draft manuscript - Linguistics - University of California, Berkeley

text is unclear, although it should be noted that following the expulsion, he lived in northern Italy,
in Faenza (Fúrlong Cárdiff 1955:14-15), a region in which many Jesuits who had worked in the
Americas lived upon their return to Europe (other cities in the area which were favored by Jesuits
included Ravenna, where Uriarte lived (Bayle [1952]1986:82), and Forlì and Cesena, where Hervás
y Panduro lived at different points (Caballero 1868). We suppose that one of the former Jesuit
missionaries in the region gave Camaño Bazán the text.
Hervás y Panduro published the text in a two-column format, in which short sequences of
Omagua words were followed by a word-by-word translation in Italian. We reproduce the text in
a manner faithful to its 1787 format in §4.2. It should be noted that the word-by-word translation
exhibit a literalism that permits us to see that the translator of the text had a reasonable understanding
of Omagua morphology. Likewise, neologism for introduced Christian concepts, such as
1wati Ritama ‘Heaven (lit. high village)’ are translated literally, suggesting that the translation was
carried out by someone with non-trivial knowledge of Omagua. Note that we base our analysis in
§4.2 of this text on Hervás y Panduro’s 1787 version, and not the derivative Adelung (1813) version
or the Rivet (1910) version, which is based on Adelung (1813).
4.1.2 Adelung (1813)
The next version of the Omagua Lord’s Prayer was published in 1813 by the German philologist
Johann Christoph Adelung (b. 1732 Spantekow, Prussia – d. 1806 Dresden), as part of his Mithridates,
oder allgemeine Sprachenkunde, a work which, much like those of Hervás y Panduro, sought
to classify most of the languages of the world. Unlike Hervás y Panduro, Adelung utilizes the Lord’s
Prayer, which he obtained in approximately 500 languages, as the central text with which to analyze
the grammar of these languages, augmenting them with additional lexical and grammatical material
at his disposal (e.g., from Hervás y Panduro’s works). 123 Adelung indicates that he obtained
the Omagua text from Hervás y Panduro (1787a:98-99). Adelung preserved Hervás y Panduro’s
orthographic representation and word breaks, but translated Hervás y Panduro’s Italian word-byword
translation of the Omagua into German. In addition to speculative commentary regarding
the origin of the Omagua people and ethnonym, Adelung provides the first grammatical analysis
of this text (1813:609-611), making use of comparative lexical data published in Hervás y Panduro
(1787b:161-219) and Gilii (1782). 124 It is clear from Adelung’s presentation of Omagua grammar
(Adelung 1813:606-607) that he had access to Hervás y Panduro’s unpublished grammar sketch of
Omagua (see footnote 122).
4.1.3 Rivet (1910)
The next and most recent publication of the Omagua Lord’s Prayer – prior to our own – was by Rivet
(1910), as part of his descriptive and comparative treatise on Kokama and Omagua. Rivet obtained
the text for the Lord’s Prayer from Adelung (1813:608-609), but made significant orthographic
modifications to the text to bring it more closely in line with with the then-developing standards
for the representation of linguistic data.
As would be expected, Rivet provides a much more linguistically sophisticated treatment of the
text, including morphemic segmentations and glosses in French for nearly all morphemes he segments.
Given the limited resources Rivet had access to, his morphological segments are impressively
123 Most volumes of this work were edited and published by Johann Severin Vater following Adelung’s death.
124 Filippo Salvatore Gilii (b. 1721 Legogne – d. 1789 Rome), an Italian Jesuit who carried out missionary work in
the Orinoco river basin, also obtained Omagua lexical data from Joaquín Camaño Bazán (see Gilii (1965:297-300),
a Spanish translation and republication of his original work carried out by Antonio Tovar).
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