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draft manuscript - Linguistics - University of California, Berkeley

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ename 139 ne= iSaRi tanu 140 ukukui =maka 141 eRa -s1ma<br />

proh 2sg= abandon 1pl.excl.ms fall.from.height =neg.purp good -core.neg<br />

=mai<br />

=inact.nomz<br />

close: ‘Don’t abandon [us] lest we fall [into] 142 evil.’<br />

target: ‘Lead us not into temptation.’<br />

(4.7) a. Ayaisimarae sui nimunuy epetatanu<br />

b. ayaisi maraesui nimunuyepeta tanu<br />

c. ayaise 143 maRaisui 144 neyumunuyepeta tanu<br />

ayaise maRai =sui ne= yumunuyepeta 145 tanu<br />

wicked 146 thing =abl 2sg= save<br />

1pl.excl.ms<br />

close: ‘You save us from the wicked thing.’<br />

target: ‘Deliver us from evil.’<br />

139 The modern Omagua prohibitive is inami, and the form given throughout these texts, namely ename, represents<br />

an irregular correspondence between Old and modern Omagua e:i (see footnote 135).<br />

140 In this sentence, either iSaRi ‘abandon’ is missing an object or ukukui ‘fall from height’ is missing a subject, although<br />

it is unclear from the context which is the case.<br />

141 See also §2.3.7.1.2.<br />

142 Note that this sentence lacks a postposition to license eRas1ma as an oblique argument to ukukui ‘fall from height’.<br />

143 Although this form is written in the original orthography with a final , we change it to e here for two reasons:<br />

first, in the full catechism, it appears with a final (e.g., see (6.21a)); and second, we would expect the Old<br />

Omagua form to end in e, based on the synchronic form aisI (see vowel correspondences described in footnote 135).<br />

144 The representation <strong>of</strong> Old Omagua maRai in the ecclesiastical texts varies between and . We<br />

represent it phonemically as /maRai/ (namely with the diphthong /ai/ and not /ae/) because <strong>of</strong> its modern Omagua<br />

reflex maRai and its Kokama-Kokamilla cognate maRi. The final vowel in the latter form is the result <strong>of</strong> widespread<br />

monophthongization (O’Hagan and Wauters 2012), and suggests that the second vowel <strong>of</strong> the Proto-Omagua-<br />

Kokama diphthong was *i. Interestingly, the orthographic representations <strong>of</strong> this form (and forms derived from it)<br />

are in complementary distribution across the texts here: appears in the Lord’s Prayer and full catechism<br />

to the exclusion <strong>of</strong> ; and appears in the catechism fragment and in the passages from Uriarte’s<br />

diaries, to the exclusion <strong>of</strong> .<br />

145 See footnote 193.<br />

146 Except for this instance, we translate Old Omagua ayaise as ‘wicked’ in both close and target translation lines,<br />

which is in line with the meaning <strong>of</strong> its modern Omagua reflex aisI (see footnote 143). With the exception <strong>of</strong> its<br />

appearance here, in these texts it modifies nouns denoting persons, particularly in order to convey the idea <strong>of</strong> ‘bad<br />

Christians’ (as opposed to ‘good Christians’). We take the extension <strong>of</strong> ‘wicked’ to ‘evil’ to be a result <strong>of</strong> Jesuit<br />

authors’ searching for an antonym to eRa ‘good’ (see §9.3.3), which does not exist in Omagua (at least in modern<br />

Omagua). Why eRas1mamai ‘evil’ is not employed here is unclear, since elsewhere it used to translate ‘evil’ into<br />

Old Omagua(e.g., see (6.12b)).<br />

66

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