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draft manuscript - Linguistics - University of California, Berkeley

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5.1.3 Cabral (1995)<br />

Cabral’s (1995:372-383) re-analysis <strong>of</strong> the catechism fragment represents the first modern treatment<br />

<strong>of</strong> this text, and indeed, the only modern treatment <strong>of</strong> any <strong>of</strong> the four Omagua ecclesiastical texts<br />

other than our own. Cabral took Rivet’s (1910) text as the starting point for developing a phonemic<br />

representation <strong>of</strong> the text, in much the same spirit as the phonemic re-interpretation we carry out<br />

in the present work. Cabral’s analysis benefited from her fieldwork-based research on Brazilian<br />

Kokama grammar, and she provides both morphemic segmentations and morpheme glosses for the<br />

texts, as well as free translations.<br />

Since Cabral’s re-analysis is the only other modern treatment <strong>of</strong> an Omagua ecclesiastical text,<br />

we annotate the text presented below in some detail at those points where our analysis diverges<br />

significantly from hers. In many cases, the divergences we remark on probably arise from the fact<br />

that Cabral was relying on her analysis <strong>of</strong> modern Brazilian Kokama to parse the Old Omagua text.<br />

Although modern Kokama and modern Omagua are closely related languages, they are not identical,<br />

and the difference between modern Brazilian Kokama and Old Omagua is even greater. Cabral<br />

also attempted to push the morphological segmentation as far as possible, in some cases yielding<br />

segmentations that are, with the benefits <strong>of</strong> hindsight afforded by further work on the Kokama-<br />

Kokamilla <strong>of</strong> Peru (Vallejos Yopán 2004, 2005, 2006, 2009, 2010a,b, 2012), Omagua (Michael et al.<br />

in prep), and Proto-Omagua-Kokama (O’Hagan 2011; Wauters and O’Hagan 2011; O’Hagan and<br />

Wauters 2012), clearly incorrect. It is important to point out, however, that despite these points,<br />

Cabral’s analysis <strong>of</strong> this text constitutes a significant improvement over Rivet’s (1910) analysis.<br />

5.2 Text <strong>of</strong> Catechism Fragment<br />

(5.1) a. i. Icuata epe ta zupe, amititipa Dios?<br />

ii. Icuata epe tazupe, amititipa Dios?<br />

iii. ikuata epe tasupe, amititipa Dios?<br />

ikua -ta 153 epe ta= =supe amiti =tipa Dios<br />

know -caus 2pl 1sg.ms= =goal exst =interr God<br />

close: ‘Teach me, does God exist?’<br />

b. i. Amiti mura.<br />

ii. Amiti mura.<br />

iii. amiti muRa.<br />

amiti muRa<br />

exst 3sg.ms<br />

close: ‘He exists.’<br />

153 The use <strong>of</strong> ikuata here is unexpected. First, in modern Omagua, ikuata is best glossed as ‘tell’, and its use<br />

presupposes that the recipient <strong>of</strong> the information related by the communicative action in question is unaware <strong>of</strong><br />

the state <strong>of</strong> affairs thereby related. This makes little sense in the context <strong>of</strong> a priest receiving answers to catechistic<br />

questions. Rather, we would expect kumesa ‘say’ to be used, as it is in the full catechism (see (6.1a)). Second, the<br />

argument structure that ikuata exhibits here would be incorrect for the modern language, and we strongly suspect<br />

it to be incorrect for Old Omagua. In particular, the recipient <strong>of</strong> the information should be treated as the direct<br />

object, not an oblique argument, as it is here. The sentence given here appears to extend the syntax <strong>of</strong> kumesa,<br />

for which a recipient would be encoded with =supe (since the verb does not have a core recipient argument), to<br />

ikuata. That the goal argument in ikuata should be encoded as a direct object follows from the fact that it is the<br />

causativized form <strong>of</strong> ikua ‘know’.<br />

69

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