distributors are paid on the basis of their calculated costs plus a 3 percent<br />

margin.<br />

12

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