draft manuscript - Linguistics - University of California, Berkeley
draft manuscript - Linguistics - University of California, Berkeley
draft manuscript - Linguistics - University of California, Berkeley
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(4.4) a. Tanu eocmai neyume icume tanu supe<br />
b. tanu eocmai neyume icume tanusupe<br />
c. tanueumai neyume ikume tanusupe. 135<br />
tanu= eu =mai ne= yume ikume tanu= =supe<br />
1pl.excl.ms= eat =inact.nomz 2sg= give today 1pl.excl.ms= =goal<br />
close: ‘You give us our food today.’<br />
target: ‘Give us this day our daily bread.’<br />
(4.5) a. Tenepatatanu tanu eraecmamaicana maeramania tanu tenepeta tanu sahuayaracana<br />
b. tenepata tanu tanueraecmamaicana maeramania tanu tenepeta tanusahuayaracana<br />
c. tenepeta tanu tanueRas1mamaikana 136 maiRamania tanu tenepeta tanusawayaRakana<br />
tenepeta tanu tanu= eRa -s1ma =mai =kana<br />
forgive 138 1pl.excl.ms 1pl.excl.ms= good -core.neg =inact.nomz =pl.ms<br />
maiRamania<br />
exactly(.as)<br />
tanu<br />
1pl.excl.ms<br />
tenepeta<br />
forgive<br />
tanu=<br />
1pl.excl.ms=<br />
sawayaRa 137<br />
enemy<br />
=kana<br />
=pl.ms<br />
close: ‘Forgive us our evils as we forgive our enemies.’<br />
target: ‘Forgive us our trespasses, as we forgive those who trespass against us.’<br />
(4.6) a. Ename neischari tanu ucucui maca eraecmamai<br />
b. ename neischari tanu ucucuimaca eraecmamai<br />
c. ename neiSaRi tanu ukukuimaka eRas1mamai.<br />
the only attestation <strong>of</strong> such a construction in these texts, and this construction is not attested in modern Omagua.<br />
134 No reflex <strong>of</strong> putaRi is attested in modern Omagua, nor is a cognate attested in modern Kokama-Kokamilla (Espinosa<br />
Pérez 1989; Vallejos Yopán 2010c). Cognates are widely attested in other Tupí-Guaraní languages, however, and<br />
Mello (2000:190) reconstructs the Proto-Tupí-Guaraní verb **potaR ‘want’. Our gloss here reflects this etymology,<br />
as well as the standard phrasing <strong>of</strong> the Lord’s Prayer (i.e., ‘thy will be done’). Note that this forms bears no<br />
nominalizing morphology, which would be expected if putari were a verb, leading us to suspect that its appearance<br />
here is the result <strong>of</strong> a calque.<br />
135 This sentence exhibits two irregular correspondence between Old and modern Omagua: e:i (yume ‘give’ & supe<br />
goal); and i:I (ikume ‘today’ (modern Omagua IkumI)). Proto-Omagua-Kokama exhibited *e and *i; *e generally<br />
raised to I in Omagua, while generally remaining e in Kokama-Kokamilla (see O’Hagan and Wauters (2012)). The<br />
e:i correspondence appears in only a small number <strong>of</strong> forms, and only word-initially or word-finally. However, the<br />
vowels in the Old Omagua forms in question are what we would expect, given the corresponding reconstructed<br />
Proto-Tupí-Guaraní forms: **mePeN (Mello 2000:179) & **tsupé (Jensen 1998:514), which makes these attested<br />
forms essential for reconstructing the correct vowel for Proto-Omagua-Kokama (e.g., *yume ‘give’).<br />
The i:I correspondenceis only attested in this single form, and we currently know <strong>of</strong> no cognates in other Tupí-<br />
Guaraní languages that would clarify the Proto-Omagua-Kokama form. It should be noted that modern Kokama-<br />
Kokamilla exhibits the cognate ikume, suggesting that Proto-Omagua-Kokama form was *ikume, and that the<br />
modern Omagua exhibits an irregular lowering process for this particular form.<br />
136 Modern Omagua exhibits no ditransitive constructions whatsoever; recipient arguments require postpositions to<br />
license them. We hypothesize that the appearance <strong>of</strong> tenepeta ‘forgive’ with two arguments, neither <strong>of</strong> which is<br />
licensed by a postposition, to be the results <strong>of</strong> a calque <strong>of</strong> the Spanish construction Perdónanos nuestros pecados<br />
or the German construction Vergib uns unsere Schuld ‘Forgive us our sins’, depending on the native language <strong>of</strong><br />
the author <strong>of</strong> the Omagua Lord’s Prayer.<br />
137 Old Omagua The form sawayaRa ‘enemy’ is unattested in modern Omagua, but is cognate to Tupinambá oBajaR<br />
‘enemy, brother-in-law (male ego)’ (Lemos Barbosa 1951:114).<br />
138 The form tenepeta is not attested in modern Omagua, nor have we been able to locate cognates in other Tupí-<br />
Guaraní languages. However, it occurs in contexts in which it must clearly mean ‘forgive’, and we gloss it as such<br />
throughout the rest <strong>of</strong> this work.<br />
65