draft manuscript - Linguistics - University of California, Berkeley

(4.2) a. Ene nuamai ritama teneruri tanu in
b. ene nuamai ritama tene ruri tanuin
c. ene nuamai Ritama, tene RauRi 129 tanuin.
ene nua =mai Ritama tene Ra= uRi tanu= in 130
2sg be.big =inact.nomz village opt 3sg.ms= come 1pl.excl.ms= ?
close: ‘Your big village, may it come [to] us.’
target: ‘Thy kingdom come...’
(4.3) a. Ene putari tenera yahuckemura maeramania ehuatemai ritama cate, maerai veranu
aikiara tuyuca ritama cate veranu.
b. ene putari tene rayahucke mura maera mania ehuatemai ritamacate maerai veranu,
aikiara tuyuca ritamacate veranu.
c. ene putaRi, tene Rayaw1k1 muRa maiRamania 1watimai RitamakatemaiRai weRanu, aikiaRa
tuyuka Ritamakate weRanu.
ene putaRi tene Ra= yaw1k1 131 muRa maiRamania 132 1wati
2sg desire(?) 134 opt 3sg.ms= do 3sg.ms exactly(.as) be.high.up
=mai Ritama =kate
=inact.nomz village =loc
tuyuka Ritama =kate weRanu
land village =loc coord
=mai
=inact.nomz
=Ra
=nom.fut
=i
=?
weRanu 133
coord
aikiaRa
dem.prox.ms
close: ‘Your desire, may he do it exactly like both that which will be in the high village
and in this land village.’
target: ‘...thy will be done, on Earth as it is in Heaven.’
‘hallow’ in the target translation. We will not treat this form in our later discussion of Jesuit calques (see 9.3.3)
because the contemporary meaning of this form is unclear, given that it is a Quechua loan (Taylor 2006:65).
128 Omagua exhibits no morphological or syntactic passive. In the Omagua Lord’s Prayer, constructions intended to
translate passives in the corresponding Spanish sentences involve active verbs with third person non-referential
pronominal subjects, as is the case here.
129 It is unusual for heteromorphemic vowel hiatus to be represented as unresolved in the ecclesiastical texts, as it
is in the form RauRi. In general in these texts, forms like this are represented in their ‘resolved’ form, in one of
the vowels has been deleted. Note that the ‘unresolved’ form is nevertheless grammatical in modern Omagua,
although it is rare in fast speech; the fast speech form is RuRi, and follows from general principles of Omagua vowel
hiatus resolution across morpheme boundaries involving a pronominal proclitic and verb (see §2.2.1.2).
130 The form in does not have any know reflexes in modern Omagua, nor have we been able to identify cognates
in modern Kokama-Kokamilla (Espinosa Pérez 1989; Vallejos Yopán 2010c) or other Tupí-Guaraní languages.
A postposition would be expected in this position, however, in order to license the oblique argument tanu=
1pl.excl.ms. We suspect that this form is a scribal error in representing the postposition that actually appeared
in this position in an earlier version of the manuscript.
131 The form yaw1k1 is not attested in modern Omagua, but is cognate to Kokama-Kokamilla yauki ‘do, make’. We have
glossed the form as either ‘do’ or ‘make’ at different points in these ecclesiastical texts, depending on which gloss is
more appropriate to the discourse context. In modern Omagua, the word ipuRaka has come to fill the role of yaw1k1;
ipuRaka is cognate to Kokama-Kokamilla ipuRakaRi ‘hunt’, which is reconstructable to Proto-Omagua-Kokama, and
has cognates in other Tupí-Guaraní languages, e.g. Tupinambá poRakaR ‘hunt/fish for’ (Lemos Barbosa 1951:128).
132 The form maiRamania has proved difficult to analyze, as it is not attested in modern Omagua, and because it
is attested only three times in these ecclesiastic texts, each time with different, albeit related, functions. The
form appears to be involved in similative constructions that relate VPs and encode an exact identity between the
comparata (see §2.3.6.4).
133 Typically weRanu coord appears once following a sequence of conjoined elements (see §2.3.6.1). We suggest that
its appearance here following each of the conjoined elements yields a reading of ‘both X and Y’, although this is
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